Information Behaviour of Refugees in North Western Uganda: Examining Approaches to Information Seeking and Use Behaviour Patterns Among South Sudanese Refugees

Abstract

Information behaviour study is an attempt to understand how different categories of users respond to, and utilise information products. This study focussed on exploring the behaviour patterns in North Western Uganda with attention to their information seeking behaviour patterns and their information use behaviour. The study was carried out in Northern Uganda, in the West Nile Province at Bidi Bidi refugee settlement camp. Adult refugee participants were investigated using qualitative techniques that allowed depth in data collection. Data was collected using interviews both individual and group as well as non-participant observation. Using ATLAS.ti 24, qualitative data was analysed thematically to answer the study questions. Findings of the study showed that refugees’ information behaviour depicted different information seeking behaviour patterns and approaches whether passive or active. Refugees exhibited varying information behaviour patterns in their information environments depending on the nature of information they sought and their character. Refugees used the information they found to respondent to their essential needs individually and as groups. Information validation and information sharing were key highlights that described refugees’ information use behaviour in North Western Uganda. Having knowledge on the different information seeking patterns adopted by refugees is beneficial to refugee service providers to develop different strategies to information dissemination that are supportive to all refugees categories.

Introduction

Information is a vital necessity for life that ensures progress, equality, democracy, and social being and therefore has influence on its bearer (Okwu & Opurum, 2021; United Nations, 2023). Often people seek information from different sources to aid them when making decisions about different life encounters (Soroya et al., 2021). Information accessibility is thus a major ingredient and requirement in making life choices. Information access is the foundation for expression freedoms and is critical for building trust, as well as ensuring other rights are realised (Barata & UNESCO, 2024). The way people relate with information resources varies, which portrays their information behaviour.

Several efforts have been made to explain the concept information behaviour with most scholars giving close accounts. The concept is explored by reviewing studies in the current and past two decades to comprehend it more. According to Agarwal (2023), information behaviour involves several habits adopted by people in their interaction with information including seeking, utilisation, avoidance, and stopping. Dlamini et al. (2020) posits that information behaviour is a term encompassing the different kinds of human dealings with information. Information behaviour, according to González-Teruel et al. (2021) involves a group’s and or individual’s habits in relation to the need, search, dissemination, use, and management of information. According to (Wilson, 2000) information behaviour encompasses all human actions in relation to information sources and channels whether it involves active or passive information seeking and use. It underpins the way people relate with information especially in respect and regard to needs, seeking and use of information (Courtright, 2007; Fourie & Bakker, 2009; Wilson 2000, 2016). Information behaviour is therefore concerned with how people act and relate with information.

As a result of insecurity and conflict in different parts of the world, the refugee problem keeps expanding making it one of the world’s wickedest problems. According to the UNHCR (2025c), world figures for asylum seekers, refugees, and internally displaced persons stood at over 123.2 million people ending the year 2024 with 36.8 registered as refugees. This is greatly as a result of conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, Ukraine, South Sudan, Afghanistan, and Syria (UNHCR, 2025b). Over 30 million refugees, asylum seekers, and internally displaced persons are hosted or live in Africa making close to one third of all the refugees in the world as a result of conflicts and insecurity in the DRC, Central African Republic (CAR), South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Nigeria (UNHCR, 2025a).

Conflict in the Great Lakes region has increased refugee numbers in Uganda (Ruaudel & Morrison-Métois, 2017). Uganda is the chief refugee accepting and hosting nation in Africa despite being a poor nation (Momodu, 2019). The largest refugee numbers in Africa are currently hosted by Uganda due to her liberal refugee policy (UNICEF, 2019). Uganda’s refugee policy is welcoming for refugees and refugee providers as it offers a friendly environment where refugees are granted opportunities to practice agriculture, move around the country freely as well as provision of relief aid (Addaney, 2017; Bohnet & Schmitz-Pranghe, 2019; Grześkowiak, 2024; Valassopoulou, 2024). Over 1.8 million refugees are hosted in Uganda making her Africa’s top refugees hosting nation with most refugees seen coming in from South Sudan with 54% and DRC which makes 32% (European Commission, 2025) (Figure 1). These figures indicate that the world’s forcibly displaced population has remained high. These people are faced with different needs, of which information access and use is part.

Figure 1.

