This article untangles the history of the Bulgarian capital city from that of the state to analyze how the development of Sofia between 1934 and 1944 embodied the achievements and weaknesses of midcentury Bulgaria. During this period, Sofia embarked on an intensive project of urban planning and renewal. Municipal leaders and intellectuals aspired to transform the cluttered and chaotic city into a modern and attractive “European” capital on the one side and the heart of national existence on the other. This bifurcated vision of the nation—rooted in the past yet forward and Westward looking—failed to convince Sofia’s growing citizenry to stay and defend their city during the Allied bombing campaign of late 1943/early 1944. The wartime fate of this Axis capital revealed the shortcomings of the Bulgarian state and the nationalism it promoted. When residents did return to the bombed city, it was not out of patriotic duty but because it still appeared more “European,” more “modern” than any other place in the country. Therefore, one could interpret Sofia’s rapid and continued growth as a popular rejection of the traditions of Bulgarian rural existence and a desire for a different type of nation: convenient, democratic, dynamic, and modern.
Bulgarian Central State Archive (TsDA), f. 373k, op. 1, a.e. 199, ll. 1-5.
2.
Petûr Stûpov, "Dûrzhavata spriamo Sofia i provintsiiata,"Zlatorog22 (1941): 58-68.
3.
Stûpov referred to arguments made by André Maurois in Tragedy in France (1940), "Sofia i provintsiiata,"64.
4.
Stûpov, "Sofia i provintsiiata,"68.
5.
Kiril Staninov and Veselin Donchev, "The Restructuring of Bulgarian Towns at the End of the Nineteenth Century,"Urban Morphology8 (2004): 91-105.
6.
Keith Hitchins , "Early Modernism in Bulgaria: Pencho Slaveikov and Nietzsche," in Alice Freifeld, Peter Bergmann, and Bernice Glatzer Roswenthal, eds., East Europe Reads Nietzsche ( New York & Boulder: East European Monographs , 1998), 145-59; and Rumen Daskalov, "Transformations of the East European Intelligentsia: Reflections on the Bulgarian Case,"East European Politics and Societies10 (Winter 1996): 46-84.
7.
For an overview of artistic processes in Eastern Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century, see Ivan Berend, Decades of Crisis: Central and Eastern Europe before World War II (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 84-111, 358-66. On the tension between international/modern and native/traditional in Bulgaria, see Irina Genova and Tatyana Dimitrova, Art in Bulgaria during the 1920s: Modernism and National Idea ( Institute of Art Studies, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences: Sofia, 2002).
8.
Lyobinka Stoilova, "Architecture between the Two World Wars," in Sofia: 120 Years as Capital of Bulgaria: A Jubilee Book (Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Science and the Municipality of Sofia, 2001), 499-501; Luminiţa Machedon and Ernie Scoffham, Romanian Modernism, The Architecture of Bucharest, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); Ljiljana Blagoević, Modernism in Serbia: The Elusive Margins of Belgrade Architecture, 1919-1941 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2003); and Sibel Bozdoğan, Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2001).
This period of Bulgarian history remains understudied and is frequently compressed in studies to simply "during the war years" or "between 1939 and 1944." Of the existing social studies of modern Sofia, none pays particular attention to the years of the Second World War: Georgi Georgiev, Sofia i sofiiantsi, 1878-1944 (Sofia: Nauka i izkustvo, 1983); Svetlin Kiradzhiev, Sofia kakvato e bila 1878-1943: geografski i kulturno-istoricheski izsledvaniia (Sofia: Sviiat 2001, 2001); and Sofia: 120 Years as Capital of Bulgaria.
11.
Maureen Healy, Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Michael Alfred Peszke, The Battle for Warsaw, 1939-1944, East European Monographs no. 427 (New York: Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1995); Norman Davies, Rising’44: The Battle for Warsaw (London: Penguin Books, 2003); Krisztián Ungváry, The Siege of Budapest: One Hundred Days in World War II, trans. by Ladislaus Löb (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). See also the wartime sections of Mark Mazower’s superb exploration of Salonica, City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews, 1943-1950 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005); the studies of Petrograd/Leningrad during the Civil War and World War II: Mary McAuley, Bread and Justice: State and Society in Petrograd, 1917-1922 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991); David M. Glantz, The Siege of Leningrad, 1941-1944: 900 Days of Terror (Osceola, WI: MBI Publishing, 2002); Cynthia Simmons and Nina Perlina, Writing the Siege of Leningrad: Women’s Diaries, Memoirs and Documentary Prose (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2002); and the investigation of the distorted remembrance of the same siege by Lisa A. Kirshenbaum, The Legacy of the Siege of Leningrad, 1941-1995: Myth, Memories, and Monuments (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
12.
