Pottery in Telangana: Empirical Evidence of Current and Future Challenges

Abstract

This article presents and discusses empirical evidence of the socio-economic status of the Kummari potter community in Telangana to highlight the continued primacy of the traditional caste-based occupation as a livelihood option for many Kummari households. Taking a holistic perspective, the research documents the current challenges faced by the community, covering the entire cycle of pottery-making, including input sourcing, production, adoption of new technology and marketing. The article also identifies core policy interventions that need urgent attention in the form of state support, complemented with collectivisation, technology diffusion and capacity-building of the artisans.

Introduction: The Pottery-Making Community and Their Predicaments

Indian pottery craftmanship can be traced back to the dawn of civilisation (Kasemi, 2014) and potters continue to play an important role in religious rituals, agricultural work and the supply of household equipment. Qureshi (1990: 683) noted that ‘artisans were economically and socially well-off primarily because of the dependence of all sections of the population on them for a variety of products meant for decorative and utilitarian purposes’. However, though it is one of the oldest crafts of human civilisation, pottery has largely remained a small-scale cottage-based industry in India (Gupta, 1988). Potter communities constitute one of the many service castes, spread across South Asia (Kasemi, 2014). Known by different names, such as Kumhars or Kumbhars, Bhandes, Kulals or Prajapatis, like other occupational castes, potters are officially listed under the Backward Classes category. Qureshi (1990: 683) suggests that there was ‘no bar on anyone entering the artisan profession. It was only the high castes who had inhibitions about working with their hands’. Referring to Pal (1978), he argues further that ‘[t]he consequential mixture of numerous low caste people with artisans lowered the social status of the artisans as a class’ (Qureshi, 1990: 683). According to official figures (Government of India, 2018–19), there are 2,479 Backward Class communities in India, out of whom 39% are listed as Most Backward Communities (MBCs). Maharashtra records the highest number of Backward Castes with 256 communities, followed by Karnataka, Odisha and Tamil Nadu with 199, 197 and 182 communities, respectively, while Manipur lists only four such communities.

In Telangana, the Kummari community is one of the 130 officially listed communities classified as Backward Classes. Spread across both rural and urban areas, the community accounts for around 400,000 people. In relative terms, the community remains socially and economically backward and is politically under-represented compared to other communities in the state. However, the Kummaris have a strong sense of group solidarity with unique customs and rituals that bind them together.

Potters performed their traditional functions mainly from a rural basis, providing services to other communities in rural as well as urban areas. In rural contexts, they traditionally received in-kind or cash payments, though that system is widely reported to be breaking down, shown in detail for Pakistani Punjab (Mughal, 2018; Qadar & Waheed, 2023). Indian society has historically been organised along caste-based hierarchical lines (Beteille, 1965), with each sub-caste group pursuing its hereditary occupation or activity. As caste-based traditional occupations and skills are hierarchically placed, caste status often restricted individual freedom to choose occupations and livelihoods according to talent, choice or interest. Jammu (1974), in the context of rural Punjab, observed that the nature of production activities and services led to cultural differentiation among castes, which shaped their relative position in the social hierarchy. While the post-independence period brought visible changes in occupational structures, recent developments have certainly accelerated multiple changes, so that new livelihood avenues have opened up with rising educational levels (Qureshi, 1990: 683). The increasing migration of young people to urban locations in search of brighter opportunities has contributed to reducing the pressures of having to follow traditional occupations. Particularly upper castes have ventured into traditional activities with large investments and modern technologies (Rahman et al., 1982). An example of lower caste communities doing the same, albeit on a more modest scale, is shown for cobblers in Pune (Hamid & Jain, 2023). Similarly, much earlier, Pal (1978) observed that older workers in various crafts, with traditional and mostly obsolete skills and meagre investments, are unable to compete with modern technologies, products and services.

Our research focused on the Kummari community of Telangana, which has been following traditional methods to produce pottery for centuries. However, a shift in occupational practices from traditional methods to use of modern equipment has been observed in the recent past, as elsewhere in India (Qureshi, 1990). Several factors motivated many community members to withdraw from the traditional craft, reflecting increased concerns about an uncertain future, as well as evidence of upward mobility and movement into different economic activities. Our research captured data from a purposive sample of Kummari households that are currently engaged in the traditional occupation; thus, the sample is not representative of the entire Kummari community.

