Abstract
Demonstrators rally outside the offices of SABC in Johannesburg in July. They were protesting against alleged bias and self-censorship in news coverage ahead of key municipal elections
CREDIT: Mike Hutchings/Reuters
Is public broadcasting doomed to failure in southern Africa?
Little more than a year later, Mvoko found himself in the crosshairs again. This time the weapon in question was the censorship wielded by his own employer, the South African Broadcasting Corporation.
Mvoko became one of the so-called SABC 8. Seven were journalists, who were summarily sacked by the country’s massive public broadcaster after they’d stood up against repeated instances of censorship. Mvoko, who was a freelancer, had his contract terminated. All but Mvoko (at the time of publication) were reinstated after court action.
Mvoko wrote an exposé for the Independent Group of newspapers about his “hell” at the broadcaster, outlining several instances in which the now former head of news Jimi Matthews and the SABC’s controversial chief operating officer Hlaudi Motsoeneng had blocked him from asking “tough” questions of senior African National Congress leaders. The broadcaster is accused by many of being the personal mouthpiece of the governing party, an allegation echoed by Matthews after his own very public resignation.
How has the influential public broadcaster reached this point? Post-apartheid South Africa has been considered something of a lodestar for media freedom in the 22 years since it became a democracy. Public broadcasting has been a crucial quiver in the country’s bow.
Public broadcasting is generally defined as having a mission of public service to the whole community, and usually receives funds, but operates independently, from governments. It is particularly important in sub-Saharan Africa which doesn’t enjoy the sort of internet access which would allow a greater choice of media. People in poorer countries such as Zimbabwe and Swaziland – and even in economically steadier South Africa – can’t afford high data costs. They also don’t have the sort of continuous access to electricity that’s needed for keeping phones and other mobile devices going. Wi-Fi is far from ubiquitous. Many rely on public broadcasters such as SABC as a rare news source. SABC’s biggest radio station, Ukhozi FM, has an audience of 6.38 million, while national TV channel SABC1 has viewing figures of 29.5 million.
All of this means the SABC and its regional counterparts ought to be powerful forces for democracy, debate and independent news coverage. William Bird, the director of Media Monitoring Africa, told Index: “At its best the SABC offers programmes and information in all our [11] official languages. At best it offers unique and niche programming and also offers the greatest diversity of views and programmes. At best it offers something for everyone, so that people feel their lives and stories are reflected in some form. At best it offers the best quality news and training ground for new and emerging journalists and ideas.”
But the SABC is far from at its best today. This is partly related to its torrid history.
Like its equivalent to the north, the Zimbabwean Broadcasting Corporation, SABC began life as a political tool for white minority rulers. The SABC was founded in 1936, just over a decade before the advent of formal apartheid. Those who expected it would simply shrug off those shackles at the advent of democracy have been proved repeatedly wrong. As Mvoko wrote, in the open letter that caused so much trouble for him: “The SABC has never been a paragon of a great anything. It has been a work in progress, with degrees of success as generations of well-meaning South Africans tackled the extraordinarily complex task of undoing decades of apartheid misuse of this national asset.”
The coverage of the 1976 Soweto riots was one of those successes. At the very height of apartheid, SABC reported on riots which saw tens of thousands of black students take to the streets to oppose the mandatory teaching of Afrikaans in schools. Although the coverage was limited, it was one of the seminal moments in South Africa’s history and the pictures on TV of the riots was one of the tipping points which eventually ended the apartheid regime.
Almost exactly 40 years on, some accuse the SABC of not reporting on important demonstrations. In June this year there were protests in South Africa’s capital city Tshwane (Pretoria) where scores of people took to its streets to protest the ruling ANC’s choice of mayoral candidate ahead of the local government elections in August. Buses were burned, roads were barricaded with tyres and rubble, and shops owned by foreigners from elsewhere in Africa were looted. Five deaths were reported. But if, like most people, you relied almost entirely on SABC for your news you would not have been aware it was happening.
