Direct Elections to the European Parliament

The European Coal and Steel Community (1951), the European Economic Community (1957), and the European Atomic Energy Community (1957) combined their institutions in July 1967 and since that time have operated with one European Parliament.

The institutions of the European Community are unique and their interrelationships cannot usefully be compared with traditional governmental bodies. The Commission, which along with the Parliament and the Court speaks for Europe as a whole, consists of 13 members who are appointed by national governments, but act independently of them. It proposes legislation to be enacted by the Council of Ministers and then supervises the application and execution of the laws and policies once adopted. The Council of Ministers, consisting of ministerial representatives (depending on subject matter) from each member state, takes final decisions on Commission proposals and, by approval or amendment, enacts them into law. The Council is regarded as the voice of the national governments on Community matters. The Court of Justice of the European Community has jurisdiction over all matters of Community law (the treaties, laws, and regulations) and its decisions are final and cannot be appealed. As such, it has pioneered in the development of an entirely new body of European law.

The treaty defines obligatory expenditures as those "necessarily resulting from this treaty or from acts adopted in accordance therewith." These are controlled by the Council, whereas all other non-obligatory expenditures are controlled by the Parliament.

Although EC literature states that " Parliament exercises to an increasing extent the power of the purse—historically the foundation of parliamentary power," this would appear to be more of a hope for the future, than a reality of the present. In fact, the budgetary power of the EC is not wielded by the Parliament alone but is shared both with the Council and with the Commission. In procedure, the Commission draws up a preliminary draft budget for the Council; after modifications, the Council presents its own draft version to the Parliament which may propose amendments to both obligatory and non-obligatory items. This is returned to the Council which has the final decision on all obligatory expenditures; it may then re-amend non-obligatory items but the Parliament does possess the final word on these. However, it should be noted that the non-obligatory expenditures only constitute approximately 25 per cent. of the budget as a whole. Secretariat of the European Parliament (Directorate-General for Information and Public Relations), " The European Parliament " (1976), pp. 7, 16-17.

Commission of the European Communities , Euro-Barometre (Public Opinion in the European Community), No. 6, January, 1977.

This presented a common problem for all member governments. On the one hand, the dual mandate would be one way to ensure that EC issues and policies could be introduced, explained, and debated within the national parliamentary bodies of the member states. On the other hand, the pressures and time constraints imposed by membership in both bodies would be almost beyond the physical and mental capabilities of most individuals.

There is fear, however, that this sector will face increasing competition if and when such EC applicants as Greece, Spain, and Portugal are admitted to full membership. Italian spokesmen have made it clear that at that juncture the entire Common Agricultural Policy should be renegotiated.

M. Jean Lipkowski, national delegate for international affairs of the RPR. Interviewed by the author on June 21, 1977.

Chirac's challenge was widely regarded as based on the assumption (since proven false) that the Government would lose in the March election, that the Socialist-Communist coalition would succeed to power but not in solving the French economic crisis, and that in a subsequent election a popular backlash would bring the conservatives (RPR) to power, with Chirac at their head.

For a direct contradiction to this argument, see The Economist (June 11, 1977) editorial on "Britain Against the Breeze" and the article on "The Unmitigated Disaster That Wasn't " (pp. 62-66).

"Direct Elections to the European Assembly," Cmnd. 6768 (April 1977). Prior to the introduction of the Government's Bill, valid arguments were raised on behalf of both " first past the post " and proportional representation. In its report, the House of Commons Select Committee recommended the traditional parliamentary voting system of simple majority in single member constituencies (first past the post) for several reasons: (1) If the U.K. changed its system to PR, the later introduction of a uniform Community system which might be different could mean two changes in a relatively short time. (2) It might be difficult to reach agreement on any particular new system by 1978. (3) The " first past the post " system was familiar to voters who could identify more easily with their existing parliamentary constituencies. (4) It would be easier for the existing constituency organisations of the political parties to operate. The report did, however, also list several arguments in favour of PR: (1) It could be introduced relatively easily (by using the 10 economic planning regions, plus London, as the regional constituencies for England) and it avoided the disadvantages of simple majority voting which tends to exaggerate minor swings in party popularity and under-represent minority parties (the Liberals' argument). (2) It would ensure that U.K. representatives would reflect more accurately both regional and national patterns of opinion. (3) It would be particularly suitable for a multi-national assembly from which no executive body had to be formed. (4) It would bring the British system into line with the continent where some form of PR is already generally used.

The Bill accepted the Select Committee's recommendation that of the 81 representatives accorded to the United Kingdom, 66 should be elected in England, 8 in Scotland, 4 in Wales, and 3 in Northern Ireland, with Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland each constituting a single electoral region.

The Third Reading, including the provision for single member constituencies, took place on February 16, 1978, when the House again passed the Bill with a vote of 159 to 45; from there it went to the House of Lords.

Ed. note: The Heads of State and Government of the Nine set the date for elections for June 7-10, 1979, at the Copenhagen Summit, April 1978.

Guardian, July 1, 1977.