As elsewhere, one of the major concerns of Kummari potters has been the availability and affordability of modern technology to enhance production processes and diversify their product range (Qureshi, 1990). However, modern technology has invariably undermined traditional technologies, with direct impacts on the employment and income opportunities particularly for the poorest Kummaris. Therefore, the current status of the community merits a rigorous reality check that could offer some pertinent policy options to enhance the livelihoods of the community while preserving their age-old craft.

The present study is the first endeavour to holistically assess the status of the potter community in Telangana and seeks to provide, for the first time, insights into how this particular community faces the future. Following a brief literature review and a succinct section on methodology, we turn to the current status of pottery and the socio-economic conditions of Telangana’s Kummari community to identify the challenges and potential remedies.

Literature Review

This literature review provides some insights into the nature of the core issues facing India’s potter communities, which employs over 40 lakh people (Government of India, 2020–21). We found that, in contrast to other states, no scholarly studies focus on potters and their craft in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, a new state carved out from undivided Andhra Pradesh in 2014. By contrast, research on Kerala, Assam, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, Bihar, Rajasthan and Gujarat sheds light on the various constraints and opportunities associated with the occupation of pottery-making.

Lalithambika (2016) observes that Kerala’s pottery-making communities are divided into many sub-castes, some actually originating from Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. The state’s pottery sector is distinguished by small units, family-run enterprises and a high percentage of skilled workers. Deepak (2019) identifies numerous challenges faced by the potter community in Kerala. Phukana (1987) observed that in Assam, due to practices introduced under neo-Vaishnavism, most potters lost their livelihoods when metal vessels replaced earthenware on ceremonial occasions.

Usually, pottery-making sites have a particular system of gender-based division of labour. While cobblers are a purely male occupational group (Hamid & Jain, 2023), among potters the flexible gendered pattern allows both men and women to work together at every stage of production (Devi & Panjwani, 2014). This is observed among the Hira and Kumar communities of Assam who, due to lack of education in the community, are still using traditional techniques (Duary, 2008). As in many parts of South Asia, pottery in Assam is beleaguered by a lack of raw materials, insufficient financial support, outdated tools and equipment, due to which potters remain in an under-developed stage (Sarma, 2018). However, Mornoi potters in Assam make a type of pitcher for the Garo people, which is in high demand, and Hira craftsmen make pottery for rituals and auspicious occasions (Sarmah & Hazarika, 2018). Further promotion of the pottery industry is critical for both economic and cultural preservation (Regon, 2019), a point that could also be made for Telangana.

Akilandeeswari and Pitchai (2016) found that most artisans in Tamil Nadu are still tied to the traditional way of life, do not benefit from modern amenities and suffer significant losses due to their reliance on middlemen. Control over the market for sale of their products and access to resources through Information and Communication Technologies remains largely out of reach for the community. Additionally, Rathi (2018) points out that in Tamil Nadu potters are constrained by an irregular supply of raw materials, a lack of working capital, management issues and obsolete technology.

Bhattacharya (2008) studied potters of West Bengal who make religious idols. She expresses concerns that the modern transformations of society will impair the continued existence of traditional systems of idol-making, which is critical for the community’s survival in the market. Sarkar (2017) observed that the potter community in West Bengal’s Darjeeling district has dramatically increased its production through adopting new technology to meet market demands for sophisticated clay art and utilities in several Indian cities. Official figures report that across India, each day millions of earthen products are made. In several states, potters are taking advantage of new marketing avenues created through government initiatives, for example selling their products at 400 railway stations (Government of India, 2020–21).