Map of Uganda and Neighbouring Countries (European Commission, 2025)

In the settlement system adopted for refugees in Uganda, 13 settlements were earmarked to receive refugees. Of these 13 settlements, 6 were located in North Western Uganda. As of August 2024, Uganda had registered 1,693,311 refugees located across the settlements in the country with majority hosted in North Western Uganda (UNHCR, 2024) (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Refugee Settlement Camps in Uganda (UNHCR, 2025d)

Refugees are exposed to a variety of factors and hindrances such as desire for protection, food security, education, health and nutrition, shelter and settlement, sexual exploitation, oppression, injustices, cultural integration difficulties, problems with integration, and trauma (Javanbakht et al., 2021; Mendola & Pera, 2022; Scharpf et al., 2021). To navigate through these hurdles as a refugee, information becomes an essential tool kit for survival. Savolainen (2021) notes that despite the importance of information in incorporating refugees in new societies, there exists little empirical research to investigate their information behaviour. Information behaviour study can establish the red thread and underlying issues of information use patterns within social contexts of the lives of people (Bates, 2010; Oduntan, 2017) of which refugees are inclusive.

Calva-González (2021) argues that research on information behaviour is essential for people’s development. It is about a study aimed at investigating the why and how questions in relation to peoples’ needs, seeking, and utilisation of information (Yang & Yuan, 2022). Studying and investigating information behaviour of refugees in North Western Uganda is a step in establishing strategies in protecting the right to information for refugees. Addressing information related issues around access and use for refugees can help refugees settle in their fresh settings well and participate in the social and economic terrain of hosting nations. For purposes of this study, information behaviour approaches to information seeking and use among refugees were explored. The study was guided by two research questions:

1. What information seeking behaviour patterns do refugees in North Western Uganda possess?

2. How do refugees in North Western Uganda use information at their disposal?

Literature Review

The manner and way in which an individual gathers information for development, personal use, and the updating of knowledge as stated in (Abdullahi et al., 2015) is what constitutes information seeking behaviour. According to (Wilson, 2006) in his model of information behaviour, information seeking is an element of information behaviour and involves demands on information systems as well as demands on other information sources. He further points out that the different search strategies adopted in searching for information make up information seeking behaviour and as noted by (Huurdeman et al., 2016), it involves seeking or searching for information by interacting with sources of information and their retrieval systems.

Information Seeking Behaviour Patterns

Refugees’ information seeking behaviour is dynamic as it is influenced by different factors including urgency of need, phase in their refugee journey as well as where they live. Refugees’ information behaviour may change as they transition from displacement shock to integration processes in new host communities (Johnston et al., 2024; Mukungu & Ngulube, 2026; Ruokolainen, 2022; Shuva, 2018). Information seeking behaviour can be either active or passive (Fisher & Julien, 2009; Wilson, 2000; Yeon & Lee, 2021) in which active seeking involves seekers with clear information needs intentionally looking for information to fill their information gap while passive seeking involves the unintended information acquisition with no clear information needs (Yeon & Lee, 2021). Seeking information passively is often as a result of absence of mental discomfort. When individuals feel comfortable and unbothered with an issue, their seeking is often passive as opposed to when there is a need to restore comfort and normality which results in active information seeking (Savolainen, 2010). Koo (2016) opines that refugees sought information both passively and actively. It is seen in the study that refugees with high PTSD often sought information passively as compared to those that had low PTSD who sought information actively. Namuleme (2015), in her study, pointed out that information is sometimes sought and used covertly for the fear of Stigma. During information seeking, an element of information avoidance is visible in the literature where seekers tend to avoid some information. Sweeny et al. (2010) argue that information avoidance involves behaviour patterns aimed at delaying or preventing acquisition and attainment of information deemed unwanted although available. Similarly, Kainat et al. (2021) note that information avoidance involves situations in which people disregard certain information on purpose so as to save energy and time and minimise stress. Refugees as a disadvantaged group are likely to possess different behaviour patterns of information seeking.

Information Use Behaviour Patterns of Refugees

Information use denotes all the activities involved in utilising information and illustrates why and how people engage with information (Greifeneder & Schlebbe, 2022). Muhambe (2018) avers that the behaviour of using information involves mental and physical acts of fitting the found information into the existing knowledge base of a person. Serra and Revez (2024) opine that refugees use information found in libraries to improve their ICT skills, develop second languages as well as information literacy. Refugees used information on language acquisition to learn the language in the new country and used it to communicate effectively whenever possible (Martzoukou, 2021). Refugees used information found in public libraries to help them build social relationships in their new environment (Serra & Revez, 2024). As they sought information, they used the information they found in seeking jobs and housing. Refugees used the information they seek to support their integration efforts in the new communities by addressing integration aspects around employments, health, education, housing and comprehending rights and community connections (Lloyd, 2017). In their study, Martin-Shields and Munir-Asen (2024) noted that refugees shared information about employers amongst themselves to support those that were looking for jobs and also help them minimise the exploitation risk. In their study, it is seen that refugees shared information on many aspects including experiences with non-paying employers as well as the use of ICTs in their day to day businesses such as marketing their products and merchandise. Mathie (2024) highlights that refugees used information they accessed for legal assistance especially when confronted with legal battles with police. Heidinger (2024) notes that refugees used the information found to address healthcare, employment, education, and housing challenges. Refugees used information they get about their home countries to feel closer to home (Casswell, 2019).

