Secure Bases Behind Bars? Attachment Histories and Parenting Among Incarcerated Mothers Co-residing With Their Toddlers in Türkiye

Abstract

We examined the feasibility and value of qualitatively analyzing the Attachment Story Completion Task (ASCT) to gain insights into attachment representations and intergenerational patterns in their parenting among incarcerated mothers in Türkiye (N = 79, M_age = 29.7, SD = 5.6) co-residing with their toddlers. Participants responded to five attachment-related, stress-inducing story-stems. Thematic analysis under a constructivist framework identified five themes: Parental Profiles, Desire for Protection and Care, Self-Blame and Longing for Childhood, Feeling of Being Unloved, and Redemption of Remorse Based on Observed Parenting. Narratives reflected a lack of secure-base support and sensitive caregiving in childhood, marked by emotional neglect, disengaged fathers, and in some cases, abuse. Many mothers expressed shame, longing for affection, and intergenerational parallels with their children, pointing to preoccupied attachment tendencies. Findings emphasize the need for trauma-informed, attachment-based interventions to support caregiving in prison nurseries and address intergenerational cycles of adversity.

Plain language summary

Raising children behind bars: Incarcerated mothers’ early caregiving experiences and their own parenting while living with their toddlers in Turkish prisons

Why was the study done? Thousands of women are incarcerated in Turkey, and some live with their toddlers, facing unique challenges. These mothers are at risk of having experienced harsh parenting and insecure early relationships, which are linked to later mental health issues and insensitive parenting. They also face emotional and social difficulties that make parenting harder, especially without support. However, there is no simple tool available for civilian prison staff to assess these early experiences or understand the caregiving incarcerated mothers provide. What was the main aim of this study? We aimed to use a practical, easy-to-administer tool—the Attachment Story Completion Test (ASCT)—and adapt it for qualitative analysis. This approach requires less training than quantitative methods and can be used with individual cases without group-level data. We wanted to explore how incarcerated mothers in Turkey reflect on their childhood relationships and how these may shape their parenting. What did researchers do? We worked with 79 mothers living with their toddlers in prison. Each completed five story-stems designed to bring out memories and emotions related to early caregiver relationships. What did the researchers find? Narratives showed that many mothers had grown up without emotional warmth, especially from fathers, and still lacked supportive relationships. Their stories reflected neglect, guilt, longing for love, and signs of physical abuse. Some blamed themselves for family difficulties or mourned lost childhoods. While many wanted to be better parents, they often struggled emotionally and sometimes repeated the parenting patterns they had experienced. Some saw their children facing similar hardships. What do these findings mean? The ASCT can help prison staff identify attachment-related traumas and offer trauma-informed parenting support. Such support may help incarcerated mothers heal and improve their caregiving, potentially breaking cycles of trauma.

Introduction

Prison nurseries offer an alternative to separating incarcerated mothers from their young children, allowing them to care for their children and maintain mother–child relationships during imprisonment. However, these mothers—typically the primary and often sole caregivers for their co-residing children—face significant psychological and contextual challenges that may undermine their ability to provide sensitive, responsive care. Many have experienced extensive trauma across their lives, including early separation from caregivers, childhood maltreatment, romantic partner violence, chronic psychological distress, substance use problems, and systemic hardships such as poverty (Booth et al., 2018; Cassidy et al., 2010; Poehlmann, 2005a; Savage et al., 2019). The punitive nature of prison and the demands of caring for a young child in a restrictive setting without adequate assistance further intensify their psychological burden. Additionally, many incarcerated mothers report having other minor children outside prison, and separation from these children is often cited as the most painful aspect of incarceration (Iscanoglu, 2022; Loper & Clarke, 2013). As a result, mental health problems are common in these mothers and have been associated with suboptimal caregiving practices (Stanton & Rose, 2020).

