The impact of social policy on the behaviour of women workers in Poland and East Germany

It is beyond doubt that these last were very progressive taking into account the legislation existing at the time in Western countries.

The facts on this are taken mainly from GUS (1988); Statistisches Jahrbuch (1989); Bodrova/Anker (1985). For a comparison with Western countries, see OECD (1985).

These figures should be compared with the few per cent that we know on average from the West for this type of occupation.

It should be noted that these estimates are rather uncertain, giving incomplete facts. In both countries the statistical offices avoid giving comparative tables on the overall discrepancies in salary between sexes. One does better to look at the tables indicating average incomes for certain sectors or occupations.

For more details on the various aspects of social policy and employment policy referred to here, see particularly Helwig (1987); Koch (1986); Obertreis (1986) for the GDR; Graniewska (1985); Heinen (1989); and Mieczkowski (1982) for Poland.

The formula in the past, one understands, obeyed the considerations of prudence though the economic and political set-backs were just as rapid in the GDR.

In 1987, this measure was turned into paid leave of one year after the first child, available to both parents - with restrictions, however, on fathers.

The official working week was at this time - and still quite recently - 46.5 h.

In 1981, this last element would become 'paid' parental leave (also with restrictions on fathers). The majority of women concerned received allowances, as part of the family income. But without a system of indexation and considering the rate of inflation, only the worst off got anything out of it.

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