There is a dearth of information in the literature that addresses the actual behaviour patterns of refugees in finding and engaging information sources. These may include concepts around individual, collaborative or group activity in finding sources as well as overt versus covert means of seeking. Studies such as Ali and Jan (2020); Gilbert et al. (2022); Hassan and Wolfram (2020); Kainat et al. (2021); Ludwigson et al. (2024) and Soleymani et al. (2023) have explored the ways in which people seek information but few studies explicitly demonstrate the information seeking behaviour patterns adopted by refugees in engaging information sources. Additionally, although information use is seen and depicted in some studies in form of information sharing and using the sought information for particular purposes, there is a paucity of information on refugees information use behaviour in the literature particularly in answering the how question of using information. This current study picks from these gaps to explore in detail the ways in which refugees of North Western Uganda get to their information sources.

Theoretical Framework

The Information Use Environment (IUE) theory as postulated by Robert Taylor in 1986 and further developed in 1991 (Francis, 1998; Khan, 2018; Taylor, 1991) was adopted for the study. According to Taylor, IUE denotes a series of factors, issues, or elements that affect the stream or flow and application of information and determines the criteria by which the value of information is assessed. Taylor’s theory of IUE was used to establish the relationship between the information users and their environments, as well as the information providers and the existing information systems (Khan, 2018; Taylor, 1991; Walker & William, 2001). Francis (1998) opines that Taylor’s IUE theory provides a context for comprehending the elements within which information enters or leaves specific clients or users as well as standards clients or users assess that information. Khan (2018) argues that the IUE is essential in the processes of information behaviour. Taylor’s IUE analytical framework comprises four elements: The setting; kinds of problems; sets of people; and problem resolution (Agarwal, 2018; Kazmer et al., 2013; Taylor, 1991).

The IUE theory of Taylor was adopted for this study because its elements explicitly accommodate the key components of information behaviour of individuals in different situations including refugees. It is therefore important to apply the IUE theory to refugees studies especially given the refugees’ heterogeneity. As opined by Khan (2018), information use environments are crucial in information behaviour processes. Emphasis is drawn on the need for further research involving non-professional users of information while applying the IUE theory and framework (Kazmer et al., 2013; Taylor, 1991).

Methodology

The study espoused a qualitative approach in which data was collected using qualitative techniques including Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), individual interviews, and non-participant observation. The qualitative approach was espoused because it is appropriate for studies in which the investigated phenomenon may not easily be explored using quantitative approaches (Kalu & Bwalya, 2017). Data was collected from refugees in North Western Uganda specifically Bidi Bidi refugee settlement in Yumbe District between March and June 2024. Established in 2016 as a result of an influx of refugees from South Sudan, Bidi Bidi refugee settlement is now one of the largest refugee camp in the world, hosting more than 200,000 refugees from South Sudan (Mukungu & Ngulube, 2026; OPM, 2018; UNHCR, 2021, 2022). Considering the nature of the study, the researchers selected a sample of 60 participants for the study using a purposive sampling strategy to pick study participants so as to achieve better matching of the study aims and objectives to the sample thereby improving the study rigour as well as the credibility of data and results (Campbell et al., 2020). The sample comprised 50 refugees and 10 refugees’ administrators. To be able to locate and access the study participants, the researchers adopted snowball sampling strategy. Snowball sampling strategy is a common way of reaching the participants through the use of networks especially where the researcher’s knowledge about the study group is limited (Etikan & Bala, 2017). In this technique, the researcher contacted a few key informants who acted as pointers to other participants until the desired sample of 60 participants was realised.

Data collection began with semi structured interviews with participants in their normal and usual setting in the settlement. 48 individual interviews were conducted using an interview guide for purposes of ensuring uniformity in questions, as well as maintaining continuity for all the interviews. The interview guide used was made up of open-ended questions (Groenland & Dana, 2020) which allowed probing and flexibility in the process of data collection. If used effectively, probing during interviews is key to provoking deep rich data from participants as it attains access to an additional sense of depth and detail through the spoken prompts to illustrate, explain, elaborate, or clarify a previous response to a question by a participant (Robinson, 2023). The researchers asked questions about the nature of information needs and how refugees got in touch or accessed information whether actively or passively. Participants were also asked to elaborate on how they used the information they came across in their information seeking.

FGDs were as well conducted with participants on their information seeking patterns and information use behaviour. FGDs allowed for group interaction in which issues on the study topic were discussed and thus provided an opportunity to capture novel ideas through exploration, clarification and expanding participants’ thoughts (Downs et al., 2024). Four FGDs were conducted and each group comprised between four and ten refugees, administrators or refugee leaders and youths. The duration for FGDs varied, but ranged between one hour and one and half hours. Each focus group was developed to be homogenous so as to ensure that interaction which is an important facet in FGDs was realised among the participants. An FGD guide was used to direct the flow of the discussion to keep in line with the set discussion points without getting lost in the views and opinions of the participants.

