Alcohol use by Athletes: Hierarchy,status,and Reciprocity

Abstract

Sport is considered a positive, health enhancing lifestyle choice. However, there is considerable evidence that many athletes, particularly those at university, engage in harmful levels of alcohol use. Despite decades of research showing student athletes consume alcohol at high levels, there have been no substantial in-roads into reducing consumption. At present, there is a need to better understand the social, cultural, and personal factors that drive athletes to consume harmful levels of alcohol. This study aimed to address this gap in literature by investigating the group level dynamics which may be driving heavy alcohol use and jeopardising attempts to reduce drinking. Over the course of one academic year, male (n = 9) and female (n = 6) rugby union athletes were recruited to take part in semi-structured interviews. Three overarching themes were identified that best represented the research findings, these were 1) social hierarchy, where alcohol use was used to create and sustain a social hierarchy, 2) status, where alcohol use was used to gain a reputation, and 3) reciprocity, where experienced athletes felt novices needed to go through the same (often painful and degrading) experiences they had. This study suggests that past approaches to reduce alcohol use among student athletes have substantially over-simplified the relationship and have over-focussed on the psychological contributors to this complex phenomena.

Keywords

Alcohol Sport University Hierarchies Athletes

Introduction

Sport is considered a positive, health enhancing lifestyle choice. It reduces depression, anxiety, and emotional distress (Mammen and Faulkner, 2013; Anderson & Shivakumar, 2013; Byrne & Byrne, 1993; Eime et al., 2013), improves self-esteem, self-concept, and wellbeing (Ekeland et al., 2005; Joesph et al., 2014; Ahn & Fedewa, 2011; Harris, 2018) and improves physiological health (World Health Organisation, 2018). Despite the positive biopsychosocial benefits of participation in sport, there is evidence that many athletes, particularly those at university, engage in harmful levels of alcohol use (Mays et al., 2010; Scholes-Balog et al., 2016; Poortinga, 2007). The notable drinking practices of university athletes are often explained in terms of socialising with peers (team-mates) and cultivating cohesion or a sense of belonging (Evans et al., 1992; Martin, 1998; Donnelly & Young, 1988; Orloff, 1974; Wilson et al., 2004; Martens et al., 2011). Studies identify long-standing drinking traditions in sport that involve drinking with team-mates and opponents (Lawson and Evans, 1992; Stainback, 1997; Black et al., 1999). It is clear student athletes view drinking as important for building unity (Zhou & Heim, 2014), and that social/enhancement motives are important predictors of individual drinking patterns (O’Brien et al., 2008).

Several studies which have attempted to understand and change alcohol use by student athletes have been underpinned by social norms theory (Cf. Perkins et al., 1999; Borsari and Carey, 2001; Perkins, 2002). The research shows that misperceptions of others’ drinking are predictive of one's own consumption (Ford, 2007; Dams O’Connor et al., 2007; Lewis & Paladino, 2008; Hummer et al., 2009; Williams et al., 2008; Martens et al., 2006). Social norms theory postulates that individuals are inherently driven to evaluate oneself against others. Moreover, if there is a disparity between one's perception of their own, and others’ behaviour, then individuals are driven to change their own behaviour to conform with those around them (Festinger, 1954; Miller & McFarland, 1991; Prentice & Miller, 1993). Research has shown student athletes believe their teammates consume more alcohol than they do. The desire to conform to the misguided belief led to heavier drinking (Thombs, 2000; Turrisi et al., 2007; Hummer et al., 2009). The more intimate the relationship (i.e., teammates and friends), the greater the influence on individual consumption (Martens et al., 2006; Dams-O’Connor et al., 2007; Lewis & Paladino, 2008).

Social norms interventions have been the most frequently applied approach to reduce alcohol consumption among students (athletes), and have sometimes been described as a ‘silver bullet’ (Drug and Alcohol Findings, 2016). These interventions aim to change individual behaviours by drawing attention to the actual norms of specific groups, in an attempt to correct the misperception and show ‘everybody is not doing it’ (Perkins & Berkowitz, 1986). Such interventions, however, have produced mixed results and not least because of poor methodological designs (Thombs and Hamilton, 2002; Perkins and Craig, 2006). More recent interventions which utilise interactive technology (LaBrie et al., 2009, 2010) and provide personalised feedback have achieved greater success (Doumas & Haustveit, 2008; Doumas et al., 2010; Martens et al., 2010). However, a recent review of evidence concluded that at present “the results indicate that no substantive meaningful benefits are associated with social norms interventions for prevention of alcohol misuse among college/university students” (Foxcroft et al., 2015).

Others have gone further and questioned whether athletes are drinking to conform. Zhou and Heim (2014) argue there may be an underlying weakness of social norms theory when applied to athletes, where it is assumed that group norms are negatively imposed. In support of this argument, research has shown conformity motives were not positively associated with individual drinking (O’Brien et al., 2008; Hummer et al., 2009). Whereas qualitative research suggested drinking practices among athletes were strategic activities which served to provide a positive sports experience (Zhou and Heim, 2016). Zhou and Heim (2016) argue more research is needed which explores individual's engagement in normative behaviours as an avenue for achieving positive feelings of self-worth and sociality, rather than fear of ostracization.