There are many problems, however. Natrajan (2005) found that the potter community in Chhattisgarh is denied access to clay and firewood because of competition from brick-making units. The Forest Department’s discriminatory policies seem to favour paper manufacturers over potters’ traditional rights, with direct negative impacts on potters, who are compelled to obtain clay, their primary raw material, from distant villages, 40–50 km away. Further, according to Shrestha (2018), most ceramic products are marketed and exported through various intermediaries, with little benefit to the producers. This highlights the need for training on product export and marketing. Blue pottery, which is labour-intensive and uses intricate traditional techniques is regarded as an exceptional craft in Jaipur, where it employs a large workforce (Bhardwaj, 2018). To maintain their foothold in the traditional occupation and also compete in the global market, adoption of modern technology and knowledge of emerging trends is imperative (Sodhi, 2006), a point that is often made in the literature on pottery (Qureshi, 1990).

Methodology

The study locations (six villages and four urban wards) represent eight districts of Telangana, chosen to represent the central, northern and southern regions of the state, which has 33 districts. The districts covered were Adilabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Ranga Reddy, Warangal, Medchal, Hanumakonda and Nararayanpet. Two local units of administration (mandals) from each sample district and one village/urban ward from each mandal were selected for detailed analysis. All study locations were purposively selected based on the concentration of Kummari households. The 10 locations are broadly representative of the six rural and four urban sites.

Our research was conducted in October and November 2020. Purposive sampling technique was used in identifying the households involved in the traditional occupation in their respective areas, since the core objective of our study was an in-depth analysis of pottery as a traditional occupation of the Kummari community. A total of 15 households were selected from each village/ward for an in-depth primary survey, giving us a total sample size of 150 households. A comprehensive structured questionnaire was administered to the sample households to collect primary data. Detailed consultations were conducted with other stakeholders, such as members of caste co-operatives, resellers, intermediaries and government officials.

Perceptions on the Future of Traditional Craft

The pottery-making households covered by our study overwhelmingly reported that they carried on with their traditional craft due to the lack of other options. They also emphasised the need and desire to continue their community occupation as the primary source of their household income. The study found that 93.3% of urban and 90% or rural potter households of this sample are willing to continue the traditional occupation, the need for which was identified by 95% of all respondent households. Some older respondents stated that since their health and old age affect their ability to work, they expected the younger generation to carry on the traditional work. The importance of pottery-making in sustaining their livelihoods is further reflected in the finding that 72% of respondents already had family members willing to continue the traditional occupation, while 75% of respondents expected the younger generation to continue the traditional work.

Pottery-making is a household activity involving a minimum of three to four members engaged in different stages of production. Every member of the household, including children, is involved in this traditional craft and each performs specific tasks. Most respondents said that they began such work around the age of 20 and had been in this traditional occupation as full-time workers. School-going children would often chip in on holidays, helping their parents with tasks such as transport, storage and painting of clayware. Women prepare the clay, mainly earth brought from streams and tanks. They first dry and pound it to remove impurities and then add water to mash it into a paste. This mixture is kneaded with hands or feet to make it soft and pliable.

A sizeable proportion of artisans indicated that they considered it an honour to serve people by supplying clay items for a variety of festivals and rituals. Reflecting Qureshi (1990: 683), they pointed out the societal recognition and appreciation for the craft and their service (seva). However, they complained about not receiving required levels of government support. They suggested that pottery workers should be recognised by the Labour Department to extend social security benefits by issuing identity cards for eligible artisans from the community. However, we also encountered the interesting case of the younger daughter of a Kummari artisan who is a BTech graduate and wants to carry forward the family tradition. After developing a passion for the traditional craft, she received training in handling modern equipment for making pottery. Her experience demonstrates that the supply of machinery and initial financial infusion from the government would be critical for encouraging women to participate in this traditional occupation.

Those 25% who do not expect their children to pursue the hereditary craft stated two major reasons. Their sons are already engaged in salaried private jobs and they want their children to pursue higher education. Some respondents reckoned, though, that securing a government job is extremely difficult, given the huge competition. The younger generation generally feels that pottery-making is hard and risky, since it involves the participation of all family members. Interactions with young community members of Inavole village in Warangal district revealed that while most of them are willing to continue pottery-making, they disengaged themselves from this activity as it would affect their marriage prospects. This indicates the low social status associated with pottery, but also reflects the fact that their wives would be expected to chip in with their manual labour.

