Unequal Road: Agency,Aspiration,and Migration in the Sporting Journeys of Ghanaian Female Athletes

Abstract

Challenging conventional narratives of migration in sports, this study delves into the lived experiences of Ghanaian female student-athletes navigating the intricate nexus of gender, global sports labor markets, and transnational mobility. This research offers critical insights into a previously understudied population by centering on the agency and aspirations of these athletes, alongside the structural barriers they confront in their pursuit of athletic and educational opportunities abroad. Anchored in World-Systems Theory, the study analyzes how enduring global inequalities, the Global North's pull intersecting with the Global South's push factors, shape the migratory trajectories of these women. Through a qualitative semistructured interview, a diverse participant cohort (n = 30) was recruited, including United States-based Ghana student-athletes who have competed in world championships; Ghana-based female athletes; and Ghanaian coaches who provided local insights on the challenges and opportunities for women's participation in sports within the country. The findings revealed a complex web of motivations and constraints, including attractive opportunities in the United States, systemic limitations in Ghana, and the lived realities of life in the “core,” such as cultural adjustment, career uncertainty, and persistent financial strain. The study concludes by discussing how sociocultural norms intersect with individual agency to facilitate transnational mobility and highlights the remarkable resilience of Ghanaian female athletes as they navigate and challenge the contours of global sports.

Keywords

agency Ghana female athletes sports migration resilience U.S. college education

Introduction

Women's participation in international sports has undergone a remarkable evolution since their gradual entry into the Olympic Games in 1900 and the FIFA Women's World Cup in 1991. The Paris 2024 Summer Olympics marked a new era for women in sport, featuring 50:50 representation, the first to achieve gender equality (UN Women, n.d). This trend is further highlighted by a 2025 National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) report which revealed that the number of female student-athletes reached a record high of 235,735 during the 2023–2024 academic year (McGuire, 2025). This growth, measured over the last decade, was seen across all NCAA divisions: division I saw a 12% increase, division II a 25% increase, and division III a 9% increase (McGuire, 2025). Further, NCAA demographics research, which focused on first-year international female student-athletes, revealed a notable increase in their representation within both divisions I and II from 2017 to 2019 (NCAA, 2024). This reflects the evolving landscape of college sports and an expanding global talent pool. Furthermore, the demonstrable rise in visibility within women's sports indicates a growing integration into the global capitalist economy, wherein elite female athletic talent is increasingly recognized as valuable and marketable. Nonetheless, the increasing commercialization of sports has created unequal systems of development, favoring well-resourced nations in the Global North. These nations continue to attract skilled athletes from the Global South (Agergaard & Botelho, 2014).

The conventional markers of “progress” for women athletes, such as entry into Western professional leagues or securing global sponsorships, can be seen as a deeper integration into global capital circuits that reproduce uneven development and neocolonial dependency (Giulianotti & Robertson, 2007). For instance, many African women footballers gain visibility only by migrating to leagues in Europe or North America, where their labor is commodified while their home federations remain underfunded (Darby, 2007). The influx of athletes from the Global South into international professional circuits highlights how the value they generate circulates disproportionately to managers, owners, and global media. This dynamic exemplifies the core-periphery power imbalance inherent in the global sports economy (Maguire, 2011).

Although the sports labor migration from Africa (including Ghana) to Europe has been extensively studied within a professional context (Acheampong, 2024; Agergaard & Ryba, 2014; Agergaard & Ungruhe, 2016; Darby, 2007; Darby et al., 2024; Esson, 2015), research on female athletes remains limited. Furthermore, a significant gap exists in the academic literature concerning the migratory experiences of international student-athletes in the United States (Sethi et al., 2024). Consequently, the transnational mobility of female student-athletes from Ghana and the broader African continent to the United States remains largely underexplored. In this study, the agency of Ghanaian female athletes refers to their capacity to make strategic choices and take purposeful actions to advance their sporting and educational aspirations, even within the structural constraints of global sport systems. This agency is expressed through their decisions to migrate, persist, and navigate precarious conditions within Global North sports structures.

This study aims to address these gaps by analyzing the push and pull factors driving the migration of Ghanaian female athletes, specifically in track and field (herein referred as athletics) and football (also referred as soccer), to the United States. In doing so, the study addresses two key areas: first, the lived experiences of the athletes in the United States; and second, the sociostructural challenges affecting women's sports in Ghana. In this light, the research critically analyzed how these areas intersect with broader global economic and educational opportunities, thereby shaping migration patterns among female student-athletes. The World-systems Theory serves as the theoretical foundation, explaining how global inequalities, particularly between the Global North and South, create conditions that incentivize migration. Through case study approach, this research draws on qualitative in-depth interviews with Ghanaian female athletes—both residing in Ghana and those who have migrated abroad and coaches.

Women's Sports in Ghana

The historical development of women's sports in Ghana is complex. Although women's sporting activities were integrated into the school system, they simultaneously faced limited formal recognition at the national level (Charway & Houlihan, 2020). Elite women's sports began to gain prominence between the late 1950s and early 1960s, a period coinciding with Ghana's postindependence push for international visibility. The said period is marked by the participation of pioneering athletes such as Helen Quartey-Papafio, who competed in the 1954 Commonwealth Games, and Alice Anum, who represented Ghana at the 1964 Olympic Games (Mahamah, 2022). A turning point came in 1994 when women's sports were officially included in the then Ministry of Sports’ national policy, and this recognition was later reinforced through the Sports Act 934 of 2016 (Charway & Houlihan, 2020). In 1994, the Women's Sports Association of Ghana (WOSPAG) was established under the auspices of the Ministry of Sport. Today, WOSPAG continues to advocate and promote for gender equality in sports, although it now operates as a nonstate organization. Despite these gains, Ghanaian women still face significant challenges rooted in patriarchal norms and colonial legacies, which inhibit the full implementation of gender-inclusive policies (Nkrumah & Domfeh, 2015).