Exposure to early insensitive or traumatic caregiving, as well as later relationship trauma, is strongly linked to insecure—often unresolved—attachment representations among incarcerated mothers co-residing with their children (Baradon et al., 2008; Borelli et al., 2010; Byrne et al., 2010; Iscanoglu & Uçanok, 2023). Attachment internal working models shape how individuals perceive, interpret, and respond in close relationships, including interactions with their children (Bowlby, 1982), and their capacity for sensitive caregiving is a key determinant of children’s attachment security (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Consistent with these basic tenets of attachment theory, incarcerated mothers’ attachment-related vulnerabilities may compromise caregiving quality and place children at heightened risk for disorganized attachment (Borelli et al., 2010; Byrne et al., 2010; Iscanoglu & Uçanok, 2023)—a pattern consistently linked to the poorest long-term outcomes among attachment classifications (Fearon et al., 2010). While research has often focused on children’s attachment to their incarcerated mothers, understanding maternal attachment histories is equally important, as they influence their resilience in the face of adversity while caring for a young child, and in turn, their children’s attachment security. Children’s attachment security is a well-established protective factor supporting cognitive, emotional, and social development (Belsky & Fearon, 2002; Sroufe, 2005; Viddal et al., 2015), particularly in disadvantaged contexts (Gerlach et al., 2022). Meta-analytic evidence also confirms the intergenerational transmission of attachment, highlighting caregiver sensitivity as a key mechanism (van IJzendoorn, 1995; Verhage et al., 2016). Although these issues have received some attention in Western settings, there remains a critical gap in understanding how attachment and caregiving unfold in non-Western institutional environments. To address these gaps, the present study examines incarcerated mothers’ attachment histories and caregiving representations through the lens of secure-base script knowledge, as reflected in their narratives in response to attachment-related story-stems. Additionally, we explore the feasibility of qualitatively analyzing the Attachment Story Completion Task (ASCT) as a potential tool for civilian prison staff to identify the attachment-related needs and vulnerabilities of incarcerated mothers, in order to support them as effectively as possible.

Secure Base Script Knowledge

Early interactions with primary caregivers are internalized as mental representations that shape one’s perceptions, emotions, expectations, and behaviors in close relationships (Bowlby, 1982). These mental schemas regarding close relationships influence people’s comfort with intimacy, ability to regulate emotional distress, and sense of self-worth in receiving care from others. Consistent sensitive care from primary caregivers helps create mental representations that reflect expectations of caregiver support, while inconsistent or nonoptimal caregiving can result in mental representations that foster negative expectations for both others and one in close relationships. These early sensorimotor schemas initially manifest as episodic narratives and evolve into cognitive schemas, which become generalized across different contexts and individuals throughout development (Fivush, 2006; T. E. Waters & Roisman, 2019; H. S. Waters & Waters, 2006).

Attachment scripts, arising from recurring early interactions with attachment figures, are complex cognitive schemas that represent ordered sequences, and causal relationships within the depicted events (Vaughn et al., 2019). These mental frameworks tap into the fundamental aspects of receiving support from an attachment figure (T. E. Waters et al., 2017). Sensitive caregiving experiences during early years provide reliable support for children and foster their cognitive schemas that the caregiver will be available in times of need, and in turn, support individuals’ exploration, and growth (Ainsworth et al., 1978; H. S. Waters & Waters, 2006). These associations between early sensitive caregiving and individuals’ cognitions regarding close-relationship partners’ reliability and availability in times of stress endure into adulthood (Schoenmaker et al., 2015; Steele et al., 2014; T. E. Waters et al., 2017) and serve as the representational foundation upon which adult attachment representations are built (T. E. Waters et al., 2017). In other words, evaluations of attachment scripts provide relatively stable insights into individuals’ cognitive representations related to meaningful close relationships (Schoenmaker et al., 2015; Vaughn et al., 2006).

Assessment of Mothers’ Attachment Scripts

Stress-inducing story-stems involving attachment figures are commonly used to elicit narratives reflecting individuals’ attachment quality by activating attachment-related cognitive schemas and have been utilized both as a clinical assessment tool and in structured, quantifiable research designs (Vaughn et al., 2006; H. S. Waters & Waters, 2006). One well-established measure using this approach is the Attachment Story Completion Task (ASCT), which utilizes doll figures and props to encourage enactments and verbal responses centered on attachment-related themes (Bretherton et al., 1990). While originally developed for and used with preschool children (Erden Ozcan & Ozgun, 2024; Poehlmann et al., 2008), the ASCT’s adaptable methodology makes it suitable for individuals capable of symbolic representation and verbal expression, thus offering a valuable tool for assessing attachment quality across diverse populations (T. E. A. Waters et al., 2015). The ASCT employs highly structured stimuli, such as story-stems, and is praised for its straightforward implementation and coding procedures (Vaughn et al., 2019). This structured and easily coded nature makes it particularly advantageous for use with hard-to-reach populations or those in special circumstances (Erden Ozcan & Ozgun, 2024; Rivas et al., 2009). Notably, ASCT has been successfully utilized with preschoolers of incarcerated parents, leveraging its benefits in these contexts (Poehlmann, 2005b). Applying this methodology to incarcerated mothers living with their young children offers a promising approach for gaining insights into their attachment quality and parenting practices. It may provide insights regarding mothers’ emotional preoccupations or avoidances regarding their own attachment histories and a way to understand areas where they may need support, which can improve their well-being and parenting, and, in turn, enhance their children’s development. Importantly, the ASCT’s straightforward nature means it can be implemented without extensive training for prison staff, making it particularly useful in mother-baby units to guide practitioners in providing targeted support.