The Current Study

Despite decades of research showing student athletes consume alcohol at high levels, there have been no substantial in-roads into reducing consumption. At present, there is a need to better understand the social, cultural, and personal factors that drive athletes to consume harmful levels of alcohol. Previous research may have over-simplified the relationship between alcohol use and sports participation, and overfocussed on the psychological contributors to this complex phenomena. This study aimed to address this gap in literature by investigating the group level dynamics which may be driving heavy alcohol use and jeopardising attempts to reduce drinking.

Materials and Methods

Participants and Procedure

This study used a purposive sampling strategy, where individuals were targeted and selected based on their experience with a phenomenon of interest (rugby participation) (Cresswell & Plano Clark, 2011). Over the course of one academic year and student rugby season, male and female rugby union athletes were recruited to take part in a semi-structured interview. Flyers advertising the study were placed on notice boards throughout the university, coaches of both rugby teams were asked to share an initial invite to all players, and word of mouth was used to stimulate further interest following the completion of each interview. A £10 Amazon voucher was offered to each interviewee to incentivise and compensate participation. All interviews were conducted face to face. Based on literature guidance, interviews lasted between 35 and 60 min (Dicicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006), and were audio recorded using a high-quality voice recorder. All interviews were transcribed following the completion of the data collection period verbatim. Fifteen rugby players (9 male and 6 female) were recruited to take part. Participants had a mean age of 21 which ranged from 18 to 23, all were of white ethnic background, and the sample included 1st year (n = 3), 2nd year (n = 2), 3rd year (n = 5), Masters (n = 2) and PhD (n = 3) level students. The participants had a broad range of abilities, with 4 currently or having previously competed at national level, 5 having achieved university level participation, 1 at regional level and a further 5 feeling amateur level was the highest they had competed at.

Each interview was designed to be exploratory and open-ended with the view of listening to each participant talk about their experiences. To best utilise the interview time, however, an interview guide was created to support this process, by prompting interviewees to discuss key elements. Interview guides enable a researcher to explore many respondents more systematically and comprehensively, and keep the interview focused on the desired line of inquiry (Dicicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). Based on the findings from the literature review, the interview guide was segmented into four main sections. Firstly, participants were asked to share what course they were studying, the length of time they had played rugby, why they started playing, and if they had played any other sports. These questions helped to ease participants into the interview (DeJonckheere & Vaughn, 2019). Secondly, participants were asked, in detail, the reasons they consumed alcohol, how they felt this differed, or was similar, to their team-mates and other students, if the reasons they drink had changed over time, if they felt their drinking was linked to their sport, and what role alcohol played in their sport. Thirdly, interviewees were asked to explain what, if any, factors (i.e., off season, training or playing schedule) stop them drinking alcohol. Finally, participants were invited to share any other comments which could help inform the research, or the interview process for future participants, and ask any questions themselves.

Method of Analysis

Data were analysed using inductive thematic analysis and followed the principles outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006; Braun et al., 2014). At a basic level, thematic analysis is “a method for identifying patterns (‘themes’) in a dataset, and for describing and interpreting the meaning and importance of those” (Braun et al., 2016, p.192). Braun et al. (2016) note a strength of thematic analysis is that it suits a wide range of qualitative research questions – It can provide analyses of people's experiences, identify processes which underlie or influence a behaviour, reveal patterns in people's practices related to their views and perspectives, and can determine ways an issue or topic is represented. There were six stages to the analytical procedure. In step 1, the researcher collected, transcribed, read, and re-read the interview data. Throughout this process the researcher become familiar with the data and created notes of preliminary themes of interest. Following this process (in step 2), the transcripts were systematically coded through line-by-line reading and highlighting of interesting features within the data. Each transcript was read twice during the coding process. During step 3, codes were collated into themes and supporting quotes were attached to each emergent theme. In the following stage (step 4), each theme was reviewed and refined. Certain themes were retired if they did not possess adequate data to support their inclusion. During this process, the researcher listened to the audio recordings again to confirm if each theme accurately reflected the context in which they were discussed. At stage 5, each theme was further refined, provided a definition and given a name of reference within this study. Finally (in stage 6), each theme and supporting evidence (in the form of quotes) were shared among the research team for debate, further refinement, and confirmation. At this stage, leading quotes were selected which best elucidated the topic of interest, and these were used to explain and interpret each theme in this study. The 15-point checklist developed by Braun & Clarke 2006; Braun et al., 2016) was used to ensure quality in the analysis.

Results and Discussion

Three overarching themes were identified that best represented the research findings, these were 1) Social hierarchy, where alcohol use was used to create and sustain a social hierarchy, 2) Status, where alcohol use was used to gain a reputation, and 3) Reciprocity, where experienced athletes felt novices needed to go through the same (often painful and degrading) experiences they had.