A recent study by Charway and Strandbu (2024) revealed that barriers to girls’ and women's sports participation in Ghana are both cultural and structural. Their research highlights several issues such as gender stereotypes, domestic duties, early child marriages, religious constraints, and institutional biases. Also, a survey by Sarpong et al. (2022) revealed structural limitations, including the underrepresentation of women in coaching and leadership positions, which has repercussions for girls’ and women's participation in sports. Women's sports development is led by the Ministry of Sports and Recreation (MORS), operating at national, regional, and district levels. Other ministries also play vital roles: the Ministry of Education fosters school-based female participation, while the Ministry of Gender, Children & Social Protection implements gender equity and safeguarding initiatives. However, Charway et al. (2022) pointed out a lack of effective interministerial coordination, which weakens policy implementation. A unified strategy could enhance the reach of gender inclusion efforts, particularly in Ghana's 261 districts, where MORS’ District Sports Units are key local actors.

Historically, Ghanaian women engaged in less physically demanding traditional games such as “ampe” and “oware” (Asare, 1982), with the latter having cultural links to the Caribbean (Stoffle & Baro, 2016). “Ampe” is a rhythmic jumping game played between opponents. Players clap and jump while extending their feet, scoring points when their foot movements align with or oppose those of their opponent. “Oware” is played on a wooden board with two rows of six pits, each containing four seeds or pebbles at the start of the game. The objective is to capture more seeds than your opponent by strategically distributing the seeds in a counter-clockwise direction, one by one, from your pits into the subsequent pits. A player captures seeds when the last seed is dropped into an opponent's pit that contains a total of three seeds.

Since independence, women have increasingly participated in competitive sports, notably football and athletics (Charway & Houlihan, 2020). These are managed by national sports federations (such as the Ghana Football Association and the Ghana Athletics Association) and educational institutions (primary, secondary, and tertiary). While sports federations focus on elite development, educational institutions provide amateur pathways. Together, they form a school-to-elite sports pipeline, where student-athletes are often scouted for national teams. Recently, a rise in the migration of female student-athletes to U.S. college sports programs has emerged. Although this trend offers academic and athletic opportunities (Alegi, 2010), it raises concerns about talent drain (Bale, 1991). The departure of young talent could weaken Ghana's national teams and challenge the sustainability of women's sports development at home.

Theoretical Insights

Many theories have been employed to explain the phenomenon of sports migration since gaining prominence in the 1980s (Maguire, 2000; O'reilly, 2017). However, this study utilizes the World-System Theory and the push–pull framework to systematically analyze the transnational relocation of female athletes from Ghana to the United States. By adopting an integrative theoretical approach, this study seeks to analyze how macro- and micro-level forces interact to facilitate the mobility of African female athletes to the West, particularly the United States. Additionally, the scholarly literature and discourse remains relatively silent on the specific experiences of African female athletes within the broader discourse on sports migration, often neglecting gendered dimensions of exploitation, agency, and empowerment.

The World-Systems Theory (WST), developed by Immanuel Wallerstein (1974), provides a macrostructural economic model for understanding global migration within the context of capitalist expansion and unequal power relations. The theory posits an asymmetric relationship between core nations (wealthy and industrialized states) and periphery nations (historically colonized and resource-dependent states) (Morawska, 2007; Wallerstein, 1974). This expansion has systematically marginalized peripheral economies, creating a persistent flow of labor from the periphery to the core (see Figure 1). This model is particularly useful for analyzing the migration of former colonial subjects to their respective colonial metropoles, given the pre-existing administrative, linguistic, and economic ties. The world system remains deeply entrenched in colonial legacies, reinforcing economic dependencies that sustain this labor supply (Wallerstein, 1974), a dynamic particularly evident in the migration of African female athletes. This perspective aligns with scholars who argue that postcolonial structures perpetuate dependency, thereby continuing neocolonial relationships (John et al., 2023; Lodigiani, 2020). However, WST's core-periphery dynamic must be critically engaged with the long historical arc of resource extraction and the intergenerational violence underpinning modern global capitalism. As Rodney (2018) argues, colonial extraction in Africa not only drained material resources but also restructured economies to serve European accumulation, creating enduring dependencies.

Figure 1.

Conceptual framework.

Neocolonialism continues these dynamics through mechanisms such as debt regimes, exploitative trade relations, and the commodification of African labor, including in sports (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2020). Ghana serves as a relevant case study. Historically, Ghana was central to the trans-Atlantic slave trade and later became a site of colonial resource extraction in gold and cocoa—industries still dominated by multinational corporations headquartered in the Global North (Obeng-Odoom, 2020). This historical context makes Ghana particularly vulnerable to the influence of transnational Western organizations like the IMF and World Bank. For instance, a loan agreement with the IMF from 2015 to 2019 led to a “freeze in public sector employment” as part of fiscal consolidation conditions under IMF's Extended Credit Facility (IMF, 2015, p. 3). Although Ghana officially exited this agreement by 2019, unemployment rate worsened from 12% in 2015 to 14.7% in 2023, with female unemployment disproportionately affected, rising from 12.5% to 17.7% (Ghana Statistical Services, 2015, 2023). These legacies of structural adjustment, often unsustainable, reverberate in the structural inequalities faced by Ghanaian youth (Karimu, 2024), leading to limited economic opportunities that often push athletes to migrate or enter precarious sporting circuits abroad (Esson, 2015).

The migration of African female athletes is not merely an economic phenomenon but is also deeply shaped by gendered power structures and the historical exploitation of women in the global labor market. As demonstrated in some African literature, patriarchal societies often limit women's autonomy and dictate their roles (Peters, 2024a; Yussif & Nsowah, 2024). In this context, a female athlete's migration is not solely her own choice but is also shaped by several interconnected factors. First, family and community expectations play a significant role, particularly the moral obligation to provide remittances (Acheampong, 2024). For instance, Darby et al. (2024, p. 757) describe this as “giving back” in the case of Ghanaian female footballers who migrate to Europe. Second, safe sport and gender-based violence—including documented cases like the murder of Kenyan Olympian Agnes Tirop (Owilla et al., 2025)—shape athletes’ decisions to leave local training hubs for safer environments abroad. Finally, corporate or institutional pipelines that mediate the migration process. Mediators such as coaches, corporate teams, collegiate sports programs, and agent networks, offer education, economic opportunities, and legal status. For example, it is well documented how Ethiopian, Kenyan, and Ugandan long-distance runners (including women) migrate to Brazil, Japan, Turkey, and the United States, through arrangements often determined by some of the aforementioned mediators (Chepyator-Thomson, 2003; Peters, 2024b; Rojo & Starepravo, 2025). Rojo and Starepravo (2025) noted that, these arrangements simultaneously expose athletes to exploitation and dependence on powerful third parties.