Data was also collected using non participant observation in which the researcher observed and captured study insights without the participants’ knowledge of the process. Here, the researcher is seen from the outside but looking in and ensuring that presence does not influence the context (Busetto et al., 2020; Morton et al., 2022). To illuminate the process of data collection using this approach, an observation checklist was used. Interactions between refugees and refugees, refugees and service providers as well as refugees and refugee administrators were observed. The researcher walked around the refugee settlement observing and overtly taking down notes on specific issues around information sources, seeking, and use.

By limitation, some participants failed to express themselves well during both individual interviews and FGDs. Some participants were as well overshadowed by others during the FGDs. However, the researchers ensured that equal opportunities for reporting were accorded to the participants so as to records all voices. Due to the need for interpreters during data collection, a lot more time was spent in the field than would have been in situation without language barrier. The low literacy levels in the settlement would make the adoption of questionnaires untenable. The methodology adopted was appropriate for the study.

Data Analysis

Data was analysed thematically using ATLAS.ti 24, a computer-based data analysis package to aid the data analysis. Data from interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed verbatim to avoid bias during transcription. Coding was then done to assign particular codes to specific key words or themes of the collected data. Categorisation of data was then done to identify different and similar themes. Reading through the transcript one sentence after another, key words and key word phrases that resonated to the study aims were identified and coded. The relationship between key words was established and those key words that represented the same meaning were merged. Themes were developed by linking the relationship between key words.

Findings

This section on study finding is presented in the order of research questions. Findings are presented based on the primary data collection method, the individual interviews and further supplemented by findings from FGDs and observations.

Information Seeking Behaviour Patterns of Refugees in North Western Uganda

Refugees exhibited several approaches to information access and use. Refugees sought information from various information sources including individuals, media, libraries, community spaces like community gatherings and community centres while exhibiting different behaviour patterns. Some refugees sought information passively. They passively acquired information even unconsciously especially during announcements in the villages as well as listening out to other people in the community speaking about different issues. There were many refugees who accessed information passively especially as a result of frustration and fear to ask while others were naturally passive information seekers. In an interview with one of the participants, she pointed out,

The information finds me here. I don’t go there looking for information unless it is a big problem like health issue if my child is sick. The neighbours and friends come here and I hear them talking about some things, or sometimes the people who move around with public address. I am tired, I am very tired. Because there is nothing. (Participant 6, 2024)

Some participants reported that they accessed information passively because of frustration, fear, anger, or lacked hope while others sought information passively due to their natural being. Passive information seeking was also seen in situation where refugees were given flyers or brochures in church, passively listening to radio, or passively attending community gathering and dialogues.

On the contrary, most refugees were active in their information seeking behaviour. They actively engaged in asking questions and making requests for the information they needed. They went where they thought the information they needed was and actively participated in seeking it until they found it. In one of the interviews, a participant noted,

I ask the different people depending on the information I want. If I ask for information and you are not of help, I change to another source like ask somebody else. (Participant 7, 2024)

Refugees sought and used different sources of information until they got the information they needed. They persistently engaged the information sources until their information was obtained or they got satisfactions that the information they sought did not exist. When the first source contacted lacked the information they wanted, they moved to other sources until the information was got. This persistent seeking behaviour was tied to urgency and value attached to a given need and that some information providers concealed good information and shared it with only their families, friends, and tribemates. In one of the interviews, a participant said thus:

For example, if a church leader knows about the scholarships but does not have good faith, he will not expose that information but only tell friends and family. (Participant 3, 2024)

Some refugees had the habit of trying several and multiple sources of information to increase their chances of getting the information they sought. In case one source was not successful, there were chances that another source would be successful. Relying on more than one source of information was seen as advantageous in their seeking process. In an interview with one of the religious leaders in an FGD, it was noted that,

Sometimes when I go to Refugee Welfare Councils (RWCs) and the RWCs say they don’t have that information, I go to the fellow church leaders because sometimes the information can reach the church leader. If the church leader does not know, I can go to the neighbour. (FGD 4, 2024)

Additionally, in the use and adoption of various sources of information to achieve the required information, another participant pointed out,

For example, there is when I wanted information for the treatment for my child. So, I went to one organisation for health which I started with, they didn’t even help me according to the information I wanted from them, so I looked for information further in other places on how my child will be taken for help. I continued looking until I found the right information and my child was helped. (Participant 28, 2024)

It was indeed observed that some refugees sought information on the same issue from different sources. Some refugees were encountered in different places with different sources of information. Some refugees were encountered with RWCs and later with a pastor seeking information on sponsorship opportunities. The same refugees were also encountered at the refugee youth centre browsing the internet for scholarships and sponsorships.