On Bulgarian Jews during the Second World War, see Frederick B. Chary, The Bulgarian Jews and the Final Solution 1940-1944 (University of Pittsburg Press, 1972); Michael Bar-Zohar, Beyond Hitler’s Grasp: The Heroic Rescue of Bulgarian Jews (Holbrook, MA: Adams Media Corporation, 1998); and Tzvetan Todorov, The Fragility of Goodness: Why Bulgaria’s Jews Survived the Holocaust, trans. by Arthur Denner (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
13.
Jean Louis Robert and Jay Winter, "Conclusions: Towards a Social History of Capital Cities at War," in Jay Winter and Jean-Louis Robert, eds., Capital Cities at War: Paris, London, Berlin 1914-1919, Studies in the Social and Cultural History of Modern Warfare ( Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 549.
14.
Stanilov and Donchev, "Restructuring of Bulgarian Towns," 96. For more on the decision to select Sofia as capital because of its central location within the territories populated by Bulgarian-speaking populations, see Elinka Boiadzhieva, "Izborût na Sofia za stolitsa na svobodna Bûlgariia," in Sofia 130 godini stolitsa na Bûlgariia: Sbornik sûs statii posveteni na stolitsata, p. 31-2, available on the Web site of the Sofia municipality, http://sofiaculture.bg/130/index.php?load=nforum, accessed on July 16, 2009.
15.
Stanilov and Donchev, "Restructuring of Bulgarian Towns,"95-8.
16.
Stanilov and Donchev, "Restructuring of Bulgarian Towns,"96-8; and Sonia Hirt, "Planning the Post-Communist City: Experiences from Sofia,"International Planning Studies10 (August-November 2005), 226.
17.
See for example the statistical information provided by Sofia’s municipal government in its monthly journal: "Statisticheski danni,"Serdica3 (1939 ), 38.
18.
Svetlin Kiradzhiev, Sofia: 125 godini stolitsa, 1879-2004 godina: Letopis (Sofia: Gutenberg, 2006), 163. For a wonderful and succinct introduction to Sofia in the interwar years, see John R. Lampe, "Interwar Sofia Versus the Nazi-Style Garden City: The Struggle over the Muesmann Plan," Journal of Urban History 11 (November 1984), 40-6.
19.
"Zhilishtnata kriza v Sofia,"Zora, May 8, 1942, 2. Zora was one of the official daily newspapers of the monarchical regime.
20.
Svetlin Kiradzhiev, Sofia kakvato e bila, 33. His source on the population of the capital is the daily newspaper Utro from January 4, 1942.
21.
Daskalov, Bûlgarskoto obshtestvo, vol. 2, 10-2.
22.
Dobrina Zheleva-Martins and Youliy Furkov, "Town Planning Evolution (1878-1938)" and Georgi Labov, "Contemporary Town-Planning Development (1938-1999)," in Sofia: 120 Years as Capital, 472, 515.
23.
Lampe, "Interwar Sofia,"42-6; and Stoilova, "Architecture between the Two World Wars,"499-501.
24.
Valeri Kolev, "The Status of the Sofia Municipality (1878-1998)," in Sofia: 120 Years as Capital, 210-11. On the French municipal law of 1884 and its efforts to regulate state tutelage over local government, see Vivien A. Schmidt, Democratizing France: The Political and Administrative History of Decentralization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 58-9.
25.
Georgi Kotsev, "The Mayors ofSofia," in : Sofia 120 Years as Capital, 226-28.
26.
On Bulgarian flirtation with fascist thought and organization, see Gergana Velichkova, Propaganda na fashizma v Bûlgaria, 1922-1934 (Sofia: Tilia, 2002); and Nikola Altûnkov, Narekoha gi fashisti: Legioneri, otetspaisievtsi, ratnitsi (Sofia: Tangra, 2004). On the cultural policies of the right-wing regimes between 1934 and 1944, see Nikolai Poppetrov, "Opiti za dirizhirane na kulturata v Bûlgaria (1934-1944)," in Iskra Baeva, ed., Moderna Bûlgaria: Sbornik v chest na 65-godishninite na profesor d-r Velichko Georgiev i akademik Ilcho Dimitrov (Sofia: Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 1999), 182-202.