The WST framework helps illustrate how African women's participation in international sports is often framed as an opportunity for social mobility, yet it simultaneously exposes them to exploitative conditions that mirror broader patterns of gendered labor migration. Many African female athletes are recruited into Global North sports systems under precarious terms, often facing discriminatory contracts, financial instability, and limited agency over their careers (Agergaard & Ungruhe, 2016; Sethi et al., 2024). Their bodies, talents, and aspirations become commodified within a system that extracts value from the periphery although offering only selective opportunities for true empowerment (Peters, 2024b). Moreover, scholars have long critiqued the colonial and patriarchal underpinnings of international sports structures (Biyanwila, 2018; Henne & Pape, 2018), which continue to prioritize male athletes while subjecting female athletes (Cooky & Messner 2018), especially those from the Global South to additional layers of marginalization. The gendered nature of sports migration is particularly evident in the lack of institutional support for African female athletes, who often face greater barriers in accessing training, sponsorships, and legal protections compared to their male counterparts (Onwumechili, 2024). This reality reflects broader feminist critiques of how global capitalism and patriarchy intersect to create unequal opportunities for women in labor migration (Benería et al., 2012; Peterson, 2012).

Although structural inequalities and exploitation remain central concerns, it is equally important to recognize the agency and resilience of African female athletes. The push–pull framework is useful in understanding the complex motivations that drive these athletes to migrate, encompassing economic necessity, aspirations for career advancement, and the desire to break free from restrictive gender norms in their home countries. According to Agergaard and Botelho (2014), many African female athletes see relocation to Europe not only as a means of improving their professional opportunities but also as a way to challenge societal expectations and assert control over their own futures. This demonstrates a push for personal and social autonomy. However, the extent to which migration results in genuine empowerment depends on the structural conditions that shape their experiences in host countries. Migrating athletes, particularly students, face significant hurdles. They often struggle to balance a new, digitized educational system with their athletic commitments (Deuchar, 2022; Kelley, 2022). Without robust institutional support (Navarro, 2015), this balancing act can be challenging and even worsen after completing their college programs (Sethi & Hextrum, 2024). Although some athletes successfully navigate the system and gain financial stability, others encounter exploitative conditions, cultural alienation, and lack of career long psychological support, reinforcing their vulnerability within the global sports industry (Stambulova et al., 2020). Recognizing these challenges call for a more equitable sports migration system; one that protects female athletes from exploitation while ensuring that their talents and aspirations are nurtured on their own terms.

This study highlights the intersection of gender, colonial histories, and economic inequalities in shaping the mobility of African female athletes. The WST, coupled with the push–pull framework, provides a nuanced understanding of how global capitalist structures, gendered exploitation, and individual agency interact in the transnational movement of female athletes. Ultimately, this research underscores the urgent need for policy reforms that safeguard African female athletes from systemic exploitation while promoting equitable opportunities for empowerment and self-determination.

Research Method and Methodology

This study used a qualitative case study design to collect qualitative data from three distinct groups: Ghanaian student-athletes based in the United States, locally based Ghanaian female student-athletes, and Ghanaian coaches. A case study approach is relevant because it is uniquely suited to provide nuanced insights into the social phenomena and lived experiences central to the research (Yin, 2009). Additionally, this method provided a deep understanding of the complex social dynamics (Taylor et al., 2016), such as the push and pull factors that influence the migration of Ghanaian female athletes to the United States.

This study employed a combination of purposive and snowball sampling techniques. The authors chose this approach due to the challenges of accessing a population with a unique set of experiences that the study aims to explore and understand. The initial recruitment of participants was conducted using a purposive sampling approach, with each author identifying individuals who possessed the specific experiences required for the study. Following this, a snowball sampling technique was employed. The participants who met the inclusion criteria referred other potential participants from their social and professional networks. For example, participants identified in the United States referred other participants residing in the same country, and the same process was used to recruit participants from Ghana. We followed up with these referrals through various communication channels, including email, phone messages, and social media. The integration of these two sampling techniques was critical to meeting the required sample size and facilitating the achievement of the research aim. The authors’ knowledge of and familiarity with the sports community in Ghana, coupled with access to mediators and gatekeepers (such as coaches and the university sports administrators), were instrumental in building trust and providing the necessary connections to ensure the success of the purposive sampling technique.

Data Collection

Semistructured interview was used as the primary data collection method, allowing for flexibility in probing deeper into emerging themes while maintaining a consistent framework across interviews (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015). Concerning migration studies/research, this method also allowed us to capture personal experiences, decision-making processes, and challenges faced by migrant athletes. The interviews followed a structured guide but allowed participants the flexibility to share their migration journeys, career trajectories, and gendered experiences in sports. The study recruited a diverse participant cohort (n = 30), including U.S.-based Ghanaian female student-athletes (n = 7) who have competed in World Championships; locally based Ghanaian female student-athletes with aspirations for migration and active involvement in Ghana's domestic sports sector (n = 10); and coaches from District Sports Units (n = 13—comprising 3 females and 10 males). Our questions for both U.S.-based and locally based athletes focus on the factors that drive pull and push migration. In contrast, the questions directed at the coaches centered on push factors and gendered participation within the Ghanaian sports sector. Additionally, we asked U.S.-based athletes about how they cope with the challenges of being international student-athletes in the collegiate system.