Days before Tshwane went up in flames, the broadcaster issued an editorial directive banning protest footage and coverage from its television stations, radio shows and websites. Why? Because the broadcaster ruled, the destruction of public property – which is common during protests in South Africa – is “destructive and regressive”. It later added that protesters who destroy clinics, buses, schools and other public infrastructure shouldn’t be given any attention or encouragement by journalists.
The move drew massive criticism. Other media groups, civil society organisations, ordinary South Africans and, eventually, the ANC, slammed it as censorship. The directive was then overturned by the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa, which regulates the broadcasting sector. Chief operations officer Motsoeneng initially vowed to ignore the regulator and challenge its ruling in court, but later announced that the ban on protest footage would be lifted.
Bird told Index that while the protest footage ban had galvanised civil society, a creeping censorship had been apparent at the broadcaster for some time.
“Previously as much as some may have tried and succeeded in certain cases to censor, the place is so large and diverse and has so many systems that it was virtually impossible,” Bird said. “What makes this current trend so worrying is that the various systems are being deliberately broken down. [This is] damaging the institution, encouraging fear and greater self-censorship and also doing long term damage.”
He also blamed increasingly poor ministerial choices and laws for a “gradual undermining of independence and a tendency towards facilitated chaos”.
“All of this provides fertile ground for self-censorship,” he added.
It also turns any public broadcaster’s role on its head. After all, how can the SABC live up to its own promise to provide South Africans with the information and news reporting they need to participate in building democracy if it’s selective in what it shows or doesn’t?
Excerpts from an affidavit that Mvoko filed before South Africa’s Labour Court to appeal his dismissal bear this out. Independent media commentator, columnist and author Eusebius McKaiser shared parts of the affidavit in a Facebook status towards the end of July. According to Mvoko, he was censured by the acting political editor for making a comment considered supportive of the opposition Democratic Alliance. Motsoeneng himself was allegedly upset and the acting political editor said Motsoeneng scrutinised “each and every word”. The implication, McKaiser pointed out, was obvious: “A chilling effect to dissuade journalists from saying anything on air that is even vaguely perceived to be critical of the ANC.”
Sekoetlane Phamodi, the national co-ordinator of the civil society group Save Our SABC Coalition, blamed “executive creep” for many of the SABC’s current failings. He also cautioned against assuming that the broadcaster’s problems have come out of nowhere. Phamodi said that, as in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, there has been a “slow and concerted creep” towards censorship. For example, much has been made of Motsoeneng’s call for “positive news” to outweigh anything perceived as negative reporting. But as Phamodi pointed out, an aversion to bad news (particularly anything that would paint the ANC government in a poor light) dates back to the early 2000s under a previous chief executive, Snuki Zikalala. Zikalala also spearheaded the blacklisting of commentators who were perceived to be against the then president Thabo Mbeki. History, as is so often the case, is repeating itself.
Phamodi and his colleagues are especially concerned by the level of executive control the communications minister Faith Muthambi wields over the SABC. Muthambi completely ignored a report by the Office of the Public Protector that found Motsoeneng had lied about his qualifications and was guilty of financial mismanagement. The report suggested that Motsoeneng should not hold a leadership role at the SABC. Muthambi responded by making the appointment permanent.
In July, the ANC finally publicly criticised Motsoeneng and the broadcaster’s policies, after which seven of the SABC journalists were reinstated. Whether this is the start of a sea change at SABC remains to be seen. For now, Motsoeneng is in the driving seat and what could be a powerful force for building democracy is severely hamstrung.
Those who support freedom of speech will be hoping SABC is back to its best very soon.
SABC Timeline
It is also draws criticism for an interview with Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe which avoids tough questions.
Under Motsoeneng SABC has been dogged by scandal. He has repeatedly called on the media to offer a more positive take on the country; has allegedly spearheaded the blocking of programmes critical of Zuma and in June 2016 ordered that no footage of anti-government protests be broadcast.