27.
Roumen Daskalov, The Making of a Nation in the Balkans: Historiography of the Bulgarian Revival (Budapest and New York; Central European University Press, 2004), 231; and Poppetrov, "Opiti za dirizhirane," 185-86. For a review of the agenda and main initiatives of this government, see Angel Tsurakov, Entsiklopedia pravitelstvata na Bûlgaria: Hronologia na politicheskiia zhivot, 1879-2001 (Sofia: Petûr Beron, 2001), 196-200. Substantial analysis could be found in Ilcho DImitrov, Bûlgarskata demokratichna obshtestvenost, fashizmût i voinata, 1934-1935, 2nd ed. (Sofia: Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 2000), 26-105.
28.
Lampe, "Interwar Sofia," 39; see also Labov, "Contemporary Town-Planning Development" in Sofia: 120 Years as Capital, 516; Hirt, "Planning the Post-Communist City," 226-29; and Sonia Hirt, "The Compact versus the Dispersed City: History of Planning Ideas of Sofia’s Urban Form," The Journal of Planning History 6 (May 2007): 138-65.
29.
Dimitûr Ludzhev argues that the idea of expertise and nonpartisanship in public administration became a consistent element in all governments between 1934 and 1944. By 1938 the Union of Bulgarian Cities concluded that "competent and educated mayors" and experienced bureaucracy had led to an overall ascent of urban centers. Dimitûr Ludzhev, Grad na dve epohi: Istoriia na obshtestvenite grupi v bûlgraskite gradove v sredata na 20 vek (Sofia: Sv. Kliment Ohridski, 2005), 47-8.
30.
Lampe, "Interwar Sofia,"52-3.
31.
"Pet godini nova stolichna obshtina,"Serdica5 (1939): 8-12.
32.
"Novata 1939 g. i pozdravleniiata na g. stolichniia kmet"Serdica1 (1939 ): 32-3.
33.
Petûr Slavinski, Ogûnia i spomenite (Sofia: Voenno izdatelstvo, 1975), 14-5; and Nikolai Staikov, "Orlin Vasilev v Stolichnata gradska biblioteka," in Izkustvoto da imash vragove: Orlin Vasilev v spomenite na sûvremennitsite si (Sofia: Sviat 2001, 2004), 32-7.
34.
Kiradzhiev, Sofia kakvato e bila, 311-47; and "Statisticheski danni,"Serdica4 (1939): 53.
On initiatives around the country, see Ministry of National Education, TsDA, f. 177k, op. 2, a.e.196; 668, ll 18-22, 118-78.
42.
Mincho Dilianov , "Skulpturna ukrasa na Sofia,"Serdica7 (1939): 3-9.
43.
Kiradzhiev, Sofia: 125 godini stolitsa, 182, 185; see also "Na bezsmûrtniiat geroi," Serdica 6 (1940): 39.
44.
D. Hristodorov , "Uvekovechavene deloto i pametta na Patriarh Evtimii v stolitsata,"Serdica8 (1939): 11; and "Otkrivane pametnika na patriarh Evtimii s Sofia,"Serdica9 (1939): 5-7.
45.
With German support, Bulgaria received Southern Dobrudzha from Romania in September 1940 and most of Macedonia from Yugoslavia in mid-April 1941.
46.
TsDA, f. 177k, op. 4., a.e. 572, ll. 32, 227-30; and Evdokia Filova, Dnevnik: mai 1939-15 avgust 1944 g (Sofia: Hristo Botev, 1992), 90-1.
47.
Ventseslav D. Krushev, "Ot Preslav do Bialo more,"Serdica5 (1941): 42-50.
48.
"Sofia stana duhovno sredishte na Balkana,"Zora, December 31, 1941, 2.
Georgi Karaslavov , "Narodût i stolitsata,"Serdica4 (1940): 24.
51.
Petûr Slavinski, "Sedem dni v Sofia,"Serdica7 (1941): 26-40.
52.
At least this is the impression left by Stoian Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 1939-1948, vol. 2 (Sofia: Bûlgarski bestseller - Natsionalen muzei na bûlgarskata kniga i poligrafiia, 2004). The volume is part of a series that represents Bulgarian modern history through the eyes of the foreign press.