For some active seekers of information, if the first attempts to seeking failed to yield positive results, they withdrew from the information seeking process. Withdrawal from the seeking process was another behaviour pattern that was seen among the refugees. It involved refugees yielding to the pressures and difficulties they experienced in their pursuit of information and gave up on the seeking process. One of the participants, in an interview, pointed out,

I often ask for information in village meetings and follow up with the chairpersons and RWCs for feedback but most times there is no feedback. So sometimes you just give up. (Participant 49, 2024)

Withdrawal from the seeking process left the refugees ignorant without information to fill and satisfy their curiosity thereby keeping refugees with gaps in their knowledge. Indeed, in one of the FGDs with refugees, one participant said,

For me I look for information from whoever they tell me can help me get what I want but if I don’t see any results after several attempts, I just leave it. Now what do you do. You can’t force things. As refugees we have so many problems here, so you just leave and you don’t cause problems for yourself. (FGD 4, 2024)

Another information seeking behaviour pattern registered among refugees was covert and overt seeking. As some refugees openly sought information, there were some refugees that covertly sought information. They looked for information secretly and privately, making sure members in the community were not aware of what they were doing or looking for. In fact, one respondent said that they loved searching for information privately and quietly because there was no disadvantage in quiet and private searching. The motivations for the covert information seeking behaviour pattern were fear and sensitivity of the information sought. This seeking behaviour approach also extended to groups in which some refugees collaborated in seeking information secretly. Having the same sensitive information need made some people to come together and sought information quietly and secretly. Collaborative covert seeking was seen among women who had similar problems. For example, in one interview, a refugee woman noted,

We went as a group of women secretly to ask information how we can go back home from the smugglers and some traders who go back to South Sudan. (Participant 6, 2024)

The overt seeking behaviour was the most common among the refugees especially as it involved seeking information on everyday information needs relating to relief aid, education, employment, health services, and livelihood services. They sought their information needs without regard to who was watching or seeing them in their seeking. By means of observation, most refugees were seen involved in overt information seeking at various points in the settlement.

Another pattern of behaviour observed and found among refugees was group information seeking. Group information seeking was seen among the refugees whether openly or in secret. Group information seeking was as a result of common interest. Although refugees also sought information individually from different sources, sometimes they could find themselves seeking information in groups unconsciously. In an interview with an administrator at the OPM, it was found that on many occasions refugees went to seek information individually but ended up in groups collaborating depending on the nature of information they sought and the situation they found at the OPM offices. Refugees collaborated to meet their information needs in their pursuit of life aspiration, needs and demands. Group information seeking was seen as a window for refugees that held traits of being afraid, nervous, or shy. In one of the discussions in an FGD with refugees, one participant noted,

Me I like it when we look for information with my friends together. If we want the same thing, my friends ask on my behalf. I also feel the courage to ask for my information if my friends are around. For me I am just a quiet person. When we go to the pastor with my friends and we want some information, it’s my friends who ask. I always have difficulties looking for information alone. (FGD 4, 2024)

By means of observation, collaborative information seeking behaviour was noticed particularly among youthful refugees and women in the settlement.

Some refugees’ information seeking behaviour was also as a result of persuasion in which some refugees would persuade others to seek information on their behalf. This was seen among youth and families which sought information on the same subject. In this behaviour pattern, one person actively sought information on behalf of others and then shared the information with the entire group. Similarly, refugees would also trust one person in a group to seek information on behalf of the bigger group. Persuasive information seeking among refugees in North Western Uganda helped a number of refugees that for some reason would not easily seek information by themselves. Such situation arose among refugees that had fear, were shy, struggled with language barrier, or felt uncomfortable seeking information from particular sources of information that involved direct contact with other persons or individuals.

Generally, the approaches to information seeking among refugees took different patterns including individual seeking, group seeking, secretly seeking, openly seeking, and collaborating in secret seeking. Withdrawal or giving up from the seeking process was also seen among refugees. The refugees were either active or passive seekers of information depending on their situations and nature of information sought. Occurrences of persistent and persuaded information seeking were also visible among some refugees in the settlement.