Social Hierarchy

Experienced players had control over other less experienced teammates, and this created and maintained a social hierarchy within the rugby environment. Those lower in the social hierarchy were forced to binge drink because they were new to the culture. The social hierarchy provided the authority to mature athletes to exercise power over those lower down the pecking order. As such, first year students bared the brunt of the public humiliation and pressure to drink, followed by second years who received some coercion and bullying but to a lesser extent, and third years who appeared to have a free pass against such pressure and influence. The exercising of this power and authority by those in higher social positions maintained the social hierarchy in a perpetual cycle. This social hierarchy was portrayed by Sophie who recollected one drinking game, where if a third year did not want to drink, it was the second year's responsibility, and if both refused, the first year was required to take up the responsibility.

For rugby you’ve got the first years which are freshers which are going to get absolutely hammered, like everything has got to be put on the freshers. Then second years, then third years they can just do what they want and there's not much “you need to drink this, you need to drink that”. So, we did pub golf the other week. It's tradition, you have first, second and third years. The fresher goes in the middle and you’re all handcuffed to each other, and if the third year doesn't want the drink you give it to the second year, and if the second year doesn't want the drink, they can pass it to the fresher. – Sophie (Female)

The language used by Sophie highlighted the dehumanisation and objectification of those in inferior social positions. First year students were not called by their names but rather given the label “fresher’. Dehumanisation can have significant negative physical, social, and emotional consequences. For example, Bandura et al. (1975) found dehumanisation resulted in aggression and allowed individuals to avoid self-blame for harming others. Bandura argued that victims were regarded as sub-human and thus did not deserve the dignifying qualities typically afforded to human beings. More recently, research has linked dehumanisation with greater punishment for criminals (Bastian et al. 2013a; Viki et al., 2012), reduced concern for victims of police brutality (Goff et al., 2008), and increased tolerance of sexual assault (Loughnan et al., 2013). This and other recent research draws attention to the (sexual) violence experienced by athletes within this culture. Dehumanisation of those in inferior positions may be a process which occurs early in the mis-treatment, which later frees those in dominant positions of moral concern. Research conducted by Riemer et al. (2019) linked alcohol use with dehumanisation, where drinking increased the likelihood that women were seen as less human. With this in mind, alcohol use, an aggressive social hierarchy, and the dehumanisation of those at the bottom of the hierarchy could lay the foundation for more serious adverse outcomes, as identified elsewhere (Bandura et al., 1975; Loughnan et al., 2013).

Initiation ceremonies played a central role in maintaining the social hierarchy. Jack, a first-year student, explained initiation ceremonies, nights out, and away games where all opportunities for older players to display dominance over him and other novices.

I think it's a chance for the older lot just to take the micky out of the younger lot. It must have started off that it happened once and then everyone wants to wait their turn to be able to do it to the new people. It just becomes a sort of regimented thing where it happens to everyone that joins. – Jack (Male)

Several studies have examined the role of initiation ceremonies in student culture. These studies have shown how powerful these events are in generating extreme behaviours. For instance, students marching with plastic bags covering their faces in a Nazi style re-enactment, students running naked across sports pitches during live matches, and students drinking alcohol containing live goldfish (Groves et al., 2012). These behaviours are often perceived to facilitate team cohesion (Cimino, 2011; Waldron & Kowalski, 2009; Crow & MacIntosh, 2009; Kirby & Wintrup, 2002; Waldron et al., 2011), however, several studies oppose this idea (Waldron & Kowalski, 2009; Van Raalte et al., 2007; Lafferty et al., 2017). The data presented in this study support an alternative field of thought, that initiations are better explained through power, hierarchy, and social dominance (Holman, 2004; Waldron, 2015). These extreme challenges or forfeits are designed to test whether new members are loyal to the ethos of the group and they abide by the same values. The willingness of newcomers to want to be part of the group leads to compliance with these extreme behaviours. Jack highlighted an important process, where “everyone wants to wait their turn to be able to do it to the new people”. This provides insight into how this culture is reproduced over-time. Bourdieu (1990) explained that social systems are maintained by transmitting shared values, practices, and norms through generations. In this case, athletes were preserving the drinking ethos by educating newcomers that attending drinking events, drinking excessively, and respecting the hierarchy were valuable practices. This means that novice athletes had a desire to exert control of others in future, given the underlying value associated with these practices.

There was a contradictory tone adopted by interviewees when attempting to rationalise their (forced) alcohol use. Players appeared willing, and accepted, being forced to do things. Harriet, for example, felt being singled out and intimidated was a positive experience which showed her team-mates liked and approved of her. It is plausible, however, that this positive outlook resulted from a level of internal conflict. It is likely that actively accepting to do something that goes against individual autonomy and judgement creates a level of mental distress. Describing being bullied as evidence of self-worth or being “the ones they kind of like” could help ease this distress.