53.
Rheinisch-Westfalische Zeitung from March 4, 1940, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki , 65.
54.
Kölnische Zeitung, March 12, 1941, and Berliner Beurzen Zeitung, March 16, 1941, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 133-34.
55.
Donauzeitung, August 15, 1941, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 151.
56.
Gazzetta del Popolo, Feburary 9, 1941, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 121-22.
57.
Hrvatski list, August 28, 1941, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 152.
58.
Le Temps, May 5, 1942, as quoted in Raichevski, Bûlgarite v svetovnite hroniki, 190-91.
59.
Drew Middleton , "Sofia Rocked Anew,"New York Times, December 11, 1943, 1.
60.
As quoted in Marshall Lee Miller, Bulgaria During the Second World War (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 166. On the history of Allied decision making regarding Balkan cities, see Conrad C. Crane, Bombs, Cities and Civilians: American Airpower Strategy in World War II (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1993), 93-5. For detailed discussion of Allied and particularly American plans for Bulgaria, see Michael M. Boll, Cold War in the Balkans: American Foreign Policy and the Emergence of Communist Bulgaria, 1943-1947 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1984), 7-28.
Interview with Mayor Ivan Ivanov upon his return from Germany, "Da viarvame, da rabotim,"Serdica1 (1940): 11-3.
65.
Simeon Patev, "Novi nasoki," Serdica 7-8 (1942): 3-13; and "Zhilishtnata kriza v Sofia," Zora, May 8, 1942, 2. According to the latter article, which discussed the housing shortage in the capital, more than 400,000 registered individuals lived in Sofia in 1942, but with foreigners, students, and domestic servants the number swelled to half a million. At the same time, shortages in materials and supplies reduced construction, increasing population density per building by 20 percent.
66.
R. Mihailov , "Bjudzhetût na stolichna obshtina i neinite stroitelni predpriiatia,"Serdica7 (1938): 31; Ivan Ivanov, "1942,"Serdica9-10 ( 1941): 3-18; and Ivan Ivanov, "Pûrviiat milliard,"Serdica9-10 (1942): 3-8.
67.
"Harakter, osobenost i razmer na noviia obshtinski biudzhet na stolitsata,"Zora, November 3, 1943, 3.
68.
"Zimnata pomosht prez nastûpvashtata nova zima,"Zora, November 6, 1943, 5.
69.
For example, the city council discussions in "Obshtinski sûvet,"Serdica1-2 ( 1943): 51-3.
70.
van Ivanov, "1942,"5.
71.
"Nova naredba za vremenno oblekchenie na zhilishtnata kriza v Sofia,"Zora, December 12, 1943, 1, 5.
"Pokazni uprazhneniia s zapalitelni bombi,"Zora, August 19, 1943: 5.
74.
See also Dimitûr Talev’s"V tezi vremena,"Zora, July 23, 1943, 6; and "Tvûrdostta na germanskiia narod,"Zora, August 19, 1943, 5.
75.
Rumenin, Amerikansiiat terorizûm, 93-4, as well as the accounts in Zora, November 16, 1943, 1, 3; and Zora, November 17, 1943, 1, 3.
76.
Georgi Karaslavov , "Sofia pod ogûn i zheliazo," in Izbrani proizvedenia: Reportazhi, vol. 10 ( Plovdiv: Hristo G. Danov, 1979), 286. The report was first published in Serdica102 ( 1945), 5-21.
77.
Rumenin, Amerikansiiat terorizûm, 48-9; "Bûrzo vûzstanoviavane na povredite v kvartalite, postradali ot bombardirovkite,"Zora, November 17, 1943, 3: "Grizhite na dûrzhavata za postradalite ot bombardirokvata sa v pûlen hod,"Zora, November 18, 1943, 2; and "Vchera biaha razdadeni dûrzhavnite parichni pomoshti na postradalite ot bombardirovkata,"Zora, November 19, 1943 , 5.
78.
"Zatrogvashti proiavi na narodno edinenie i samopomosht,"Zora, November 19, 1943, 2.
79.
"Sled tetoristichnoto napadenie nad Sofia" and "Regentite i ministrite v postradalite kvartali,"Zora, November 16, 1943, 2-3.
80.
"Izkliuchitelni prava na m-ra na vûtreshnite raboti"Zora, December 25, 1943, 1:3.