Information Use Behaviour of Refugees in North Western Uganda

Much of the information that was used among the refugees was received verbally through community gatherings and meetings, ceremonies, and radio. This kind of information was received and acted upon by the different categories of refugees depending on the nature of information. Some information was also received through internet media especially on social media and other searches on the internet especially among youth who used the internet to find information on world trends as well as attending to school assignments and class work. Refugees used information they sought to meet their information needs. School going children used the information they found in libraries at school to answer class assignment and take-home tasks given at school. Some of the refugee students used the information they found in preparation for school and national examination. In one of the interviews with a refugee teacher, it was pointed out thus,

When students get books in the library, the books have examples which help the students to complete class assignments and homework we give them although the textbooks are very few compared to the number of students. (Participant 43, 2024)

Refugees involved in trade and commerce used the information they got on market trends in the area to negotiate and bargain for better deals when selling their produce and products. Refugees in trade highlighted that they got information about the market trends on social media and friends and as such had better bargaining power while disposing off their products in markets. The information they got was used to make informed decisions about the market and business ventures. In one of the FGDs with refugee administrators, it was noted thus,

For me I used the information I got from a friend in Arua about the market price of goats, sorghum, and wheat to bargain for a better deal with the traders who come from Arua to our camp to buy our produce. (FGD 2, 2024)

The information successfully sought by refugees was used to meet their needs at hand. Information found was used for different purposes depending on the nature of information found. In one of the FGDs with religious leaders who also were refugees in the settlement, one participant noted thus,

The information we get, we use it for the different purposes for which we look for it. Each information serves a different purpose. For instance, when we get information about peace in South Sudan and that roads have been opened, then this information can help us in our self migration back home because we want to go back home. (FGD 3, 2024)

Refugees used information to build hope for better times in their life. Positive information received by refugees in their information use environment added a positive spirit and strength in their plight. Positive information they received about the status of peace in South Sudan strengthened their resolve while information they received from religious leaders kept their hope for a better future alive. In one of the interviews with a pastor, a refugee in the settlement, it was pointed out thus,

When we give information to people about their faith, we see that they get close to their God and some of them learn how to pray and start praying for better life. Spiritual information is important and we use it to get hope and keep our faith intact. We use this kind of information to keep us strong and hopeful to continue surviving in these hard times. (Participant 42, 2024)

Covert information use behaviour was reported among refugees especially those refugees that had sensitive information either individually or as small groups. It was found that most covert information seeking behaviour patterns resulted in covert information use in the settlement due to fear and lack of trust in other refugees.

The most common aspect in the use of information among refugees regardless of their categories or the nature of information and information source was information sharing amongst themselves. Information sharing was done across all refugees in which they were able to share the sought information with either friends, family, neighbours or even amongst leaders. Leaders would share information received from the OPM to the refugees in the community and the refugees would also share amongst each other. Also in some instances, students would get information from school and share it with their parents who would also share the information with fellow parents and leaders in the settlement. In one of the interviews, it was reported,

We do share information because sometimes when you see someone getting support and the person was helped, you find that the person would go and tell friends how they were supported by the partners. (Participant 1, 2024)

Sharing of information, although common among the refugees, was dependent on the nature of the information shared. Sometimes, sharing would happen but to a very small and close group especially where the information sought was private and secretive in nature and as such information was used covertly among a few refugees. In one of the interviews, it was reported thus,

Private information especially if you have issues in South Sudan and the government is targeting you and is following you, to be on a safe side, you look for information quietly and you only tell your family and friends and the partners. (Participant 28, 2024)

Some information would only be shared amongst a few people due to its level of sensitivity. There were also situations where refugees would not share information due to fear and sensitivity of the information received.

Information evaluation was seen as an element of information use behaviour among some refugees. The refugees were exposed to a wide range of information sources some of which were trustworthy while others would not be trusted. The information received in some cases was not believed right away and the information seekers had to validate the information to determine its authenticity and truthfulness before it was shared or used. Some refugees especially leaders had to double check the information by consulting other sources so as to be certain of it. A participant in one interview said,

Sometimes the social media, you can’t trust people with it, even the radio, you don’t trust people whether BBC. It is up to you to find out whether what has been said happened or what is going around on social media is true such that you be able to be well informed for your own consumption and also consumption of people around you because as a leader, If you are fed with wrong information or false information, then as you stand before people, you find yourself also feeding people with false information which tarnishes your image and is very risky. (Participant 13, 2024)

Refugees’ information use behaviour was seen in their ability to use information to meet their information needs whether individually or as groups, covertly or overtly. Information validation and information sharing were common information use behaviour patterns registered among the refugees.

Discussion

Refugees’ information seeking behaviour patterns are presented in view of Taylor’s IUE theory elements of the sets of people, the problem and the setting which implied that the nature and characteristic features of refugees, the kind of problems that warranted information among refugees, and the setting or environment in which they lived influenced their information seeking behaviour.