The Present Study

This study seeks to explore the narratives of incarcerated mothers through their completions of attachment-related stress-inducing stories, uncovering recurring themes related to their attachment histories, their attachment-related stress, and how these may be reflected in their parenting behaviors and cognitions. While a traditional quantitative analysis of this dataset has been published elsewhere (Iscanoglu & Uçanok, 2023), this study adopts a novel approach by re-coding the stories using exploratory qualitative analysis techniques. Guided by insights from the literature, the researchers formulated research topics relevant to the study’s objectives. Through meticulous sketch coding of the data, research questions were derived to establish a framework based on shared understandings among the researchers. The overarching research questions are as follows:

• 1. What were the participants’ reports of their experiences of being parented during the early years of their development?

• 2. How do incarcerated mothers’ recollections of their childhood experiences relate to their attachment-related experiences with their children?

• 3. How do incarcerated mothers’ recollected childhood experiences of being parented reflect connections with their own parenting practices?

• 4. How do incarcerated mothers’ recollections of their own childhood caregiving experiences relate to their current parenting practices?

Method

This exploratory qualitative study aimed to explore participating mothers’ attachment-related experiences and their parenting pattern. It did not begin with a directional hypothesis but used exploratory strategies (Stebbins, 2001; Swedberg, 2020). As an exploratory qualitative study, it sought to discover insights from the stories rather than confirm existing hypotheses (Stebbins, 2001). The researchers were primarily interested in how the mothers would complete the attachment-related story-stems and searched for clues to reveal what happened and was currently taking place in these mothers’ lives (Stevens & Wrenn, 2013).

Participants

This study included 79 incarcerated mothers living with their children between the ages of one and three and a half years old. All participating incarcerated mothers identified as Caucasian and were predominantly of Turkish ethnic background. Their age ranged between 20 and 43. Most of them (n = 72) had been married for over 10 years. Many of them experienced limited educational opportunities. A significant number of them (n = 34) were illiterate or unable to complete their primary education (n = 17), while only a few completed their education. Incarcerated mothers and their co-residing children had spent an average of 10 months during the data collection. For most of the participating mothers, this was not their first experience with incarceration. Although some of them were waiting for trial, the majority of them were short-term sentenced with an average of 7.6 months. However, sentence duration varied widely. The reasons for their imprisonment varied. Many of them had previous convictions, which were primarily economically motivated. Drug-related offenses and violent offenses were common. Their shared experiences were because of hardship shaped by systemic disadvantages such as limited access to education, and cycles of poverty and incarceration.

Procedure

The data collection strategies allowed researchers to create an engaging platform for participants to reflect on their past, present, and future (Reiter, 2017). Ethical and data collection approvals for the study were obtained from the Institutional Review Board of Hacettepe University and the Turkish Ministry of Justice, respectively. Participants were incarcerated mothers co-residing with their toddlers in prison facilities across Türkiye. Data were collected between January and December in 2017 from eight different prisons, with the following distribution: Ankara (n = 26), İstanbul (n = 11), İzmir (n = 10), Antalya (n = 8), Gebze (n = 6), Eskişehir (n = 4), Kocaeli (n = 11), and Adana (n = 8). Mothers participated voluntarily after providing informed consent. They were clearly informed of their right to withdraw at any time without consequences to their prison status or access to services, even if they felt overwhelmed because the stories reminded them of their families. To reduce potential coercion, participation was coordinated with prison psychologists, and the independent, confidential nature of the study was emphasized. Each session concluded with a brief verbal debriefing to address any questions or concerns. The data collection process was conducted in Turkish, the participants’ and lead researcher’s primary language. Because video or voice recordings were not permitted in prison facilities, the first author read each story aloud and took detailed notes as mothers completed the stories. All interviews were transcribed and anonymized for coding. Additional details on the data collection process for this project are available in previously published work (Iscanoglu, 2022; Iscanoglu & Uçanok, 2022; Iscanoglu & Uçanok, 2023).