Production-related Constraints

In terms of input, the availability of clay of required quality is the primary prerequisite and concern for potters. For an overwhelming 80% of potter households, clay was either unavailable or inadequate in their vicinity, compelling a vast majority to procure it from other places. For instance, potters from Bowrampet and Nagaram in Ranga Reddy district travelled at least 50–70 km to procure clay. In many locations where this raw material is unavailable, such as Bangariguda, Lakkaram, Kosgi, Narayanpet, Nalgonda and Ursu, they obtained clay from sources 10–15 km away. A respondent from Narayanpet said that the clay available in nearby villages was unsuitable for making their clay products. Therefore, they had to mix red clay with black clay. Because red clay was unavailable in neighbouring villages, they had to obtain it from sources 20–25 km away, paying a high price of ₹3,000 per tractor load. For black clay, they paid ₹1,500–2,000 per tractor load in rural areas and ₹7,000–8,000 in urban areas. Respondents from Inavole and Thangadpally highlighted that tank rehabilitation activities, particularly desilting works, were carried out by the state government. This meant that clay which used to be available for potters in local tanks and lakes was removed to improve the storage capacity of water bodies. While this is a great initiative for restoring tanks, the layer of clay that is useful for making earthen products is lost through this process, creating additional challenges for potters. As a result, they argued that existing state policies under relevant regulations, such as the Andhra Pradesh Water, Land and Trees Act of 2002, would need to be amended, so that the Kummari community could re-gain access to locally available raw materials such as clay and firewood, which had been available before the enactment.

Firewood is used for firing raw pottery in a kiln (bhatti). All respondent households reported that firewood was unavailable in their locations and they had to travel 5–10 km to access it. In Inavole and Thangadpally, firewood was available, but grossly inadequate. In the villages of Bangariguda, Lakkaram, Kosgi, and Narayanpet, firewood needed to be brought from nearby villages. In Nalgonda, Bowrampet, Nagaram and Ursu, potters purchased firewood in nearby markets or from sawmills, paying ₹2,000–4,000 per tractor load. As one tractor load sustained the fire only for baking two to three rounds of pottery in a bhatti, input costs were high. The respondent potters from several locations reported that they used to have free access to firewood in nearby forests. However, in the name of implementing forest conservation policies, forest officials no longer allowed them to enter the forest. In some instances, police cases had been filed against community members, causing prolonged legal harassment.

In this context, the study team observed that in Bangariguda of Adilabad district, some Kummari households used plastic waste to fire their kilns, as firewood was unavailable. This practice had, of course, become a source of air pollution, causing complex health issues for potters as well as people in the neighbourhood. Air pollution caused by kilns had emerged as a contested issue, albeit mostly in urban locations, where 7% of the respondent households reported facing unfavourable reactions in their locality. In Ursu of Warangal district, some neighbours had even filed cases against the Kummari community for causing air pollution. The artisans argued that the high density of humans and vehicles in urban areas caused more pollution than the firewood they used. Some reported that electric and gas-run bhattis were available in the market. These can drastically reduce pollution, but involve high, unaffordable costs. They suggested that mobile and gas-run kilns should be provided as required to address the issue of air pollution in urban areas. They also argued that the government needs to popularise the use of such technologies by supporting and motivating the Kummari community.

An interesting snippet of information regarding production constraints faced by the potter community was the shortage of skilled labour in the production process, particularly when the demand was high during festival seasons and on special occasions. In villages such as Kosgi, Narayanpet and Bowrampet, the artisans hired labourers during peak times, paying them ₹500 per day. This shortage of skilled workers was found to be more acute in urban areas.

Availability of Space and Access to Firing Kilns

Potters require suitable facilities and adequate space for making their clay products. Our study found that 90.7% of the artisans (86.7% urban and 93.3% rural) had sufficient space for making their products. For storing raw materials, 60% (48.3% urban and 67.8% rural) said they had sufficient space in their house. For storing products, the results were similar, with 59.3% (50% urban and 65.6% rural) confirming that they had adequate storage space. In most villages, potters had to resort to optimising use of space within their homes to store their products, leaving limited room for family members to move around. Thus, some households stored their raw materials on the streets, causing inconvenience to road users. Storage in open spaces also risks that the clay gets washed away by storm water during rainy seasons. Again, the artisans argued for state support and conveyed that the government should construct sheds for storing raw materials and finished products, so that they could continue their work around the year without interruptions.