The COVID-19 pandemic necessitated adaptations in data collection. Consequently, digital interviews became an essential methodological tool. The study conducted interviews through Zoom for the U.S.-based student-athletes, ensuring their participation despite geographical constraints (Archibald et al., 2019). Meanwhile, the locally based student-athletes and coaches participated in face-to-face interviews, adhering to COVID-19 safety protocols of Ghana, which included mask-wearing and 1-meter minimum of social distancing (Government of Ghana, 2020). All participants provided informed consent, and an institutional ethical review process was submitted and approved. In consideration of the culturally sensitive aspects of this study and the participants’ continued institutional ties, we constructed pseudonyms based on descriptive categories (such as “U.S.-based student athletes,” “locally based student athletes,” and “coaches”) to protect their identity and maintain confidentiality.

Reflexivity

Given the researchers’ insider status as Ghanaians, reflexivity played a crucial role in mitigating biases (Berger, 2015). In this light, we acknowledged the potential for going native, a challenge where an insider researcher may become too immersed in the cultural setting, thereby losing critical detachment (Merriam et al., 2001). Strategies such as peer debriefing and external reviews help maintain analytical rigor. The five authors, each hailing from different regions of Ghana and possessing specific research interests, contribute to this rigor. The first author specializes in sports policy, diversity, and development; the second focuses on physical education and health; the third's research centers on gender, sexuality, and development within the African context; the fourth author examines sports inclusion and assistive technologies; and the fifth author's focus is on migration and urbanization. Together, our diverse yet complementary research interests enhance the study's findings and foster more nuanced analytical discussions. Additionally, the involvement of external peer reviewers provides valuable outsider perspectives.

Data Processing and Analysis

We employed a combined inductive and theoretically informed thematic analysis to examine patterns and underlying themes in participants’ migration experiences. The analytic process began with the verbatim transcription of all interviews, a step taken, to preserve the authenticity of participants’ narratives and ensure accuracy of representation. We familiarized ourselves with the data through repeated reading of transcripts, which facilitated immersion and reflexive engagement with the accounts provided. Subsequently, coding was undertaken through a series of collaborative discussions conducted via Zoom. These discussion sessions facilitated initial code generation and provided a platform for critical reflection. Initial open coding was followed by axial coding to group related codes into meaningful and organized categories. This process was further supported by pattern matching and explanation building, which guided the identification of recurring themes related to migration drivers, challenges, and coping strategies (Yin, 2009). In keeping with an inductive orientation, themes were allowed to emerge from the data while also being interpreted through the theoretical lens underpinning this study (Gibbs, 2018). This dual approach provided a nuanced understanding of Ghanaian female athletes’ migration trajectories, particularly in relation to push–pull dynamics and adjustment strategies within the United States. From this process, three overarching thematic clusters were derived, each with constituent subthemes: (1) Push Factors—economic hardship; cultural barriers and misconceptions; and inadequate support for female sports. (2) Pull Factors—scholarship to study and play; world-class training facilities and injury treatment; networking and career development; and financial freedom and independence. (3) Coping with the Realities of the Core—adjusting to a new environment; uncertain career prospects; and relentless financial pressure. These themes and subthemes were systematically analyzed and further elaborated in the study's findings.

Findings

Push Factors

The migration of female athletes from Ghana and other developing countries to U.S. colleges is driven by a range of structural, economic, and sociocultural factors that limit their growth and opportunities at home. The study findings here evince key push factors compelling Ghanaian female athletes to seek better prospects abroad, particularly, within the U.S. collegiate system, where access to scholarships, professional coaching, and competitive exposure provides a more viable pathway for athletic and academic advancement—elements that are often lacking in their home countries.

Economic Hardship

Economic challenges are among the most significant drivers of this migration. Many Ghanaian female athletes, including those we interviewed, come from low-income backgrounds where financial constraints hinder access to quality training, nutrition, and healthcare. In such contexts, family expectations often play a crucial role, with many hardworking young women (including female athletes) assuming the responsibility of financial providers. Thus, indicating a shift that challenges traditional gender roles and places additional pressure on them to succeed. One U.S.-based student-athlete remarked:

My parents owned a roadside restaurant but for some years now, everything just went down and then we've not been able to work for some time now. My mum saw my call up to the national team as an opportunity to make money and she used to say she wanted me to go to Serbia and play because it was going to be quick money. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

This is supported by one of the locally based student-athletes who stated that:

Most of us come from poor families so through sports we can raise our family. Travelling outside (abroad) for me is a yes because we are paid nothing for playing in Ghana. I believe I can make it outside. (Locally based student-athlete)

The World Trade Organization's publication, “Gender-Specific Differences in Geographical Mobility,” indicated that Ghanaian women, in contrast to men who typically migrate for economic and employment opportunities, are more likely to migrate for social reasons such as marriage (Orkoh & Stolzenburg, 2020). However, the findings of this study present a contrasting perspective. Indeed, several male coaches interviewed expressed joy and satisfaction when recounting the number of female athletes they had trained who are now playing abroad. As one male coach mentioned, “traveling abroad not only transforms the athletes’ circumstances but also elevates the standard of living for their families in Ghana.” Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the phenomenon where female athletes take on roles in the form of “giving back” (Darby et al., 2024) to support their families adds a burden, as they are expected to balance athletic aspirations with economic responsibilities.

Cultural Barriers and Misconceptions

Cultural norms posing as barriers and societal misconceptions further exacerbate the challenges female athletes face in their home countries. Deeply entrenched gender stereotypes, body shaming, and gendered practices in sports create significant barriers for female athletes. Regarding the stereotypes, which are often seen as masculine or inappropriate for women, one of the athletes stated:

Women football has always been inferior in Ghana. Also, society doesn't support us enough. And the idea that when you dress, you look too masculine. And when you dress like a feminine, it's kind of like you find yourself in two different worlds… So that identity conflict is always difficult. So, where do you go? So I told myself that going to the USA will help me get exposure as an athlete. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

Lamenting on gendered practices in Ghana football, one of the locally based athletes stated the following:

“They see male football to be something bigger while the popularity for female football is not there to boost even our parents to support us.” (locally based student-athlete)

To compound the challenges, one U.S.-based student-athlete recounted that her parents initially insisted she “is a woman and must stop the athletic training and focus on her school.” Although her parents did not entirely change their stance, she mentioned that they were very happy she received an athletic scholarship to study in the United States. All of these issues, including religious barriers, were reiterated by the coaches interviewed. One “consistently deal with religious issues both on and off the field,” particularly with certain Muslim groups and Christian denominations such as Jehovah's Witnesses and Seventh-day Adventists. Coaches reported on-field examples such as cases where some Muslim sects halted programs or activities that included Muslim girls, and instances where girls from Jehovah's Witness and Seventh-day Adventist backgrounds refrained from participation attributing their decision to specific religious doctrines discouraging athletic involvement. On the other hand, off-field challenges often involved convincing and educating parents about the value of girls’ or women's participation in sports. These cultural encounters from athletes and coaches are consistent with recent research on Ghana, which suggests that cultural barriers significantly contribute to the low participation of girls and women in Ghanaian sports (Charway & Strandbu, 2024; Nkrumah & Domfeh, 2015).