Measures

Maternal Secure Base Script Knowledge

Mothers were administered a revised version of the ASCT consisting of six stories designed to elicit secure base script knowledge related to attachment expectations and mental representations (Bretherton et al., 1990). Participants were instructed to imagine themselves as 6-year-olds and respond to each structured story-stem by describing what would happen next, focusing on how they and their caregivers would react in the given scenario. After a neutral warm-up story about a birthday party—used to introduce materials and familiarize participants with the process—five incomplete stories followed: spilling juice, fearing a monster, getting hurt at the park, being left with a stranger, and reuniting with parents. Unlike traditional quantitative scoring, this study employed a qualitative approach to analyze mothers’ story completions thematically. This method allowed exploration of internalized representations of caregiver availability and parenting beliefs, enabling participants to reflect on key turning points in their attachment histories and their caregiving toward co-residing and non-residing children.

Data Analysis

All coding was conducted using MAXQDA, combining substantive reconstructive techniques such as sketch coding and thematizing (Wuetherick, 2010). Sketch coding was especially useful in the early stages, helping the team grasp participants’ constructed narratives (Gravett, 2019). MAXQDA facilitated systematic organization by story-stems and supported analysis of response patterns among mothers residing with their children in prison. The analysis considered how participants completed each story, with attention to cultural context and narrative flow. From a feminist standpoint, participants used the story completion method to center their voices, reflect on power and their experiences of challenge, and express diverse forms of womanhood (Lenette et al., 2022). While many critiqued patriarchy’s role in their lives, their stories revealed how their own parenting and experiences of being parented were shaped by patriarchal norms in Turkish culture. Debriefing sessions followed sketch coding, allowing the team to identify patterns, generate themes, and explore narrative relationships (Glaser, 1992). This process resulted in five main themes reflecting childhood experiences and their connection to participants’ parenting. The research team included three researchers with complementary expertise. The lead and third authors were psychologists; the second author was a qualitative researcher with experience working with disadvantaged families. Reflexivity was maintained throughout. While the lead author conducted data collection, the second author structured the methodological framework, and the third author provided critical feedback to ensure theoretical and conceptual clarity.

Findings

The findings were categorized into themes that emerged from each story completion, providing a window into participants’ reflections on their childhood experiences, attachment histories, secure base use, and parenting approaches. The task was designed for participants to project onto an imaginary child character; however, all participants chose to position themselves as the child in the stories, consistently referencing their own childhood experiences while completing the narratives. The narratives were coded to identify recurring patterns, which were then synthesized into overarching themes without imposing rigid generalizations. The identified themes are: (1) Parental Profiles, (2) Desire for Protection and Care, (3) Self-Blame and Longing for Childhood, (4) Feeling of Being Unloved, and (5) Redemption of Remorse Through Observed Parenting. While the participants’ responses to different stories were analyzed within separate themes based on recurring statements, it is important to note the interconnectedness of these narratives. Together, they offer a comprehensive picture of participants’ early caregiver experiences, their influence on attachment-related cognitive scripts and stress, and their perceptions of parenting quality in their own lives. Accordingly, the Findings section will first present recurring themes within individual stories, followed by an integrated analysis of overarching themes across the entire discourse in the Discussion section.

First Story: Parental Profiles

The spilled juice scenario revealed participating mothers’ perceptions of their childhood and parental interactions, often illustrating a traditional patriarchal family dynamic. Mothers were generally depicted as taking responsibility for cleaning up while fathers were shown as detached or indifferent. For example, Participant 56 shared, “My mother gets angry. I feel sad. Then she takes my heart. Then I will sleep happily for sure. The father shows indifference and does not comment.” Negative maternal reactions included verbal abuse (“God damn you. Clumsy,” Participant 71) and emotional or physical neglect. Several mothers recalled fathers as disengaged or aggressive, such as Participant 61: “The child would think who is going to beat this time?” Overall, participants’ narratives highlighted mostly negative parental profiles, reflecting household tension, normalized violence, and emotional unavailability.