Regarding access to kilns, 67.3% of respondents (65% urban and 68.9% rural) had bhattis within their premises. Only 10.7% (6.7% urban and 13.3% rural), 16 potters out of the 150 respondents, depended on community or common kilns. Another 33 respondents, 22% (28.3% urban and 17.8% rural), depended on relatives’ firing kilns. Respondents from Bangariguda in Adilabad district said that they had access to a community bhatti, for which the government had provided financial support by allotting six acres of land to 160 families in 1995. It was also found that Tangadpally village had one community bhatti for every 10 households, constructed without government support. Most Kummari households from urban areas argued for financial assistance from the government to provide community bhattis, so seemed to favour some kind of collectivisation. The state government recently announced that it would supply electric machines needed for drying raw clay products, treating a group of households as a unit.

The clay items made by the community are prone to damage by extreme weather conditions. Most respondents from both rural and urban locations conveyed that due to lack of adequate space and protective structures, products got damaged, particularly during the rainy season. Some respondents from Nagaram in Ranga Reddy districts reported that in August 2020, their products were damaged by heavy rains and each household lost products worth approximately ₹150,000. They submitted a petition for relief to the district collector, but had not received any support or compensation. The community representatives we spoke to also expressed their anguish, reporting that the office bearers of their caste associations had failed to represent their interests to higher authorities. They also conveyed that the government should provide general insurance cover or financial assistance for damaged products.

The Pottery-Making Cycle and Incomes

Pottery-making engaged the artisans for most of the year. On average, each sample household worked 290 days in a year. However, urban Kummari families reported 322 working days per year on average, so they worked almost every day. By contrast, their rural counterparts reported an average of 268 days. Pottery-making activities are typically paused during the monsoon season, but a visually impaired respondent from Kosgi in Narayanpet district reported being engaged in pottery-making for almost the entire year. A respondent from Tangadpally, the wife of a deaf man, said her husband works for the entire year, as he is one of the specialists in making idols of different deities. During holidays and leisure time, school children helped their parents. According to some parents, the children thereby receive hands-on training and gain relevant experience, so that their transition to full-time pottery-making becomes easier in future.

In rural areas, 80–90 different types of clay products were made by a potter household. In urban locations, this number ranges from 50 to 60. Members of the older generations reported that they could still make around 40–45 types of earthen products, but health issues prevented them to work for long hours, so that the range of their products had decreased. When they were young, they would make around 90–100 clay items in a day. The younger generation, with exposure to new technology, said that they could produce 20–25 types of products with the help of modern tools.

Regarding financial returns, Hamid and Jain (2023: 424–5) observed in relation to cobblers in Pune city that incomes in the informal sector, especially among self-employed persons, would tend to be skewed towards the lower end of the spectrum. But they found surprisingly high income figures, especially among younger cobblers who were able to use modern technology to market their products. In our sample of potters, the mean net income per annum was ₹75,000 across the sample locations. The maximum net annual income reported by our respondents was only ₹300,000, while interactions with community members in locations such as Bowrampet and Narayanpet revealed annual incomes of around ₹175,000. These potters said that they regularly receive orders for clay products such as biryani pots, so their income was stable, but remained modest. Incomes in rural areas were relatively low because most potters sold their products to intermediaries, who procured products at very low prices and then sold them with a high mark-up.

Adoption of Technology

Traditionally, pottery is shaped manually by using a wheel. In most villages of Telangana, the older potters still use a manual wheel and some of them stated that any sort of clay product can be moulded using the traditional wheel. The younger generation had acquired skills to handle several modern pottery-making tools and stated that these new technologies had made their work less labour-intensive and more efficient. Some respondents took the view that only a few types of small products could be prepared on modern power wheels, which entailed high-voltage power consumption, leading to suggestions that free power should be supplied to Kummari households. It was found that women engaged in the preparation of clay, which involves manual work, tended to suffer from a range of health conditions.