Information Seeking Behaviour Patterns of Refugees in North Western Uganda

Refugees sought information either individually or in groups. The individual seeking was mainly associated with information needs associated to a single individual. As opined by Kelly and Sharot (2021), the differences that individuals possess in information seeking could be a result of different weights assigned to reason or motivation for seeking by different people. The urgency of need for information by a refugee compared to another can influence his or her individual seeking behaviour pattern. In this way the individual seeker is, in most cases, an active seeker who follows the environment scents of information to meet his or her needs. Indeed, as pointed out by Borgstede (2021), when there is urgency, an individual is considered an active decision maker. Active seekers had clear information needs to pursue whether for self or on behalf of others. This is in line with Wilson (2000) who has argued that active seeking involves seekers with clear information needs intentionally seeking for information to fill the information gap. These active refugee information seekers would encounter several sources of information as well as build social links with community members. Oduntan and Ruthven (2021) opine that refugees make contact with information through interface with persons directly or indirectly using social links available to them. Active seeking exposed them to different people and information products especially where the seeking involved persistence. They engaged more with the environment and encountered different information scents that led them to different sources of information.

There were also refugees that passively sought information in their environment both as group and as individuals. In passive seeking, refugees would almost unconsciously partake of information in their environment without intention and motive. Some refugees passively attended community gatherings and picked some information there while there were those that would pick information communicated on a neighbour’s radio without the intention and motivation to. Some refugees reported over hearing neighbours and friends talking about some issues. It is opined by Savolainen (2010) that when individuals feel comfortable and unbothered with an issue, their seeking is often passive as opposed to when there is a need to restore the comfort and normality which results in active information seeking. Similarly, Yeon and Lee (2021) note that passive seeking involves the unintended information acquisition with no clear information needs.

Refugees reported never giving up in the quest for information until it was got or they found out it did not exist. Persistence in information seeking by some refugees resulted in neglect by some information providers especially if they did not have the information that was sought. Persistence in information seeking among the refugees was a result of urgency, the information needed, or the value that was attached to the information. Since there were refugees that were persistent in their quest and search for information, some refugees lacked persistence and would yield to failure to gain access to information in the first attempts. These ended up being passive seekers. They would later get information on their needs by chance or accident or would remain without the information. The refugees that yielded failure in their first attempt remained information poor. This persistent information seeking behaviour pattern is not very visible in the literature. Some refugees persistently invested much time and effort in seeking the information they wanted especially if the motivation was an issue of urgency and or life threatening. This is also reflected by Kelly and Sharot (2021) who established that information seekers put a lot of time actively trailing and tracking information.

Some refugees sought information in open while other preferred seeking information in private and secretly. Seeking information in open often referred to as overt seeking was characterised by freely navigating the information environment. Regardless of who was present or watching, some refugees did not find any problem seeking information. On the contrary, there were refugees that sought information in secret and privately especially as a result of fear and or the nature of information being sought. Refugees especially women reported preference for covert seeking behaviour in which they looked for information in confidence. Namuleme (2015) pointed out that information is sometimes sought and used covertly for the fear of Stigma. In their seeking, some refugees were very mindful about the environment in which they acted and the different players that were present in this information environment. This showed the refugees’ recognition for their safety, privacy, or secrecy when it came to information seeking. Similarly, as an element of covert information seeking, refugees would seek information secretly in groups. Group covert seeking involved refugees that had the same motive and or information need teaming up and secretly seeking information to fill and enrich their curiosity or get answers to their questions. This information seeking behaviour pattern referred to here as collaborative covert information seeking was present among women who had issues of domestic violence and abuse as well as those groups of refugees both male and female that wanted to apply for resettlement due to fear for their lives. The literature is limited on covert and overt information seeking behaviour patterns.

Collaborative information seeking whether done in the open or in secret involved groups of refugees seeking information together in which they had the same motive and the ground for them to search and seek information was the same. As opined by Shah (2010), collaboration is a wise choice in information searching. This practice and or behaviour showed the refugees’ awareness of the role of group and team work in achieving a given goal. Collaboration in information seeking can help achieve collaborative information validation and filtering, wide information coverage and as well achieve greater output (Granikov et al., 2022; Shah, 2014). Collaborative information seeking for refugees meant that the refugees were faced with the same problem and need or had a relationship that warranted support and assistance for each other. Granikov et al. (2022) have shown that collaborative or group information seeking involves an equally beneficial and cooperative process for information seeking with others in which the possible results of the collaboration can realise comprehensive information, group filtering, and authentication of information.

Information Use Behaviour of Refugees in North Western Uganda

Refugees used the information they came across in their seeking to attend to their needs in the community in different ways. Students who accessed information materials in school libraries utilised them to work out school assignments and in some cases prepare for school examinations. In the same light, Hashmi et al. (2014), Humbhi and Tareen (2022), as well as Tella et al. (2020) opined that students use the information they seek for examination preparation, meet and address difficulties at hand, find entertainments as well as finishing tasks and assignments. Refugees that sought health information used the information to meet their health-related problems. Refugees used information on available jobs to get into the labour market within the settlement and ensure income flow for them. Some refugees looked for information on hard labour jobs that assured them of a daily. In the same vein, Heidinger (2024) noted that refugees used information to penetrate labour markets on their arrival in a new country. As highlighted by Poole (2019) that refugees are economic agents that deal in trade and other economic activities that generate incomes, refugees used information about market prices to negotiate better and get fair deal in their transaction with traders from out especially from urban areas that came to the camp to buy refugees’ produce.