Acknowledging the confluence of hard essentialist (concerns about developing masculine features) and soft essentialist (responsibility for household chores and religious concerns) barriers, Charway and Strandbu (2024) advocate for education and gender empowerment initiatives that actively involve key social actors (such as government, nongovernmental organizations [NGOs], and the media) and change agents (including parents, religious leaders, and traditional leaders). However, framing these push barriers merely as problems of “traditional or local culture” is problematic, as it ignores the profound and enduring effects of colonial disruption on indigenous gender relations, “marked by division and discrimination” in the Ghanaian context (Nkrumah & Domfeh, 2015, p. 107). This framing allows Western institutions and NGOs to position themselves as “liberators” of Ghanaian women by promoting migration to the West, rather than addressing the colonial roots of these challenges. Thus, such external solutions, even when offered through scholarships, risk reinforcing neocolonial narratives that problematize local culture rather than engaging with its historical and contemporary complexities.

Inadequate Support for Female Sports

Institutional shortcomings significantly contribute to the migration of female athletes from Ghana. Both male and female coaches interviewed mentioned that a major issue is the underrepresentation of women in coaching and leadership roles within sports federations and educational institutions. According to Sarpong et al. (2022), this phenomenon contributes to a lack of female role models, which in turn limits mentorship opportunities and perpetuates gender inequality. Charway and Strandbu (2024) argue that this leadership gap influences hiring practices and restricts opportunities for women coaches. Additionally, poor national training facilities, limited funding for female sports, and few competitive platforms hinder athlete development. While some Ghanaian tertiary institutions have decent facilities, the lack of structured scholarships makes it difficult for female student-athletes to combine education and sports, prompting many to seek better opportunities abroad. One of the U.S.-based student-athletes remarked:

When I was in Ghana, I was paying my own fees, I wasn’t on a scholarship, but I was running (competing) for the university. But when I came here (USA) I didn't pay my fees. I am on a full scholarship. You complete [your education], and you don’t have any student loans to pay. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

As a result, U.S. colleges, which offer financial aid, world-class coaching, and strong athletic programs, become a more attractive and sustainable alternative. A key determinant factor stemming from institutional shortcomings for athletes with national team ties is the issue of broken commitments from governing bodies such as the Ghana Football Association (GFA) and the Ghana Athletics Association (GAA). These unfulfilled obligations have left numerous domestically and internationally based athletes without essential support, particularly when managing injuries. Two U.S.-based footballers recounted instances where the GFA failed to provide due payment following their qualification to and representation at the 2016 FIFA U-20 Women's World Cup. Furthermore, U.S.-based track and field athletes also lamented self-reliance in managing injuries sustained prior to the African Athletics Championships. A locally based footballer recounted having to pause her career postpartum due to a lack of support from her club.

Pull Factors

The increasing migration of Ghanaian female athletes to U.S. colleges is driven by a range of attractive opportunities that are often unavailable in their home country. The findings here present the key pull factors that make the U.S. collegiate system a preferred destination for these athletes, particularly in terms of access to education, superior sports infrastructure, career development, and financial security.

Scholarship to Study and Play

A primary motivation for Ghanaian female athletes pursuing opportunities abroad is the availability of scholarships that allow them to combine academics with sports. Unlike Ghana, as already recounted in the push factors, where limited funding and scholarship opportunities constrain many talented athletes, U.S. colleges provide structured financial aid that covers tuition, accommodation, and athletic training. When we asked the U.S.-based student-athletes about what primarily motivated their migration to the United States, one of them stated without hesitation that:

First of all, the [USA] universities were giving scholarships, that is it. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

The locally based student-athletes we interviewed shared similar sentiments mentioning that they are waiting for a scholarship opportunity to study, play sports and earn money. This ensures that female athletes can pursue higher education without financial strain while simultaneously developing their athletic careers. Furthermore, the U.S.-based student-athletes contrast their academic experiences in the United States with those in Ghana, highlighting significantly greater support and resources in the U.S. system. One U.S.-based student-athlete recounted:

I'm gonna say this about one of my classes that I took in Ghana (university withheld). We were about 1000 students in the class. The lecturers never knew who I was. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

In addition to the preferred smaller class sizes fostering closer student–lecturer relationships, other key differences include tailored academic support for student-athletes (e.g., make-up classes, tutoring, and flexible deadlines), and comprehensive financial aid enabling focused dedication to both academics and sports. This, according to one of the U.S.-based student-athletes, has led to marked improvements in her performance as both a student and an athlete due to the focused attention and available resources in the United States.