Some respondents from Bangariguda, who mostly make large products such as barrel-shaped water pots (ranjans), said that modern machines are not very useful for preparing such clay items. Our study found that only 36% of the interviewed households were using modern equipment such as power wheels and iron wheels. Technology adoption is more widespread in urban areas, with nearly half of urban households reporting the use of modern equipment, while the corresponding proportion in rural locations was considerably lower at 28%. Among the Kummari households deploying modern tools, 76% reported that they purchased them on their own, but in rural areas, that proportion was only 46%. A quarter of the equipment-using households had borrowed money from informal sources to purchase the equipment. Mainly depending on private lenders, they paid an annual interest rate of between 18% and 24%.

Community members confirmed that modern equipment is very expensive, with costs ranging from ₹500,000 to twice that amount. Therefore, machinery was used only by better-off households. One respondent from Ursu said that he invested ₹400,000 to make the work easier for his family. One of the women respondents from Ursu confirmed that their drudgery in making clay products had indeed been eased by technology. She added that apart from raising output, the technology had also improved her health and well-being.

Training in Technology

Our study also tried to ascertain whether the artisans had undergone any training for skills upgrading. A considerable proportion of our 150 respondents, 63 persons (25 urban and 36 rural) had undergone training to handle modern methods and technology. Of these respondents, 51 (84% urban and 78.9% rural) had participated in training programmes conducted by government agencies in the state. Another 12 respondents, 4 urban and 8 rural, had received training through a caste association. Two respondents, who were from Bowrampet (urban) and Inavole (rural), had even undergone training in neighbouring states.

In terms of duration of the training, 90.5% or 57 of these 63 potters (96% urban and 86.8% rural) reported having attended training sessions for fewer than 10 days. Only 4 rural respondents had received training between 11–15 days and only two other persons, one urban and one rural, underwent more intensive training of 20–25 days. Of all respondents who participated in training, 92% said that the government did not supply modern tool kits. An engineering graduate explicitly remarked that merely imparting training is not enough, unless the government supplies modern tools and financial support to the trainees to pursue their occupation.

Consultations with community members revealed that in 2017 around 320 Kummari artisans who underwent training in the past had deposited ₹20,000 each for obtaining modern equipment with a subsidy component. These arrangements were made under a skill development and machinery distribution scheme of the government of Telangana, implemented by the Kummari Cooperative Federation. Our respondents underscored the need for providing new machinery and tools to the Kummari community to make the traditional occupation attractive to the younger generation. However, nobody had as yet received any machinery by 2020, nor had the deposits been refunded. A respondent from Kosgi reported that he had borrowed the necessary amount from relatives. Since the state-level Kummari Association had been unhelpful, potters found that they had to resort to self-help. This confirms the earlier critical observation by Qureshi (1990: 684) that while the government ‘seems to be seriously concerned with the uplift of the poor classes in rural areas’, government initiatives ‘have been prepared primarily for bureaucratic consumption’.

Our study found that of those who did receive modern tool kits, 70% are using them, while respondents from 91% of the sample households had no exposure visits or demonstrations, a facility mentioned by Qureshi (1990: 687). Instead, our respondents made product innovations based on their own talent and experience. The general secretary of the Kummari Federation of Telangana reported that some community members visited Gujarat to understand new technologies used by the potter community there. He said that the Gujarat government had introduced emerging technologies and the interventions had attracted many youths to the traditional craft.

The Government of Telangana had initiated some measures to enter into Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), inter alia with several companies and organisations in Gandhinagar and Ahmadabad in Gujarat to introduce modern technology in the production of pottery in Telangana. However, there had been no follow-up interventions. During a brainstorming session, conducted in August 2020 as part of the present study, community representatives suggested that MoUs should be made with other states, such as Rajasthan, to explore innovative models for technology transfer, capacity building and collaboration. To make the traditional occupation more attractive to future generations, new technical or vocational courses on the traditional craft should also be introduced at the secondary level and in polytechnic colleges.

A key informant from Ursu, Warangal district, conveyed that in 2015, the state government had taken initiatives for skill development and deployment of modern equipment to transform the traditional occupation and to financially empower the artisans. However, the related adoption of modern technologies is yet to gather momentum. He also mentioned that under a Central Government scheme, around 450 people from 21 districts were trained for 45 days in making innovative clay items and some of them were also provided with modern tools. The government also provided power wheels worth ₹17,000 to each of these trained artisans. While there have been some state-wide initiatives, thus, the respondents in the present study clearly felt that not enough was being done.