In general, the information received by refugees was used to meet the purposes for which the information was sought as a way of meeting and addressing their needs in the settlement. It is observed by Heidinger (2024) that refugees used information to address healthcare, employment, education, and housing challenges.

Refugees especially had the habit of evaluating the information they came across before using it especially if it did not come from what they thought were trusted sources. This highlights the awareness of some refugees for the need to disseminate authentic and reliable information. Chiu and Chan (2017) found out that information evaluation was an essential part in the behaviour of decision making about information depending on the nature task. Similarly, Mårtensson et al. (2020) found out that refugees sought information on how to realise reliable information on health such as where to go for it and how to evaluate its reliability based on sources used. Some refugees in North Western Uganda showed that it was important to guarantee and certify the information they obtained so as to establish its credibility, reliability, and authenticity before consumption.

Information sharing among refugees was an important practice in their information use behaviour. Refugees shared information they accessed with colleagues, neighbours, family, and friends as long as the information was not private and secretive. Their ability and desire to share information pointed to the spirit of togetherness and support for each other in the predicament that they faced together. According to Savolainen (2017), sharing information involves a process in which opinions, facts, documents, and ideas are shared from a group or individual to another and from a social angle, it is viewed as collaborative information behaviour involving information sharing processes that may stride from sharing information accidentally obtained to interpretations of information collaboratively. Koo (2016) has noted that refugees, through their social engagements and communication, naturally involve themselves in sharing information and occasionally come across substantial information in the process. The refugees in North Western Uganda shared the information they obtained either individually or as groups for their own benefit. Naturally, in their setting and living, information sharing was normal and part of their livelihood and often resulted in awareness on happenings and events in the settlement that affected them.

Conclusion

Different patterns of behaviour in information seeking and use for refugees were identified in the study representing both passive and active seeking and use practices. Seeking patterns found involved both individual and group dynamics in the pursuit of information. Active refugee information seekers exhibited more seeking patterns such as persistent seeking, covert and overt seeking patterns, including collaborative covert seeking. In this study, persistent information seeking behaviour pattern, information search retraction, covert collaborative seeking behaviour among refugees were key highlights in refugees information behaviour. In persistent information seeking, refugees would continuously consult different information sources until satisfaction was realised. On the other hand, in information search retraction, active refugee information seekers would yield to the seeking process after attempts in finding information but to no avail. Information search retraction involved withdrawal from the seeking process by the active refugee information seekers. There is need for more studies on information seeking behaviour patterns of refugees particularly covert and persistent information seeking whether as individuals or collaborative.

Information use behaviour depicted how refugees acted on the information they sought and found. Refugees used information they sought to meet their needs and wants in the settlement and out of the settlement. Refugees used the information they found on different life aspects to address and approach life needs and demands. Information was used in addressing their education, health, economic, technological and other social demands that refugees were exposed to. Information was used both individually and as groups. Refugees shared information amongst themselves if the information was not seen as confidential. Information sharing was common among most refugees as they helped one another to navigate their living terrain both as individuals and groups. Basing on the nature of information, some information was used in secret and in private while most information was used in public. Individual and group covert information use portrayed the need for information systems that support privacy in refugees’ information landscape. There was a link between the information seeking behaviour patterns adopted and the information use behaviour among refugees. Collaborative information seeking resulted in collaborative information use whether covertly or overtly.

The study was limited by language barriers as a result of the diverse background of refugees, but the use of interpreters was fulfilling during data gathering. Similarly, the use of interpreters meant more and more time spent during data gathering than anticipated. The researchers recommend further studies on collaborative information seeking behaviour among refugees to establish the extent to which collaboration in information seeking yields information satisfaction and as well expound on the motivations for collaborative information seeking. This could also be studied among special groups such as refugee women and youth. Further studies should also be conducted on the digital literacy and utilisation of digital information assets among refugees during their integration in host communities. Further studies can also be conducted of information poverty and information exclusion among refugees highlighting the factors responsible for information exclusion and how to overcome them to ensure adequate refugees integration in host communities for their sustenance.

Policy Recommendations

Understanding human information behaviour can help in designing systems that support information accessibility and use. In a developing country like Uganda and her refugee landscape, it is pertinent to establish the information behaviour of refugees which can enable stakeholders to establish better means and mechanisms of information delivery. This study provides insights on how refugees seek and access information which provides a bedrock for refugee migration officers to provide support to all refugees during migration and refugee integration. Having knowledge on the different information seeking patterns adopted by refugees is beneficial to refugee service providers to develop strategies to information dissemination that are supportive to all refugees categories.