World-Class Training Facilities and Injury Treatment

Another critical factor is the superior sports facilities and professional coaching available in U.S. institutions. Compared to Ghana, where national training facilities are often underfunded and poorly maintained, U.S. colleges provide state-of-the-art training centers, specialized coaching, and advanced sports science support. Here, both U.S.-based and locally based student-athletes mentioned that facilities in the United States or the West at large are better and can help them to compete at the highest level. This is what one U.S.-based student-athlete mentioned:

When I was in Ghana, I was like, if I can go to America, I'll be able to compete in the Olympics. Yeah, because I have seen and heard that the conditions are different. They are good, they are better than those in Ghana. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

Additionally, access to high-quality medical care and injury treatment ensures that athletes receive proper rehabilitation, a crucial element often neglected in Ghana. According to the interviewed athletes (both U.S.-based and locally based), injured athletes in Ghana frequently struggle with inadequate medical attention and career setbacks. In the words of one locally based athlete:

When you play for the national football team and you get injured, they are not going to take care of you. They just send you home. (locally based student-athlete)

In addition to the significant differences in injury treatment and sporting facilities between the United States and Ghana, the U.S.-based student-athletes also highlighted more frequent and structured competitive opportunities and a greater overall prioritization of sports publicity and media coverage in the United States. According to them, the system in the United States provides a more supportive and resource-rich environment for aspiring athletes. It is worth noting that the focus on education as a pathway to achieving sporting goals (such as participating in world championships) differs significantly from some studies examining athletes’ (including female athletes’) motivations for sports labor migration to the U.S. collegiate system (Love & Kim, 2011). For example, Chepyator-Thomson's (2003) study on “Kenyan scholar-runners” in the United States highlights how these athletes view running as a means to attain educational opportunities that may not be accessible to them in Kenya.

Networking and Career Development

Networking and career development motivations for migrating to the U.S. collegiate system are evident in the athletes’ narrative. Particularly, peer networks and existing social connections with Ghanaians already in the United States. These include former teammates and school friends who provide vital information, encouragement, and direct pathways to opportunities (such as coach referrals). The presence of a supportive Ghanaian network in the U.S. schools offers ongoing guidance and shared experiences, with success stories among peers inspiring others to pursue similar opportunities. While one local athlete happily revealed her ongoing discussion with Ghanaian-based student-athletes in the United States at the time of the data collection, one U.S.-based athlete remarked:

I had two friends who were playing and going to school in the USA. They used to tell me about their seasons, how they were actively playing throughout the semester… I told them I want to play soccer abroad and they said they will talk to their coach. [So], they talked to their coach, the coach saw videos of me playing, and said he was interested, so we started the travel process from there. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

Beyond the networking opportunities that yield both athletic and academic benefits, the U.S.-based student-athletes highlighted that the U.S. collegiate system offers career development opportunities that are crucial for female athletes seeking long-term success. All the athletes claimed that the structured nature of collegiate sports provides access to elite-level competitions, potential sponsorship opportunities, and exposure to professional scouting—all of which significantly enhance career trajectories. Furthermore, student-athletes may benefit from mentorship programs, institutional support, and established pathways into professional sports or alternative careers such as coaching, sports management, and related fields (Navarro, 2015). In contrast to Ghana's sports system, which often pushes athletes to seek opportunities abroad, our findings suggest that the collegiate sports system in the United States serves as a pathway to sustainable careers after athletics.

Financial Freedom and Independence

Another compelling factor is financial independence and the ability to support family members back home in Ghana through remittances. As we have mentioned, the student-athlete interviewees come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds where financial struggles limit their ability to train and compete in Ghana. The findings reveal that financial freedom is a key motivating factor for Ghanaian female athletes migrating to the U.S. collegiate system. The athletes perceive the United States as a land of “greener pastures,” offering economic opportunities not available in Ghana. Full scholarships, stipends, and the ability to independently manage and save money contribute significantly to their motivation. These financial benefits not only support personal development and well-being but also enable the athletes to send monthly remittances home, supporting their families and communities. This is summed up by one of the U.S.-based athletes:

When you hear about the USA, you want to go there and see. It is a place for greener pastures and a better life for myself and to support my family back in Ghana. So, I wanted to go to the USA and experience the greener pastures. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

Furthermore, all interviewees (coaches and athletes) highlighted the favorable exchange rate and higher earning potential in the United States as significant pull factors, positioning migration as a strategic step towards enhanced long-term economic stability and career progression. As articulated by the U.S.-based student-athletes, this financial autonomy allows them to concentrate on their academic pursuits and athletic performance, mitigating the financial constraints frequently encountered in Ghana.

Coping With the Realities of the “Core”

Although the decision to migrate to U.S. colleges offers Ghanaian female athletes’ access to scholarships, superior sports facilities, and financial independence, the realities of adjusting to life abroad present significant challenges. Here, the analysis primarily focuses on the U.S.-based athletes. We painstakingly analyzed data regarding the lived experiences of these athletes as they navigate cultural, academic, professional, and personal difficulties while striving to balance their education and athletic careers.

Adjusting to a New Environment

A major hurdle for the student-athletes is adjusting to a new cultural environment. The transition from Ghana to the United States often brings culture shock, requiring athletes to quickly adjust to different social norms, academic expectations, and training regimens. Balancing education with intense athletic commitments further adds to the strain. One athlete shares her feelings about traveling to an unfamiliar place and her fear upon arriving at her school in the United States:

I don't know if I'm ready for this because it's a lot, bear with me, I've been a teenager who never travelled outside of my home until I moved to my Ghana university (university name withheld). And here I am, being told that I've had this [USA scholarship] opportunity. So, I had to get myself up and go all the way across thousands of miles with no family member. Just me and my suitcase. When I finally arrived, I was scared, I was afraid. The fear of not knowing anyone here and the fear of being black in America were something that I was always scared of. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

In addition, the student-athletes faced divergent educational structures and learning styles, necessitating academic acculturation, a process that can significantly impact their initial academic performance. The reported adjustment periods and initial grade struggles align with research on the challenges of adjusting to new pedagogical environments and academic expectations (Deuchar, 2022; Kelley, 2022). A key obstacle, as one noted, was getting used to the university's digital learning platform and meeting the many assignment deadlines. Thus, highlighting the importance of digital literacy and effective time management skills in contemporary higher education. Furthermore, as captured in one of their statements, the student-athletes lamented the difficulty in securing part-time work and accommodation during school vacations. This underscores the socioeconomic precarity experienced by some international student-athletes, particularly when navigating financial constraints alongside athletic and academic demands.