Marketing

Traditionally, members of the Kummari community used to hawk their products in their villages. They would carry their products to distant places, mostly to other districts, by bullock carts or vehicles, but this changed over time. Our study shows that 74% of respondents, altogether 111 respondent households (65% urban, 80% rural) said that their customers directly come to them to purchase products. Respondents from Kosgi, Narayanpet, Bangariguda, Nagaram and Bowrampet reported that they supplied clay items to various parts of Telangana. However, 25 respondents (16.7%) stated that intermediaries come to them to purchase stock. Additionally, 9.3% of households supplied pottery to resellers, who in turn sell them to customers in markets or on roadsides.

Intermediaries clearly play a key role in the pottery supply chains. Most respondents said that they depend on such intermediaries for marketing their products due to their own lack of manpower, experience and social networks. A respondent from Bowrampet detailed that products are procured by retailers who would sell them at a high mark-up through their shops or outlets in Hyderabad. For instance, a clay product procured from a potter for ₹300 would be sold by the retailer for ₹800, often after making it more attractive through some additional decorations. Some artisans argued that the role of intermediaries in the pottery supply chain needs to be regulated to ensure that the makers receive a more remunerative price for their products.

Overall, 97% of all respondents also did not have shops or dedicated spaces for selling their products at farmers’ markets (Rythu Bazars) located at mandal and district headquarters. Due to this lack of exclusive shops in public markets, their products were not recognised by the public as essential. It was felt that the state government should provide spaces in Rythu Bazars and public markets for selling clay products. One of the suggested options would be to involve village-level caste cooperatives or associations and the state-level Kummari Federation in the procurement and marketing of finished products.

Regarding pricing, one respondent from Nalgonda said that unlike factory-made products, which have a fixed price in the market, there are no fixed prices for local clay products. These are made through hard work and high risk, but customers do not appreciate the artisans’ hardships and tend to bargain for the lowest possible price. Hence, there was a perceived need for the government to declare minimum support prices to ensure remunerative prices for the pottery makers. It was also suggested that the government should regularly procure pottery items through the Kummari Cooperative Federation and local cooperatives for use in government institutions.

Role of Intermediaries, Government and Community Federation

As noted, the study team observed that agents or intermediaries from distant places came to the producers’ residences to purchase their stock. Paying 40%–50% of the cost in advance, they ordered clay products that are in regular demand in the market. One intermediary said that twice a month, she placed orders with potters and purchased their products, earning a decent amount from this investment for herself. This reseller stated that for a medium-sized finished product she paid ₹20–30 to the potter and sold it for ₹80–90. On average, she sold products worth ₹3,000–4,000 every day, earning a net profit of about ₹1,000 per day in a shop in the municipal complex of Warangal town, where she had regular customers.

This particular case study amply demonstrates that the pottery-making community is not well-positioned to reap adequate profits from their products due to lack of marketing arrangements. It was also found that some intermediaries were hawking their products on streets in urban locations, which is convenient for customers, especially on festive occasions, such as the Telugu New Year (Ugadi). Some artisans from places such as Kosgi and Narayanpet received bulk orders for pots, bowls and other items from restaurants and the hotel industry of Karnataka. Community members suggested that the government should promote their craft by placing bulk orders, as was done for weavers by the government of Telangana, to organise free distribution of sarees on the bathukamma festival and provide school uniforms for children. Further, they argued that the government must make it mandatory for all government agencies to purchase eco-friendly products. They suggested that the State Kummari Federation needs to take the lead in influencing the government in this regard, as the promotion of ‘green products’ is an official priority for protecting the environment. Marketing of clay products through digital channels also needs to be considered. However, 71% of the potters we interviewed still receive orders from private individuals or establishments and the artisans customise their products based on the specifications of their consumers.