I always enjoyed it. It was slightly intimidating at the time because even if you weren't in the rugby group and you were with your other mates they would still be like “oi fresher do this for me” sort of thing. Like, I remember sitting in the SU with my other friends and they just came up and said “fresher go get me a drink”. So slightly intimidating but I never didn't enjoy it because sometimes, me and my friend have talked about this quite a lot, but what we’ve found is a lot of the time the people they give the banter to is the ones they kind of like, and it's a way of showing and having a bit of fun between them. So, I kind of took it, not as a compliment but I didn't mind it. – Harriet (Female)

Individuals occupying different social positions (such as experienced or first year athletes) had widely varying perspectives of the purpose of this culture of intimidation. Rhys, a second-year student, rejoiced in the control he now had over those in their first year after having to ‘obey’ others when he was in their position. The control which experienced athletes had over novices extended beyond alcohol use, to other displays of dominance, such as deciding where people sat and when they were able to leave the group.

Second year, we were the ones that had control and got to tell the freshers what to do. Being a first year they make you sit on the floor, you’re not allowed to stand up to go to the toilet, you’ve just got to obey really. – Rhys (Male)

Less experienced players were perceived by mature athletes to be inferior and thus bullying and harassment was directed at them. Harry struck a downbeat tone throughout the interview, particularly when discussing the control older athletes had over him. He described the process as ‘tough’, although he also felt it was an unavoidable consequence of university rugby for first year students.

It's particularly tough on freshers. I just think it's always going to be like that all year, and I guess it's fun for them. – Harry (Male)

Harry accepted his inferior position and viewed it as the “natural order of things” (Bourdieu 1979, p. 198). To him, being bullied and forced to drink alcohol was an unavoidable consequence if he wanted to play university rugby. This social process has been described elsewhere as symbolic violence (Bourdieu, 1992), where non-physical violence is used to dominate an individual or group, with their complicity. For instance, Harry, by tolerating being “forced to down a dirty pint which contained tomato ketchup, milk, cider, carling, some fish guts” or by having to “lick this pint of the floor” was complicit in his domination by the senior athletes. In contrast, the experienced players, with higher social positions, did not need to use physical violence to maintain the hierarchy, rather they “let the system they dominate take its own course in order to exercise their domination” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 190). Harry accepted, or felt he had no choice to accept, the instructions to drink, and this compliance maintained the hierarchy. The dominated, such as Harry, viewed the domination from the perspective of the dominant (the experienced athletes) describing the experience as “fun for them”, which made the situation appear ‘natural’ (Bourdieu, 2001, p.35).

Despite speaking very negatively about the social hierarchy, those in subordinate positions saw positives in the process. They rationalised these practices as useful for helping them feel more comfortable around team-mates, given they had a mutual experience of being humiliated. There was a (perceived) benefit for those at the bottom of the hierarchy to engage in these behaviours and obey their elder teammates. Harry discussed one example of this public humiliation where he, and other first year students, were selected into “families” (groups of athletes from different year groups and ability levels). The process of being chosen by mature athletes to be part of their close-knit group might have felt like a positive show of acknowledgement or admiration, and Harry admitted “it's not something you dream about but it's not as bad as being made to down about 16 pints and run naked around the pitch”. However, each novice was filtered into their new family through a dehumanising process which reminded them of their inferior place within the team. Each first-year was sold to the highest bidding family and the money raised was used to buy alcohol for the rest of the year.

It's a good way to get us out of our shells I think and a good way to get us to feel more comfortable around them, because we’ve all done stupid shit. They put us into families. So, we were auctioned off as a group of freshers and a group of second and third years called families would buy us. So that money goes into a pot which goes towards beer for the rest of the year. – Harry (Male)

There is accumulating evidence throughout this study of a demeaning and dehumanising culture. From being labelled ‘fresher’ to being ‘auctioned’ into ‘families’, novices were constantly reminded that they were not worthy of dignity and respect. There is substantial evidence that dehumanising attitudes and behaviours can lead to wide-reaching negative consequences, such as bullying (Obermann, 2011), harassment (Rudman & Mescher, 2012) and social rejection (Martinez et al., 2011). Harry, in support of this evidence, had experienced these consequences during a bus trip transporting the team from a drinking social at the university to the city centre. When travelling on the bus, novices were segregated from their mature team-mates and were required to sit at the back of the bus. Harry described how he was physically and verbally abused and spat on by his more experienced team-mates.

All the freshers had to sit at the back of the bus, and somebody hit me on the back of the head, and I turned around and said “hello” and he said “fuck you fresher” and, obviously shit faced, I turned around, looked him in the eyes and said “fuck you to” and then he spat in my face and said “do you want to try that again?”. And I couldn't believe that this guy, just because he had a drink thought he could spit and punch people, and the guy next to him looked like he was getting ready to spit and punch me because he said, “do you wanna try do this funny shit again?”. So, I just turned around and they still spat on me. – Harry (Male)

There is a clear need to root out this dehumanisation to protect newcomers to the culture from harm. A culture of intoxication combined with the dehumanisation of younger athletes may provide the environmental conditions for physical and emotional abuse. Alcohol intoxication leads to a lack of judgement, lowered inhibition and poor decision making (Osgood & Muraven, 2018; Goudriaan et al., 2007). Whereas dehumanisation reduces the moral worth attributed to the dehumanised and increases perceptions that they are less worthy of protection from harm (Christoff, 2014; Opotow, 1990; Haslam & Loughnan, 2014; Gray et al., 2007; Bastian & Haslam, 2011). In the athlete culture studied here, novices were repeatedly viewed as less worthy of respectful human treatment and drunkenness resulted in aggression and violence towards the dehumanised.

