There are significant differences in the way in which women's subordination is inscribed in social security systems. In France relatively generous family allowances have freed the wage bargaining process from the vicissitudes of the 'family wage' argument for higher male wages. This, together with extensive child care provision, has allowed women to be treated more equally as 'citizen producers'. (Jenson, 1987)
2.
The fact that private health and life insurance in Britain are supported by tax allowances, ie propped up by public revenue, means they are partially decommodified. Decommodified welfare by no means only appears for the poor. In Germany civil servant status-preserving pensions are paid as of right out of general taxation, not on the basis of contributions .
3.
The absence of gender from discussions of full employment has deradicalised that policy in comparison with the social wage. But Scandinavian full employment policy does include a high proportion of women while also giving more financial and fiscal support to home-carers than elsewhere. The argument that it is utopian to include women in 'full employment' given the constraints of international competition can be (and is) equally levelled at the social wage.
4.
It should be pointed out that Britain operated by far the most stateised welfare system in the post-war period. Other countries were operating a welfare mix system all along.
5.
The more pluralised German system, for instance, rarely offers more choice, since each locality is assigned to a particular welfare organisation for basic, eg domiciliary, services.
6.
Social centres belong to associational life (le monde associatif) in France, facilitated by a flexible law combining state control and funding with self-management.
7.
Before the Decentralisation Law of 1984 social centres were held up as a model of user participation (Nicole Questiaux circular, 1982). Ironically, since then they have felt more precarious. Some local authorities dispute that they provide 'a service', taking the view that 'facilitating' is 'doing nothing'. Moreover shifts towards residualisation in social housing are said to make participative forms of management much more difficult to maintain. (Private communication at National Federation of Social Centres)
8.
During 1990 and 1991 the idea of the basic wage was reaching Labour Party if not government agendas.
9.
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10.
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14.
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15.
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16.
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17.
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18.
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19.
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20.
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21.
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Habermas, J. (1985) Die neue Unübersichtlichkeit - die Krise des Wohlfahrtstaates und die Erschöpfung utopischer Energien, Merkur, 1.
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24.
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25.
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26.
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27.
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28.
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29.
Jenson, J. (1987) Both Friend and Foe; Women and State Welfare, in Bridenthal, R. et al (eds) Becoming Visible- Women in European History Second Edition, Boston : Houghton Mifflin.
30.
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31.
Kitschelt, H. ( 1985) The New Social Movements in West Germany and the USA, Political Power and Social Theory No 5, JAI Press .
32.
Leborgne, D. and Lipietz, A. (1988) New Technologies, New Modes of Regulation: Some Spatial Implications, Society and Space, Vol 6.
33.
Lipietz, A. (1986) Mirages and Miracles: the Crisis of Global Fordism . London: Verso.
34.
Lovering, J. (1990) Fordism's Unknown Successor: a comment on Scott's theory of flexible accumulation and the reemergence of regional economies , International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Vol 14 No 1.
35.
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36.
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37.
Nowotny, H. (1986) The Public and Private Uses of Times, in L.Balbo et el (ed) Time to Care in Tomorrow's World. Offe, C. (1984) Contradictions of the Welfare State. London: Hutchinson .
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Pinker, R. (1971) Social Theory and Social Policy. London: Heinemann.
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Rustin, M. (1989) The Politics of Post-Fordism: or the Trouble with the New Times, New Left Review No 175.
42.
Saraceno, C. (1987) Between State Intervention, the Social Sphere and Private Life: Changes in the Family's Role, in Evers, A. et al (eds) The Changing Face of Welfare. Aldershot: Gower.
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