Uncertain Career Prospects

Beyond college, uncertainty about career prospects poses a major concern. All the U.S.-based student-athletes we interviewed spoke about the difficulties of securing sponsorship deals or professional contracts after graduation. Footballers who are not recruited into elite teams/clubs and track and field athletes who fail to secure funding often find themselves in limbo, unable to transition into professional sports or secure stable employment. This creates a sense of uncertainty about their future, forcing many to reconsider their initial dreams of athletic success for “decent work” in words of one of the track and field athletes. Fearing the prospects of securing a professional sports career one of the footballers dolefully stated below:

For now, my goal is to study and play in school and maybe if I get an offer, I'll go professional and if not, I will just find a job and work somewhere. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

The uncertainty expressed by the student-athletes is neither isolated nor unprecedented. Existing scholarship has documented how international student-athletes (with women most affected) often experience a sense of loss, feelings of marginalization, and exploitation, particularly once their collegiate eligibility ends and institutional support diminishes (Sethi & Hextrum, 2024). Despite these setbacks, the U.S.-based student-athletes demonstrated considerable resilience, expressing a determination to exhaust all employment opportunities in the sports and nonsports sectors before contemplating a return to Ghana. Their resolve to persist highlights their agency and resilience in navigating precarious career pathways. This disillusionment with perceived institutional neglect at the U.S. university level mirrors their experiences with Ghanaian sports governing bodies, as many of them (in the push factors) lamented being neglected by the Ghana Football Association and the Ghana Athletics Association once they were no longer actively competing. This echoes broader concerns about the maginalization and lack of long-term support for international student-athletes in collegiate sports, potentially leading to mental health challenges due to dashed expectations and limited career prospects (Stambulova et al., 2020).

Relentless Financial Pressure

It is important to highlight that families of the U.S.-based athletes served as critical sources of emotional support, encouragement, and a sustained sense of belonging despite geographical separation. However, this close familial bond also introduces additional challenges, particularly related to persistent financial obligations. The athletes reported significant pressure to remit funds, which involved not only supporting their immediate family but extending to broader kinship networks, including aunts, uncles, nieces, and nephews—an expectation deeply rooted in Ghana's communal cultural norms. One of the athletes remarked:

I cannot stay here and think that everything is okay, I will help if I can. I always try to do the best I can here and if I have anything, I will just send it back home so they can also use it to make ends meet. (U.S.-based student-athlete)

To buttress the above statement, one student-athlete shared with us records of having remitted over $10,000 from her personal savings since she arrived in the United States. When asked, she attributed this practice to Ghana's communal cultural norms, where young people perceived as having “made it” (a Ghanaian term for “successful in life”) are socially obligated to support their families. The expectation for successful individuals or athletes to provide financial support is a well-documented social norm in many parts of Africa, shaping the lived realities of those who migrate for opportunities (Acheampong, 2024; Darby et al., 2024). Moreover, some athletes interviewed disclose feelings of emotional distress when family members berate them for missed phone calls or unmet financial expectations. Nevertheless, the athletes expressed optimism that perseverance and eventual graduation would enable them to fulfill both personal and communal expectations.

Discussion and Conclusion

The study findings reveal the aspirations, agency, and motivations of Ghanaian female athletes in their pursuit of migration to the United States and the realities they face. We now present discussions related to the pull and push factors, the realities of the “core,” overlapping and divergent challenges, and then conclude with the study's limitations and recommendations.

The key highlight from the identified push factors shows that, beyond economic and social motivations, migration is also driven by structural inequalities such as the asymmetrical relationship between Ghana and the United States as well as the mistreatment of marginalized groups, including women (Morawska, 2007). These dynamics exemplify the systemic imbalances that Wallerstein's (1974) WST identifies as characteristic of the global capitalist order, where peripheral nations like Ghana remain economically and institutionally dependent on core nations such as the United States. Within this framework, the migration of Ghanaian women, including athletes, can be seen as both a symptom and reinforcement of these enduring core–periphery relations. The continuous flow of skilled and semiskilled labor from Ghana to the West thus sustains a global division of labor that privileges core nations while extracting human capital from the periphery. The findings mirror this broader structural reality, representing a microcosm of Ghanaian female migration patterns that perpetuate postcolonial dependencies (John et al., 2023; Lodigiani, 2020). For instance, the gender composition of the Ghanaian diaspora in OECD countries has shown a marked increase in the number of female emigrants, rising from 260,347 in 2005 to 337,993 in 2015, representing approximately 30% increase (OECD, 2022; Orkoh & Stolzenburg, 2020). At present, the United States attracts the largest annual inflows of Ghanaian migrants, with over 8,400 individuals migrating in 2019, followed by the United Kingdom, Italy, and Spain (OECD, 2022). These patterns accentuate the continuing relevance of Wallerstein's theoretical lens in understanding how global inequalities shape individual migratory decisions and gendered mobility. Consequently, addressing the structural drivers of female migration requires systemic reforms that address the economic, cultural, and institutional barriers that drive female migration. These reforms may include legislative instruments and institutional measures that create a supportive environment for female athletes to enhance talent retention and promote gender equity in sports. Ultimately, this can reduce the necessity for outward migration in pursuit of improved opportunities.

Another important finding from the pull factors highlights the increasing appeal of U.S. colleges for Ghanaian female athletes and the need for Ghanaian tertiary institutions and sports governing bodies to invest in scholarships, infrastructure, and professional support systems. More broadly, the U.S.-based student-athletes’ decisions to migrate reflect significant sociological implications, particularly in how they exercise individual agency within global sport migration pathways (Agergaard & Ryba, 2014). Although participants cited material benefits as their motivation for migration, this study situates these responses within the broader context of enduring colonial legacies, global inequalities in sports infrastructure, and the symbolic authority of the West. This dynamic illustrates how neocolonialism shapes the perception of “better opportunities” and acts as a significant “push factor.” In line with this, Wallerstein's (1974) WST highlights not only economic disparities but also the ideological and cultural forces that reinforce core-periphery dynamics. Furthermore, the remittances sent to family members in Ghana challenge traditional gender norms by positioning women as key financial providers, thereby contesting the patriarchal expectations that place economic responsibility primarily on men (Awumbila, 2015). Additionally, addressing the scholarship, training facilities gaps and injury treatment deficits can help Ghana retain its female athletic talent, promote gender equity in sports, and cultivate a more competitive and supportive environment for female athletes domestically.