The social hierarchy and the processes which served to maintain it (i.e., fear, intimidation, and bullying) have been presented thus far as predominantly negative. However, athletes also saw positives to the experience. Ellie, for example, felt the hierarchy and power dynamics ultimately promoted group cohesion, and this seemed a price worth paying.

There is that hierarchy, of freshers and seniors, and the seniors do try and… like most of the time the drinking and the banter they give you is just bonding, and you get on well with them in a couple of months time, but initially they do give you a bit of shit. – Ellie (Female)

This perception, that intimidation and coercion bonded the team, was both a cause of the hierarchy and an effect which stemmed from it. Athletes wanted to maintain the culture to bring them closer together, and felt that having maintained the culture they were a more close-knit group. These perceptions are problematic as they make changing the culture more difficult. Several previous studies have shown athletes often (mis)perceive that behaviours used to enforce conformity facilitate the team by building cohesion (Cimino, 2011; Waldron & Kowalski, 2009; Waldron et al., 2011; Crow & MacIntosh, 2009; Kirby & Wintrup, 2002; Waldron et al., 2011). However, a mounting body of evidence suggests that perceptions, or arguments, that these practices build cohesion, unity, or develop bonds, are inaccurate (Waldron & Kowalski, 2009; Van Raalte et al., 2007; Lafferty et al., 2017). These findings make changing the culture more likely. It is plausible that actively accepting being dominated, despite perceiving the process as negative (as shown above), causes distress and conflicting attitudes (Festinger, 1954). Festinger (1954) explains that in these situations, individuals are moved to address the level of discomfort caused by either changing their behaviour or justifying it. Athletes may dislike certain behaviours (i.e., being sold, accepting sitting on the floor and not going to the toilet, or consuming alcohol without objection), but want to maintain their position within the group. In this situation, defending the practices as benefitting the whole group may be less risky to one's social standing, than speaking out against them.

Status

The social hierarchy, explained above, was underpinned by the honour, prestige, and status of certain players. This enabled them to coerce other, often more novice, teammates. For those at the bottom of the social hierarchy the experience was often unpleasant. Harry explained his friends in halls of residence “just drink casually and I just drink because I’m forced to by about 80 different second years. Which is quite scary”. However, there were also incentives for abiding by the cultural norms and drinking heavily. There were social rewards to be gained from binge drinking and engaging in notorious or “stupid” behaviours (such as drinking “a whole bottle of wine through a fresh salmons head” or “a pint through a straw with a cookie in our ass”). These social rewards can be defined as cultural capital, which are values associated with “culturally authorized tastes, consumption patterns, attributes, skills and awards” (Webb et al., 2002, p. x). Within this environment, for example, being able to hold lots of beer or drink a pint particularly fast constituted cultural capital.

This cultural capital could be built over-time and exchanged for status, respect, and admiration from teammates. Bourdieu defined this as symbolic capital - a “degree of accumulated prestige, celebrity or honour and is founded on a dialectic of knowledge and recognition” (Bourdieu, 1993, p. 7). Put simply, high status athletes possessed the knowledge that drinking practices were laudable and were rewarded with respect for their ability to practice them. Interviewees explained that expressing control over novice players provided the illusion of status, where players who may have been lacking in rugby ability were able to establish a position of power within the rugby system by using alcohol as a status symbol.

The first team, they’re actually alright, all nice guys because they play at a higher level and they’re probably not the biggest of drinkers. It's more the second and third team that will get in your face and tell you to drink and stuff like that. They’re not playing firsts, so they have to do it in another way. I remember buying a pint and I had to go to the toilet, so I was in the toilet and this big guy with a beard was like “are you a fresher? Down a pint” and I was like “oh I just bought this” and I just necked it. – Connor (Male)

First team athletes were already respected amongst their teammates for their rugby ability and performances on the pitch, and were therefore exempt from pressures to consume. They did not need to prove themselves as big drinkers as they were already held in high regard at the top of the social hierarchy. This finding supports previous research. For instance, Roy and Camire (2017) found the status of players strongly influenced the pressure they were under from teammates to consume alcohol. For example, if a highly talented player abstained from drinking alcohol, they received less pressure to consume. They were able to contribute to the team's success on the pitch, by performing well. On the other hand, less talented players who contributed less to the teams’ performance were required to contribute to the team in other ways. This often involved proving their commitment by complying with dominant team values (for instance by drinking heavily) (Haslam & Platow, 2001).