Second Story: Desire for Protection and Care

The monster-in-the-bedroom scenario allowed researchers to explore how participants imagined their parents’ reactions when they were afraid as children and how these narratives linked to their own parenting practices. Participants shared two versions of the story: one where the child made up the monster to gain attention (Participants 10, 21, 29, 30, 40, 51, 61, 68, 75) and another based on actual childhood experiences (Participants 2, 3, 8, 10, 15, 18, 38, 49, 50, 56, 60, 63, 69, 73, 74, 84). In the first version, some participants explained, “Maybe the child made up that story to sleep with their parents” (Participant 10) or suggested the child sought love and attention but felt rejected when parents dismissed the fear (Participant 40). In the second, more realistic version, participants reflected on their longing for care and protection, imagining scenarios where parents offered comfort by saying, “Do not fear, we are here” (Participant 56). Both versions highlighted participants’ unmet need for protection and care during childhood. The dominant emotions in this story were fear, shame, and loneliness. Fear was frequently described as a reaction to the monster, with participants stating, “I was afraid” or “I felt fear” (Participants 8, 13, 17, 22, 29, 43, 68, 78, among others). Shame arose from their desire to sleep near their parents, as expressed by Participant 70: “I would feel ashamed for sleeping next to my parents. . . I always felt this way in childhood.” Loneliness emerged when participants felt unprotected or unsupported by their parents, often describing their parents as unaware or dismissive of their fear. For example, Participant 39 recalled, “I told my mom, and she made fun of me. I tried to sleep with my sister because I was too afraid to speak to my father.” Many described fathers as indifferent or absent, with some stating, “My father never bothered himself” (Participant 5), or “He would watch TV and then sleep” (Participant 67). Others expressed frustration and resentment toward their fathers, like Participant 43, who said, “I would never sleep near my father. He is impassive and never interested in me.” These narratives reflected a recurring need for protection and emotional care, particularly from mothers, with fathers often portrayed as neglectful, or uninvolved.

Third Story: Self-Blame and Longing for Childhood

The third story, about participants hurting their knees at the park, provided insight into their childhood roles and how these roles shaped their adulthood as mothers. The most common theme was self-blame, with participants often taking responsibility for the unhappiness they perceived they caused their families. Many participants drew from real experiences, narrating incidents where they hurt their knee or leg and were taken to the hospital. For example: “They made me stand up, but my leg was broken. They took me to the hospital. I became the queen of the house because of my broken leg” (Participant 29) and “They took her (the child in the story) to the hospital, and then they told her that she had nothing” (Participant 71). In these stories, participants described returning to normal life after the incident, regardless of its severity. Responses such as “She took her medicine” (Participant 40) and “She goes home and eats” (Participant 74) indicated resilience, with participants showing a tone of care and determination in resolving the crisis. This pattern reflected their coping mechanisms and endurance against difficulties, developed both in childhood and as incarcerated mothers. However, these narratives also revealed participants’ tendency to blame themselves for the incident, often expressing guilt for ruining their family’s day: “Why did you (talking to the parents) take me to the park? See, I hurt my knee and ruined their day” (Participant 6) and “She feels sad and guilty for making her parents sad” (Participant 76). This self-blame extended to their current circumstances, with participants metaphorically projecting regret: “I wish I could stay as a child. I wish I had not fallen down” (Participant 24) and “I remembered the day I played with my siblings. Happiness and longing. I wish I had not done it (the criminal act)” (Participant 39). These stories highlighted how early experiences of guilt and remorse shaped participants’ sense of responsibility and coping mechanisms in adulthood.

Fourth Story: Feeling of Being Unloved

This story provided insights into participants’ emotions about being left in someone else’s care during childhood, highlighting feelings of being unloved or unwanted. Many participants expressed these emotions: “She would feel not loved and excluded. She would cry after them” (Participant 11), and “She would think of how to get rid of this situation and why her parents do not want her” (Participant 60). Others described questioning their parents’ intentions: “I would think of why they did not want me near them” (Participant 30). Participants also reported feelings of anger at being left behind. For example: “I would feel angry and think of how they could trust someone else” (Participant 8), and “Despite the stranger’s efforts to make her happy, she remains angry and upset” (Participant 58). Some mothers criticized this parenting choice, saying: “Can a person leave his/her child behind? No” (Participant 83). In some cases, participants replaced the stranger character with a family figure, such as a grandmother. These narratives varied; for instance, Participant 63 recalled being left with her grandmother, who often beat her and complained to her father, perpetuating a cycle of anger. In contrast, Participant 58 fondly remembered her grandmother, who played with her and made her feel cared for: “I feel happy to be with her. . . but I feel bad for being together again with my family, particularly my father.” When participants had positive memories of being left in someone else’s care—like with an aunt or grandmother—they appreciated the temporary escape from their troubled household dynamics.