Moreover, coping with the realities of the “core” summarizes the multifaceted challenges faced by Ghanaian female athletes in the United States, underscoring the complex interplay between aspirations and the realities of migration. This aligns with critical migration studies that move beyond simplistic “push–pull” models to emphasize the nuanced and often difficult experiences of migrants navigating new sociocultural and economic landscapes (Sethi et al., 2024). The student-athletes’ initial expectations of a positive experience are tempered by the “real realities of the core,” a phrase that encapsulates the financial strain, limited institutional support, and the burden of adjustment. Their exercise of individual agency in making decisions to thrive resonates with female migrants’ active role in shaping their lives despite structural constraints (Mahler & Pessar, 2006; Piper, 2013). However, this agency is enacted within a context of significant burden of adjustment, financial strain, and emotional pressure, which are well-documented stressors for international students and particularly student-athletes (Forbes-Mewett & Sawyer, 2016; Smith & Khawaja, 2011). These stressors exacerbate the broader issues of “career uncertainty and institutional neglect,” leading to a fraught postcollegiate transition period. There is therefore the need for greater awareness and support systems that aligns with calls for international education and sports sociology to have a more holistic and culturally sensitive support for international student-athletes (Turick et al., 2020). This includes acknowledging their sociocultural and economic realities that extend beyond athletic and academic metrics. Ultimately, this necessitates a move towards institutional practices that recognize and address the unique vulnerabilities and strengths of international female student-athletes.

Although this study primarily centers on the migration experiences of Ghanaian female athletes, it is critical to acknowledge that several identified challenges, such as limited access to sponsorship deals, constrained professional pathways, and the precarity of athletic careers, are neither exclusive to women nor uniquely Ghanaian. These difficulties are often shared by male athletes and, in some respects, by U.S. student-athletes more broadly (Sethi & Hextrum, 2024). Recognizing these overlaps helps to situate participants’ narratives within the wider structural inequalities embedded in the global sports economy. Concurrently, the findings illuminate barriers that are distinctly gendered. For instance, sociocultural expectations regarding women's domestic roles, the moral scrutiny surrounding women's migration (often related to religious beliefs and entrenched gender roles), and stereotypes alongside gendered power asymmetries in leadership, coaching, and sports participation create additional layers of constraint. These forms of exclusion are not equivalently experienced by male athletes. Consequently, the analysis underscores the imperative to distinguish between structural challenges common to athletes in general and the uniquely gendered forms of exclusion that profoundly shape Ghanaian women's athletic mobility. This differentiation not only refines the application of WST to athlete migration but also deepens our understanding of how intersecting inequalities (along lines of gender, geography, and race) fundamentally structure opportunities in transnational sports.

To conclude, although the Wallerstein's (1974) WST offers significant insights into historical core-periphery dynamics, its inherent limitations in addressing contemporary transnational networks and the nuanced realities of immigrant experiences within core nations warrant consideration. Our exploration of the “realities of the core” provides a partial counterpoint to this limitation. In this context, the theory's core-periphery framework remains useful in exposing structural imbalances of power and resource distribution that continue to shape athletic migration and representation. However, juxtaposing these dynamics with Indigenous and African-centered epistemologies offers a crucial corrective. For example, Indigenous African sporting practices often prioritize collective wellbeing, spirituality, and interdependence over individual accumulation or commodification (Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2019; Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, 1986). Similarly, community-oriented philosophies such as ubuntu (from the Xhosa and Zulu of Southern Africa) and nnoboa (a traditional Akan term from Ghana) provide alternative models that privilege reciprocity, solidarity, and communal uplift. Organizations like the African Women in Sports Initiative (AWISI) operationalize these principles by centering cultural affirmation and local economic circulation over neoliberal growth imperatives. Incorporating such perspectives highlights that women's sporting futures do not have to be bound to assimilation into capitalist systems. Instead, they can be rooted in values of reciprocity, communal benefit, and decolonial political economies.

Methodologically, the case studies design of this research makes the findings specific to the Ghanaian context and thus, may not be broadly generalized to other populations. Nonetheless, the lessons drawn from this study could be relevant to other nations facing similar issues related to athletic migration and the challenges unique to female athletes. Also, although we highlighted student-athletes’ immediate social networks as a significant impetus for migration to the United States, there is more to explore. An in-depth analysis of the complex mechanisms within transnational networks remains a future avenue of inquiry. This includes analyzing the roles of foreign-based coaches, agents, and scouts, as well as local intermediaries like foreign-affiliated sports academies and role models in sports. Finally, given the unique context of student-athlete interviews conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, we recommend that future research adopt longitudinal methodologies, such as ethnographic revisits or extended follow-up studies, to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the evolving experiences of these athletes over time.

Footnotes

ORCID iDs

Derrick Charway

Vida Korleki Nyawornota

Bright Baffour Antwi

Lydia Amoah

Nana Yaw Oppong-Yeboah

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Derrick Charway is a Postdoc Fellow in the Department of Sport and Social Sciences, Norwegian School of Sport Sciences. His area of research is sport management and sport sociology, focusing on policy implementation, gender, inclusion and sustainable development.

Vida Korleki Nyawornota is a Lecturer in the Department of Physical Education and Sport Studies, University of Ghana. Her area of research is Physical Activity and Health, focusing on adolescent and children's physical activity, the built environment's influence on Physical activity, and youth empowerment through sports.

Bright Baffour Antwi is a Researcher in the Department of Sport, Physical Education and Outdoor Studies at the University of South-Eastern Norway. His area of research is assistive technologies and social issues in sport, focusing on socio-cultural analysis of digital technologies in sport, fitness, and leisure activities.

Lydia Amoah is an Academic Researcher and Educator in Gender, Cultures, and Development. Her area of research is Akan Customary Law and culture, and female traditional leadership, focusing on women's agency, customary dispute resolution peacebuilding in Ghana.

Nana Yaw Oppong-Yeboah is a Sessional Academic in the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, The University of Melbourne. He is also an urban planning practitioner with the City of Greater Geelong. His area of research is urban planning and migration, focusing on sustainable development, sustainable mobility, inclusive planning, transport policy.

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