Connor's explanation showed alcohol use, or alcohol tolerance (cf. Clayton and Harris, 2008), functioned to maintain social divisions and convey dominance. Mathew, on the hand, felt drinking practices provided the opportunity for players to negotiate their position in the social hierarchy and climb to a higher standing.

They do it to climb the hierarchy, to prove that their worthy of being in the team. Being respected as a… it sounds stupid, it sounds stupid when you put it like that, it's just drinking for god's sake. I dunno, lad points. – Mathew (Male)

Participating in these drinking practices was key to one's position within the group. Novice athletes engaged in these to gain respect (or “lad points”) and achieve a more prominent position within the hierarchy. On the other hand, there was a fear among players, particular younger athletes, that refusing to engage would leave them at the bottom of the heap. Harry described a culture of fear where he was “scared to say no I’m not drinking” and that he was “afraid to talk to people” about how he disliked the drinking culture. Harry feared losing “a bond with teammates”.

You don't have to drink to play rugby but if you don't want to drink you’ve got to really be ballsy. I’d be scared to say “no I’m not drinking” to about 30 different 3rd years shouting around you. It's just what we’re told to do and you kind of have to follow otherwise it's not going to put you in great stead for the rest of the year. –Harry (Male)

Novice athletes, such as Harry, appeared to be engaging in the culture of intoxication for social survival, rather than personal choice. Athletes, and younger athletes in particular, feared the prospect of opposing the pressure to consume alcohol. This fear centred not only on the consequences of standing up to the group but also the perceived ostracization which would follow. In an environment which ranked alcohol, getting drunk, or engaging in notorious acts so highly, it is unsurprising that athletes felt abstinence was a sign or weakness or inferiority. Connor, for instance, reported it was easier to obey the dominant ranks and portray himself as being strong, than refusing to abide by instructions to consume.

When it's the first team shouting, telling you to neck or something like that I’d probably just do it anyway. Because if you didn't then you know… You don't want to get shouted at. If you get shouted at you might think you’re seen as a bit weak. So, you just try and keep up, so you don't get that. – Connor (Male)

Excessive alcohol use and alcohol tolerance was perceived to be a symbol of strength, within this culture. Connor explained that he “tried to keep up” to ensure he didn't appear as “weak”. These perceptions functioned to maintain the norms and rituals of the group and prevented athletes from challenging the status quo. Several scholars have argued that alcohol use, particularly by male team athletes, is designed to promote ‘hegemonic masculinity’ or typically masculine traits and tendencies (e.g., assertiveness, strength, or dominance) (Bem, 1981; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Anderson, 2009; Mullen et al., 2007; West, 2001; Locke & Mahalik, 2005). Those who choose abstinence or moderate alcohol use are allocated a subordinate gender identity (Hemmingsson et al., 1998; Janes and Ames, 1989; Kaminer & Dixon, 1995; Conroy & de Visser, 2013). The framing of alcohol use as a show of strength and dominance functioned to instil compliance with the drinking ethos and maintain the social hierarchy. Athletes could use the fear of looking weak and inferior to ensure others consumed their alcohol and did not oppose the culture.

Organised drinking events (such as socials and initiation ceremonies) provided athletes with recognition, status, and notoriety. Ellie, for instance, described how she could look back at her initiation ceremony with a sense of pride, and she had a story which she wore like a badge of honour. These stories set athletes, teams, and year groups apart based on the notoriety of their behaviours. These anecdotes contained the evidence that athletes had endured the challenge, and acquired the knowledge and skills to be part of the culture. It was proof that their ‘stripes had been earned’.

Now I can reflect back on my initiation and can be like “I did this, I did that” and it's not something I’m proud of but it's something I did. It's stories and everyone does it and it's interesting between the different years. – Ellie (Female)

These findings support previous research. Sparkes et al. (2007) for instance, found these practices showed commitment to club values and identity, and enabled athletes to position themselves higher within a social hierarchy of a university campus. Research which has focused specifically on initiation activities has found they provide the opportunity for newcomers to gain social approval, distinction, and recognition (Waldron & Krane, 2005). Further, completing extreme tasks was an indication of their commitment, desire to prove themselves as worthy, and willingness to give all for the team (ibid.). More recently, researchers have focussed on what athletes actually gain from taking part in these events. Johnson (2011), for instance, found newcomers who were successfully initiated felt part of something, whereas those who had a negative experience had failed to gain status. Lafferty and Wakefield (2018, p.22) suggest these events were educational, in that they enabled novices to learn “the rules of the group and the group structure” and this knowledge made them “identifiable to those in the wider university community as members of their specific team, subsequently increasing their social standing and status”. These previous studies demonstrate how initiation ceremonies and organised socials were an important and required part of gaining acceptance, where newcomers “have to tick each box” (Thompson et al., 2018). However, the findings from this study go further and suggest there is a cultural reward for escalating these challenges or proving one's credentials (i.e., ability to tolerate alcohol, drink particularly fast or act notoriously). In this sense, the more ‘wild’ the behaviours, the more cultural capital ascribed to them. James described how these stories were used by athletes to portray themselves and their experience at university, in a positive, legendary way.