Impact of Factory Products

Globalisation and modern technology have had much impact on all traditional occupations including pottery-making. About 78% of the Kummari households we interviewed reported that the availability of mass-produced plastic and metalware items had adversely affected their income and livelihood opportunities, particularly in rural areas. Another factor with adverse impacts in the state is the recent sale of products from states such as Rajasthan and Gujarat in urban areas of Telangana. These ‘exotic’ products, aesthetically attractive particularly to middle-class urban customers, are mostly produced in factories, using modern technology.

A case study of Inavole village in Warangal district illustrates another way through which pottery-making is threatened by the availability of factory products. Inavole is famous for its centuries-old Shiva temple, known as the Iloni Mallanna temple, which attracts devotees around the year. A popular annual event, Iloni Mallanna Jathara, is held for three to four months between December and March and each year, close to 300,000 people congregate for this annual fair. Traditionally, devotees offer cooked rice (bonam) to the deity, prepared in a locally bought clay pot (matti bonam). Since long, this created a huge demand for earthen pots, particularly during the Jathara period, providing steady incomes to the Kummaris. At times, the demand for pots would outstrip the supply.

However, the traditional craftsmen came under threat, particularly since 2016, when company products such as metal pots/utensils became available in the shops around the temple. Slowly, devotees started switching over to offering food cooked in metal pots or brass and aluminium utensils. As a result, the demand for clay pots drastically declined, with adverse impacts on the livelihood of the local potters. Their community leaders suggested that the temple management should impose a ban on the sale of metal vessels at the temple. Some respondents argued that the state government should devise a policy of making the use of clay products mandatory in all temple rituals. This would not only safeguard the livelihoods of the Kummari community but also uphold traditional ritual practices.

Conclusions and the Way Forward

The primary evidence presented in this article amply demonstrates that in Telangana, the refrain of calls for proactive state interventions in securing the future of the state’s pottery-making community is loud and clear. Other studies, such as Qureshi (1990: 686) in Haryana, identified that pottery artisans are an integral part of the rural economy, with this traditional activity contributing significantly to pottery-makers’ household incomes. In Telangana, too, pottery-making remains a primary source of livelihood for the Kummari community, accounting for 76% of the household incomes of those pursuing this activity. Additionally, the predominantly rural Kummari community is bereft of secondary income sources due to its low level of occupational diversification.

However, as this empirical study identifies, the traditional craft and the people who practise it are in a state of transition, confronting the artisans with a range of challenges. Many Kummaris are exploring other career options. Those who stay in pottery-making are not well-positioned to adopt modern technologies in the production process and are unable to compete with technology-intensive and mass- produced products. Other major constraints encountered by the community were identified by the present study as availability and accessibility of raw materials, inadequate space for production and storage, lack of product diversification and marketing support, as well as exploitation by intermediaries. The state government has made some interventions in the form of imparting training to young Kummaris and signing MoUs with companies for transfer of technologies. However, we found that these initiatives have not been pursued vigorously enough. The MoUs remain largely unimplemented. Capacity-building initiatives have not been followed up with financial aid or supply of modern tools and machinery to sustain the traditional craft, which is now threatened by the sale of fancy products in Telangana from Rajasthan and Gujarat.

Despite these problems, some members of the younger generation are willing to adapt to changing technologies and continue the art of pottery-making. This suggests that the government needs to initiate more effective and inclusive steps to make pottery a viable occupation. Possible policy interventions include establishing research & development and training centres to diffuse modern technologies and methods, plus supply of modern equipment and extension of financial support. Assured marketing support is also needed, including procurement by government agencies. We particularly identified scope for promotion of eco-friendly and local ‘green’ pottery products. While there is some evidence of growing economic pessimism among potters, as found earlier by Qureshi (1990: 685), we conclude that community solidarity and efforts to upgrade this traditional craft and conserve the heritage and traditional skills and knowledge, as shown also by Hamid and Jain (2023) for cobblers, appear to be critical factor to ensure continuity.

To make the age-old occupation of pottery more sustainable, multi-pronged state support along the lines suggested here should be complemented with initiatives aimed at mobilisation and collectivisation of the artisans to enhance their capacity. Notably, our sample households included several highly-trained master craftspersons, who can show the way forward by playing the role of torchbearers.