Fifth Story: Redemption of Remorse Based on Observed Parenting

This story completion revealed participants’ desired reunion scenarios with their parents, often emphasizing physical affection and emotional connection. Many imagined joyous moments: “I would run toward them, hug them, and feel rejoiced, though a bit grumpy because they left me behind” (Participant 3), and “She would feel so happy, hug her mother, and check her father’s pocket for gifts” (Participant 26). Incarcerated mothers also reflected on feelings of abandonment and strategies to ensure their parents would not leave again, such as pleading: “Do not leave me again because I feel so sad without you” (Participant 24) or showing affection: “I keep kissing my mother and say, ‘take me with you next time’” (Participant 36). Some begged outright: “I beg by saying, ‘take me with you and never leave me’” (Participant 75). Bittersweet feelings and uncertainty were also present. For instance, Participant 11 shared: “She might feel happy but shows sadness, asks why they left, and hesitantly hugs them.” Participant 15 expressed subtle discontent: “My face would fall, and I wish they understood their mistakes.” Participant 34 reflected on the loss of trust, saying: “There is slight resentment. . . If I leave my child behind, she loses her trust.” Some mothers used this story to seek redemption and reflect on their parents’ roles in their lives, as well as their own choices. They expressed remorse for their past, such as being left alone or unsupported. For instance, Participant 8 said: “If I was in this mindset, I would not get married because it was not a love marriage.” Participant 62 echoed this regret: “I got married at 13. I would not have done so with my current mindset.” These reflections revealed how the mothers recognized parallels between their parents’ behavior and their own, particularly in their partner choices and parental profiles, with greater clarity emerging by the fifth story.

Discussion

This study examines incarcerated mothers’ secure-base script knowledge through a qualitative analysis of attachment-related, stress-inducing stories. Findings reveal an absence of secure-base support among participant mothers, often rooted in early caregiving experiences lacking sensitivity and emotional support. This was particularly evident in their narratives about fathers, who were frequently described as emotionally disengaged, absent, or physically abusive. Negative self-perception, feelings of being unloved, and difficulty finding parental comfort suggest tendencies toward preoccupied attachment. Additionally, mothers expressed remorse over their marriages and noted intergenerational parallels between their childhoods and their children’s experiences. These themes are further discussed below.

Absence of Secure-Base Support

A recurring theme in the stories was the lack of secure-base support and sensitive care for the child in the story. While a few stories depicted supportive parents attempting to address their children’s stress signals, most narratives concluded with feelings of insecurity and a lack of relief. Participants often described parents as ridiculing or neglecting the child’s emotional needs, resulting in fear, shame, and loneliness, particularly in “monster under the bed” scenarios. Many stories featured children relying on others, like siblings, rather than primary caregivers, further highlighting an absence of secure attachment that might encourage children to seek help from their parents during distress. Attachment theory proposes that secure attachment is reflected in children’s comfort with seeking help from primary caregivers during times of need or distress, using attachment signals or proximity-seeking behaviors, and being comforted by timely and appropriate caregiver responses that meet their needs (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1982). These findings therefore align with prior research showing that incarcerated mothers co-residing with their young children tend to exhibit insecure attachment patterns, as documented through both structured assessments (Borelli et al., 2010; Byrne et al., 2010) and qualitative analyses (Baradon et al., 2008). Fathers were often absent from participants’ narratives unless directly prompted by the story stem, and when mentioned, they were commonly portrayed as indifferent, uninvolved, or emotionally unavailable. This consistent pattern of disengaged or neglectful paternal caregiving highlights a specific gap in early secure-base experiences with fathers. It also contributes to the broader absence of secure-base script knowledge observed across participants, suggesting the internalization of insecure attachment scripts in which caregivers—particularly fathers—failed to offer comfort or protection during times of distress.