Essentially the people want a story to tell. They wanted to say “we did this, and it was wild” everyone wants that story. The people who set the initiation think “well we had to do it, you aren't getting off”. – James (Male)

The interviewees recognised that behaving notoriously and telling others about their behaviour could be used to portray oneself in a positive light to peers. This led to them wanting to take part in organised drinking events, and succumbing to the bullying and harassment passed down through the social hierarchy, to create their own story and reputation. This finding, that initiations were perceived to benefit novices, supports previous research. For example. Keating et al. (2005) found students expressed enjoyment when being initiated, with those who had a more degrading and challenging experience enjoying it most. Others have found excessive drinking was perceived to be “a rite of passage that is integral to the experience” (Crawford & Novak, 2006, p.362), which can explain why students that receive an innocuous initiation ceremony express less enjoyment.

Reciprocity

The findings presented throughout this study help explain why student want to obey orders and engage in humiliating and degrading behaviours. Such compliance is perceived to be a show of strength and rewards those who partake in the most extreme behaviours with elevated status and respect. These practices were widely praised among this community and therefore there was a need to ensure that everybody complied, and nobody got off lightly. Supporting previous research (cf. Crawford & Novak, 2006), athletes felt drinking practices, and initiations specifically, were a rite of passage. Senior players who had already been on the receiving end of the humiliation developed a sense of injustice if others did not go through the same experience.

I think it's kind of like a tradition. So, it's kind of everyone has done it before you and it's your turn to do it and I think you do that, and you’re accepted into the team. I just think it's more of a tradition and it's always happened. – Ellie (Female)

Over-time, the cultural significance of engaging in these practices and telling others about one's actions embedded drinking experiences (i.e., initiations) into the ethos as tradition. These drinking practices were now deeply entrenched as rules and rituals of university rugby that they were simply accepted by newcomers and became ‘just one of those things’. Athletes, such as Harry and Ellie, had been taught to expect a heavy drinking ethos prior to their arrival at university and had learned that drinking practices were essential and valuable when they arrived.

It just seems to be what's been passed down from generation to generation. I think it's something that one day was started, everyone liked the sound of it and it's just one of those things. – Harry (Male)

Anderson et al. (2012) argued initiation ceremonies occurred because they mirror the sacrifices and subordination that existing members expect, and test both the newcomer's masculinity and their willingness to adopt a near agentic-less state determined by the power structures (Kirby & Wintrup, 2002). In other words, they test whether a novice athlete is strong and can be controlled. If the dominated accept their inferior role and behaviours, they are welcomed into the team as a worthy member (Bryshun, 1997; Donnelly & Young, 1988). Kirby and Wintrup (2002) suggest the main purpose of these practices is to develop a group who are like-minded and share the same values, beliefs, and behaviours. Thus, the drinking practices adopted by athletes are a product of the hierarchy, and a mechanism which maintains it. In a perennial cycle, these behaviours were practiced to preserve the history and culture of the club, and novices were less likely to challenge the power structure because they were a product of it (Allan & DeAngelis, 2004; Johnson, 2011; Waldron, 2015).

Many of the male rugby players, particularly the younger players, explained they would remove this culture of coercion and pressure from the overall rugby experience if they had the choice. When probed on whether they would, or did, bully or humiliate others, however, the rhetoric changed. These behaviours and experiences which were negatively framed minutes earlier, were now articulated with a sense of excitement and anticipation, at the thought of being able to exert power over other students when the time came.

Participant: I really don't mind drinking and I don't mind doing it all, but as soon as you put pressure on someone to drink a lot and as soon you start making them feel uncomfortable in a drinking environment, that's when it's no longer fun. – Harry (Male)

Interviewer: Can you see yourself next year doing the same to new freshers?

Participant: Honestly, I think I will, but truthfully, I don't want to. I’m not going to be spitting in the faces or punching any freshers next year. I just think it's vile and it's horrible.

Harry clearly felt negative about the practices (particularly the violence) that were directed towards first year athletes, however, he was upfront that he thought he would engage in these coercive behaviours in the following year. Athletes used the fact that the power imbalance will soon shift in their favour to justify being on the receiving end of these rituals in the past or present. Rhys, a third-year student, described that he had to battle through the coercion in the past, and this vindicated the pressure he now placed on others.

Because we got given it, we had it done to us, so now they’ve got to be given it. They’ll be able to give it to someone next year. It's like power over people. You wouldn't have power over them in any other situation, so you just shame them. – Rhys (Male)

At the other end of the social hierarchy, Connor, a first year, explained that the vision of him supplying the pressure to others was enough to appease his anxieties around currently bearing the brunt of the intimidation.

