1 Churches Together in Britain and Ireland, Bonus not Bogus: the facts about asylum seekers (London, CCBI, 2001).
2.
2 See ‘Learning the lessons of Dover’, CARF (October/November 1999), pp. 3–5.
3.
3 ‘The good life on asylum alley’, Daily Mail (6 October 1999).
4.
4 G. Hinsliff, ‘Asylum help ‘lsquo;may worsen the crisis’’’, Daily Mail (25 August 1999).
5.
5 T. Nairn, After Britain: New Labour and the return of Scotland (Granta, 2000), p. 5-5.
6.
6 Ibid.
7.
7 T. Nairn, The Enchanted Glass: Britain and its monarchy (London, Radius, 1988), p. 136-136.
8.
8 T. Nairn, After Britain, op. cit., p. 88.
9.
9 S. Hall, ‘The external-internal dialectic in broadcasting: television’s double-bind’, unpublished paper (Birmingham, CCCS, 1972), p. 1.
10.
10 The best-selling daily newspaper in Britain is the Sun, part of Rupert Murdoch’s News International media conglomerate. News International also publishes the best-selling Sunday paper, the News of the World. During the 1980s, the Sun achieved a legendary status as the archetypal voice of Thatcherism aimed at a working-class audience. In recent years, the Mail has overtaken the Mirror (a traditionally Labour Party-supporting tabloid) to become the second best-selling newspaper. The Mail has been controlled by the Rothermere family since its support for Oswald Moseley’s fascists in the 1930s. During the 1970s and 1980s, the Mail led the way in consolidating the link between race and crime. For accounts of press racism in the 1980s, see N. Murray and C. Searle, Your Daily Dose: racism and the press in Thatcher’s Britain (London, Institute of Race Relations, 1989) or P. Gordon and D. Rosenberg, Daily Racism: the press and black people in Britain (London, Runnymede Trust, 1989).
11.
11 D. Williams, ‘Brutal crimes of the asylum seekers’, Daily Mail (30 November 1998).
12.
12 J. Goodwin, ‘Suburbia’s little Somalia’, Daily Mail (12 January 1999).
13.
13 N. Dowling, ‘New raids on city’s homes for refugees’, Leicester Mercury (6 June 2001).
14.
14 J. Forsyth, ‘How could this mother let her girl of 16 marry a jobless asylum seeker?’, Sun Woman (14 February 2001).
15.
15 S. Heffer, ‘How to stem this flood of fake refugees’, Daily Mail (12 December 1998).
16.
16 T. Kavanagh, ‘Commentary’, Sun (24 April 2001).
17.
17 ‘The Sun says’, Sun (14 March 2000).
18.
18 L. Colley, ‘Whose nation? Class and national consciousness in Britain 1750–1830’, Past and Present (No. 113, 1986).
19.
19 R. Levitas (ed.), The Ideology of the New Right (Cambridge, Polity Press, 1986).
20.
20 J. Casey, ‘One nation: the politics of race’, The Salisbury Review (No. 1, Autumn 1982).
21.
21 M. Barker, The New Racism (London, Junction Books, 1981).
22.
22 P. Edwards, ‘Undercover scoop of the month!’, Freedom (May 2001).
23.
23 P. Schlesinger, Putting ‘Reality’ Together (London, Routledge, 1978).
24.
24 See Losing Perspective: global affairs on British terrestrial television 1989–1999 (London, 3WE – Third World and Environment Broadcasting Project, 2000).
25.
25 D. Morley, Home Territories: media, mobility and identity (London, Routledge, 2000), p. 183-183.
26.
26 Churches Together in Britain and Ireland, op. cit.
27.
27 ‘Editorial’, Daily Mail (1 March 2000).
28.
28 S. Cohen, From the Jews to the Tamils: Britain’s mistreatment of refugees (Manchester, South Manchester Law Centre, 1988).
29.
29 L. Fekete, ‘Popular racism in corporate Europe’, Race & Class (Vol. 40, nos 2/3, 1998/99).
30.
30 In his survey of racism among young whites in south-east London, Roger Hewitt identifies the concept of ‘unfairness to whites’ as a radical new theme of local racist discourse. He holds that ill-thought out multicultural education is to blame locally, depriving whites of a positive idea of their own culture. However the argument here is that an ideology of white/English victimisation has emerged as part of a wider re-articulation of New Right racism through the national press. R. Hewitt, Routes of Racism: the social basis of racist action (London, Trentham, 1996).
31.
31 See A. Kundnani, ‘lsquo;lsquo;Stumbling on’’: race, class and England’, Race & Class (Vol. 41, no. 4, 2000).
32.
32 R. Littlejohn, ‘Enemies of the people’, Sun (5 March 1999).
33.
33 R. Littlejohn, ‘Has Tony Blair become our first black Prime Minister?’, Sun (2 March 1999).
34.
34 M. Marrin, ‘I’m English, by George – and proud to say so’, Daily Telegraph (22 April 1999).
35.
35 It is interesting to note that Hitchens, Littlejohn and Marrin all present themselves as the heirs of George Orwell, particularly in relation to his wartime essay The Lion and the Unicorn, in which Orwell laments that ‘England is perhaps the only great country whose intellectuals are ashamed of their own nationality’.
36.
36 P. Hitchens, The Abolition of Britain (London, Quartet, 2000), p. 54-54.
37.
37 P. Hitchens, ‘I asked the Home Office why we can’t send asylum seekers back like the Germans do’, Mail on Sunday (4 February 2001) and P. Hitchens, ‘Don’t let racism blind us to reality’, Express (23 February 1999).
38.
38 P. Hitchens, The Abolition of Britain, op. cit., p. 367-367.
39.
39 G. Hinsliff, ‘Hague plays nationalist card’, Observer (4 March 2001).
40.
40 S. Heffer, ‘Welcome to Blairitania’, Daily Mail (9 February 2001).
41.
41 See ‘Licence to hate’, CARF (June/July 2001), pp. 3–6. John Townend was MP for East Yorkshire, but retired at the general election of 2001.