Indicators of Preoccupied Attachment

Some mothers exhibited patterns of preoccupied attachment, characterized by negative self-perceptions and heightened self-blame. For instance, in the “monster under the bed” story, mothers projected dishonest intentions onto their younger selves, blaming the child for “ruining” a family outing, suggesting that the child was merely seeking attention. Alongside their negative self-models, these mothers frequently expressed feelings of shame and self-punishment (e.g., loneliness) when they needed parental support due to fear or pain, a pattern commonly seen in preoccupied/anxious insecure attachment (Brennan et al., 1998). Consistent with research indicating that preoccupied attachment leads to more negative self-models than secure or dismissing attachment (Broemer & Blümle, 2003), these mothers’ self-evaluations suggest preoccupied attachment styles. The children’s reactions in reunion stories also reflected this pattern. Many stories ended with children expressing lingering anger toward their parents, akin to the prolonged anger seen in resistant/anxious attachment in the Strange Situation Procedure (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Like infants reacting with sustained anger upon a parent’s return after separation, many reunion stories concluded with children still upset and wanting to punish their parents. Previous research has shown that adult attachment preoccupation is more frequent among incarcerated mothers in prison mother–baby units, and that preoccupied mothers report higher depressive symptoms, lower parenting competence, and reduced satisfaction with social support compared to dismissing and secure mothers (Borelli et al., 2010). Consistent with these findings and attachment theory, the current results—alongside prior analyses from the same sample—suggest that preoccupied mothers may have heightened vulnerabilities when facing separation from loved ones and may be more overwhelmed by negative experiences and punitive prison environments than individuals with other attachment representations. These findings underscore the need for tailored interventions that address their specific attachment-related vulnerabilities.

Exposure to Violence and Disorganized Attachment

Another significant theme was exposure to physical violence in childhood, with many mothers describing abusive caregivers. Often, the mothers themselves physically punished the child, though fathers were also involved in some stories. Some participants recalled being beaten by their grandmothers during separation episodes. Indirect signs of abuse, particularly from fathers, were evident in separation, and reunion stories, with participants expressing relief during separations and discomfort during reunions, especially when the father returned. While early exposure to physical violence is not uncommon in the general population (Bellis et al., 2019), it is notably more prevalent among incarcerated women, with one in two reporting such experiences (Jones et al., 2020). Research shows that maltreatment can turn primary caregivers—who should protect children—into sources of fear (Cyr et al., 2010), leading to disorganized attachment representations in children, which are linked to negative developmental outcomes (Fearon et al., 2010; Groh et al., 2017). Unresolved/disorganized attachment representations are more common among incarcerated mothers living with young children (30%) compared to the general population (19%; Bakermans-Kranenburg & van IJzendoorn, 2009; Borelli et al., 2010). Parental unresolved attachment can lead to distorted thinking and frightened or dissociative behaviors in interactions with children, making it a key factor in predicting children’s attachment disorganization (Granqvist et al., 2017; Hesse & Main, 2006; Hughes et al., 2006). Future research should explore the link between parental unresolved attachment and children’s attachment disorganization in this high-risk population, which would benefit from parenting-focused interventions.

Reflections on Parenting and Marriage

The final theme emerging from the participants’ story completions is their reflection on parenting behaviors and beliefs, even though this was not explicitly prompted. The separation and reunion stories encouraged participants to assume the role of mothers, revealing their perspectives on caregiving. For instance, some participants strongly opposed the idea of parents leaving their children behind, as highlighted in the separation story. This opposition may have triggered self-blame, as many of these mothers had experienced separation from their own children; over 80% had at least 1 child under 18 outside the prison (see Participants). Consequently, they emphasized their commitment to never abandoning their children, fearing such actions would erode their children’s trust. Beyond reflecting on their parenting, participants also evaluated their spouses’ roles in their lives and their children’s lives, particularly in the reunion story. Some expressed regret about their marriages, even when these regrets were not directly related to the task at hand. These reflections align with research indicating that incarcerated women often face relational difficulties with partners who remain outside (Sharp & Marcus-Mendoza, 2001). Furthermore, the findings resonate with studies showing that individuals with insecure attachment representations, particularly those high in anxious attachment, are prone to marital challenges, especially during stressful periods (Treboux et al., 2004). These narratives suggest that participants may view their marriages as perpetuating the struggles of their own childhoods into their children’s lives. Many recognized parallels between their own early hardships and those faced by their children, with the absence of an involved father figure emerging as a recurring theme. This absence, though not directly addressed in the task, appeared to weigh heavily on the mothers, influencing both their parenting and their reflections on their relationships. The remorse expressed in the reunion story underscores how these mothers perceive their partner choices and parenting styles as mirroring the challenges they experienced in their narratives, further illustrating the intergenerational transmission of attachment-related struggles.