I’m not going to be an idiot, I’m not going to be one of the guys that literally shouts in your face and stuff like that but I think that's the way it is… like “oh we’ll be able to do this to freshers next year when we’re older”. Yeah, technically it's a continued effect. – Connor (Male)

The male and female interviewees differed in their perceptions of the drinking ethos and culture of coerced consumption. The men perceived the drinking culture as a process they had to battle through, rather than something with value or purpose. In contrast, the women described the culture as character building, affectionate and bonding (elaborated further below). These varying perspectives are where the processes functioning to reproduce the alcohol ethos in male and female rugby diverged. Palmer (2015) argued there has been a considerable focus in the literature on whether heavy drinking among women has increased or whether rates of heavy drinking have converged (Bloomfield, et al., 2001; Holmila & Raitasalo, 2005). Palmer called for a shift in focus to the social meanings and cultural practices that surround consumption by women, as understood by women, and for a move away from viewing sport-related drinking as “wholly masculine preserves”.

There has been a lack of research exploring the context and meanings associated with female athlete alcohol use, particularly in the UK. The study, however, supports the call for a move away from the popular discourses on female alcohol use epitomised by the “work hard, play hard” “ladette” culture (Measham, 2003; Palmer, 2015, p. 492), and a focus on responsibility, restraint, pleasure, and enjoyment (ibid). The female athletes in this study talked positively about the hierarchy and power structures. Darcey, for instance, explained that being singled out helped her feel valued within the team. She strongly argued that this culture helped to enhance team cohesion.

In my first year when I was a fresher, it was always like a matriarchal structure throughout the team, and I liked that because being fined or being told “fresher do this, or fresher do that” it made me feel quite valued throughout the team. In a weird way, but it made me feel with the other freshers like “Oh yeah, we have to do the rubbish stuff, we have to eat this”, but it made us bond because we both had to do it together, and we knew that the seniors liked us because they always had us do it all the time. – Darcey (Female)

This findings supports previous research examining initiation ceremonies in women's university sport in the UK. Lafferty and Wakefield (2018), for example, found women held positive perceptions of these events. Women felt these events helped them “get to know people”, feel “more involved with the older ones”, which helped “with team bonding and match performance” (Ibid, p. 130 − 131). As Palmer (2015) argues, these narratives contradict the popular discursive construction of female drinking as problematic and negative. Measham (2003, p. 22) explains women's drinking is typically characterised “in one of two ways: women's lives are worse than men's and therefore they take drugs and use alcohol to make their lives better or, for younger women in particular recreational/celebratory that is bound up in a discourse of risk taking”. In contrast to the unwillingness and anxieties reported by the male athletes above, the female athletes appeared open and willing to engage in the culture of intimidation. Harriet explained the group perceived these practices as facilitating bonding.

Yeah, I’d say definitely. When my year group got here, we were all quite on board with it and we would take the banter and take the drinking games and saw it as a way of bonding. – Harriet (Female)

Recent research by Zhou and colleagues (2014;2016a;2016b) helps to explain these findings, and vice versa. Zhou and Heim (2016b) found drinking practices were strategic activities used to create a collective positive experience for the whole group. Alcohol use was perceived to show commitment to the club, to enhance cohesion and consequently enhance performance. As such, drinking was positively related with individual happiness and wellbeing (Zhou & Heim, 2014; Zhou et al., 2016a). The female athletes in this study support these findings. In female sport, the perceived value of drinking practices, for creating bonds, showing affection, and increasing cohesion would underpin feelings of happiness and wellbeing, as identified by Zhou and colleagues.

Conclusion

This study has shed greater light on the group level dynamics within rugby. Upon arrival, athletes were exposed to a social hierarchy, which was created and sustained by drinking practices. The social hierarchy was reproduced as athletes progressed through university, and acquired positions of dominance within this social hierarchy. This study has provided novel evidence that suggests the act of moving from an inferior to superior position fuelled a desire to ensure the culture of coercion continued. Previous attempts to reduce consumption among student athletes have most commonly been underpinned by social norms theory, and had a narrow focus, namely, to correct individual misperceptions about the drinking patterns of other students. Foxcroft et al. (2015) argue, however, that of 75 randomized studies with almost 45,000 students, there were “no substantive meaningful benefits associated with social norms interventions for prevention of alcohol misuse among college/university students”. This study suggests these approaches have substantially over-simplified the relationship between alcohol use and sports participation, and have overfocussed on the psychological contributors to this complex phenomena.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article

ORCID iD

Marc Harris

Author Biographies

Marc Harris is the head of research at Intelligent Health and senior researcher at Cardiff Metropolitan University. He holds a PhD in sociology and is an experienced researcher in public health interventions, physical activity, gamification, alcohol use and image enhancing drug use.

Carwyn Jones is a professor in Sports Ethics and leads the Cardiff School of Sport Welsh medium provision as part of the Coleg Cymraeg Cenedlaethol. His main research interests are in sports ethics in general and the relationship between sport, alcohol consumption and gambling in particular. He is also interested in mental health in sport and is a qualified counsellor/psychotherapist.

David Brown is professor in the Sociology of Sport and Physical Culture at Cardiff Metropolitan University. He is highly active in both the teaching and research of the sociology of sport and physical culture. His research interests concern the development of interpretive sociological under-standings of the body-self-society relationship in the fields of sport and physical culture.

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