Bridging Gaps: Aspirations for Sensitive Parenting and the Role of Mother-Baby Units

Although the mothers’ story completions clearly indicate a lack of secure-base support and protective caregivers, there are also signs that they understand what secure-base support looks like and how a caregiving figure should behave. This suggests that these mothers possess knowledge about the behaviors of supportive and security-providing attachment figures, as well as how they aspire to treat their own children in their mothering roles. Their acknowledgment of the importance of parental emotional support during challenging experiences is promising for the potential effectiveness of parenting intervention programs aimed at enhancing their parenting quality and, in turn, promoting their children’s positive development (Byrne, 2019). Given that mothers in mother-baby units often exhibit better mental health outcomes and life stability compared to other incarcerated women (Birmingham et al., 2006; Dolan et al., 2019), this may facilitate their cooperation with intervention facilitators and support their children’s healthy development throughout this shared experience.

Study Limitations

This study, which applies the story completion technique to assess attachment scripts, has several limitations. First, the lack of video and audio recordings in prison facilities to written notes of participants’ story completions. Future research utilizing recordings may provide richer insights into the emotional nuances of these mothers’ narratives, thereby deepening our understanding of attachment. Second, as this measure was originally designed for quantitative coding (Bretherton et al., 1990), the prompting questions were tailored to elicit quick and direct responses due to the lack of recording opportunities. Future studies should adopt more refined qualitative techniques to facilitate discourse analysis, yielding more targeted information on attachment-related stress. Third, while the study did not include formal procedures to control for social desirability bias, the story completion method itself may help reduce this concern. Because participants respond to hypothetical prompts rather than direct questions, they are less likely to feel personally evaluated and more likely to express thoughts or emotions that might otherwise be withheld in interviews or surveys. This indirect approach can facilitate access to more honest and socially undesirable responses, making it particularly useful for exploring sensitive topics in constrained or stigmatized settings.

Conclusion and Policy Implications

This study underscores the critical need for targeted interventions to address the unique challenges faced by incarcerated mothers co-residing with their toddlers. The findings highlight the profound impact of insecure attachment histories and adverse childhood experiences on these mothers’ parenting practices, emphasizing the importance of policy measures that enhance caregiving quality and foster positive developmental outcomes for their children. First, prison nurseries should integrate trauma-informed parenting programs aimed at breaking the cycle of intergenerational attachment insecurities. These programs could include psycho-educational components focused on addressing mothers’ unresolved and preoccupied attachment-related stress while improving their ability to provide sensitive, secure-base support for their children. Second, attachment-focused assessments, such as the modified Attachment Story Completion Task (ASCT), should be routinely implemented in mother-baby units as part of the intake process to help identify maternal vulnerabilities and guide individualized interventions. The simplicity of the ASCT makes it feasible for prison staff with minimal training, ensuring its accessibility and sustainability within correctional facilities. Third, visitation policies and rehabilitation programs must prioritize maintaining strong maternal-child bonds. For mothers separated from older children outside the prison, the stress associated with this separation—exacerbated by attachment-related challenges—can influence their sensitive caregiving capacity for co-residing children. Policies that facilitate regular, meaningful contact, such as extended visitation hours and virtual connections, can mitigate the negative impacts of incarceration on family dynamics and help mothers sustain their caregiving roles. Finally, systemic support for incarcerated mothers—including access to mental health services and parenting counseling—should be expanded to address the broader socio-economic and psychological stressors contributing to insecure attachment representations. By investing in comprehensive, attachment-focused initiatives, correctional systems can play a pivotal role in fostering healthier parent-child relationships and breaking the cycle of disadvantages for future generations.

These measures align with the broader benefits of prison nurseries, which offer a promising alternative to separating young children from their mothers. By promoting maternal psychological well-being, positive developmental outcomes for children, and stronger mother-child bonds (Baradon et al., 2008; Byrne, 2019; Cassidy et al., 2010; Goshin & Byrne, 2009; Shlafer et al., 2015), such initiatives can significantly reduce the likelihood of intergenerational cycles of nonoptimal parenting and incarceration. Assessing secure base script knowledge may further enhance the effectiveness of mother-baby units in supporting both mothers and their children during this critical period.

The Social Sciences and Humanities Ethics Board at Hacettepe University approved the data collection of this study on April 26, 2016 (number: 35853172/431-1390). Respondents gave written consent and signature before starting data collection.