81.
Joseph M. Levy wired the following piece from Ankara on January 13, 1944: "Bombs Raze Heart of Sofia; Mass Exodus Adds to Panic," New York Times, January 15, 1944, 1. The same newspaper printed information of enormous (and ultimately inaccurate) casualties citing the Budapest correspondent of Basler Nachrichten: "6,000 Reported Killed in Raids," New York Times, January 17, 1944, 3. Less than five hundred were killed in fact, with over seven hundred wounded.
82.
Miller, Bulgaria During the Second World War, 165-69. For official accounts, see the diary of Prime Minister and then Regent Bogdan Filov, Dnevnik, ed. by Ilcho Dimitrov (Sofia: Otechestven front, 1990), 655-57, 687-90, 692-94. Another account from a pro-German politician is Aleksander Tsankov, Moeto vreme: Memoari (Sofia: Prozorets), 542-48.
83.
Rumenin, Amerikansiiat terorizûm, 109; Zora, January 13, 1944, 1 and Zora, January 14 1944, 1. Notable exceptions in Zora to this silence were: Dimitûr Talev, "Sofia be boino pole," February 4, 1944, 4; and Iordan Georgiev, "Vpechatlenia ot stolitsata sled bombardirovkite," March 17, 1944, 1.
84.
Rumenin, Amerikansiiat terorizûm, 204; Karaslavov, "Narodût i stolitsata,"301.
85.
See, for example, the protest of the Union of Bulgarian Lawyers that decried the legality of the attacks in "Protestût na bûlg. advokati sreshtu bombardirovkite," Zora, February 26, 1944, 6; and the open letter of the Chair of the Bulgarian Writers’ Union to American and English colleagues, "Otvoreno pismo do angliiskite i amerikanski pisateli," Utro, March 23, 1944.
86.
Ivan Ivanov , "Kûm Sofia,"Zora, February 4, 1944, 4.
87.
Slavinski, Oginia i spomenite, 23-5.
88.
TsDA, f. 58k, op. 1, a.e 106.
89.
"Kakvo zagubi Sofia ot bombardirovkite,"Zname, September 24, 1945, 4; "Hronika,"Otechestven front , October 26, 1944, 2; and "Kakvo e svûrsheno prez 1945 za vûzstanoviananeto na stolitsata,"Otechestven front, February 3, 1946, 4.
90.
The most scathing attack on the failure of the authorities to defend the citizenry came from the left-wing writer Georgi Karaslavov in "Sofia pod ogûn i zheliazo."
91.
"Razrediavane na evakuiralite se stolichani,"Zora, January 15, 1944, 3.
92.
"Dûrzhavno podpomagane na postradalite bedni stolichni semeistva, koito sa se evakuirali," Zora, January 18, 1944, 3; and "Kak shte stava izplashtanento na pomoshti za zaginalite ot vûzdushnite napadenia," Zora, February 8, 1944, 3. Further instructions about requesting material help and monetary compensations about destroyed property were issued in March, but with considerable bureaucratic hoops and subject to availability of resources: "Kak shte stava obezshetiavaneto na postradalite ot bombardirovkite sofiantsi," Zora, March 12, 1944, 5.
93.
See, for instance, the local paper of the town of Ferdinand, just outside the zone mandated to receive evacuees: "Za evakuiranite," Nashe slovo, January 22, 1944, 1; February 5, 1944, 2; and "Hronika," February 19, 1944, 2.
94.
For details and sources see Irina Gigova Ganaway, "Writers of the Nation: Intellectual Identity In Bulgaria, 1939-1953" (PhD diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2005), 87-96.
95.
Petûr Dinekov to Vladimir Vasilev (Sofia, July 27, 1944), TsDA, f. 373k, op. 1, a.e. 78, ll. 36-7.
96.
Zlatka Shtereva to Stiliian Chilingirov (Dolina, April 14, 1944), TsDA, f. 108k, op. 2, a.e. 1367, l. 93; Konstantin Konstantinov to Liudmil Stoianov (Miroviane, March 29, 1944), Archive of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, f. 118k, op. 1, a.e. 831, ll. 1-2.
97.
National Literary Museum (NLM), Inv. No. a 1023/82.
98.
Georgi Tsanev, Sreshta s minaloto (Sofia: Bûlgarski pisatel, 1977), 436; Georgi Konstantinov’s notes in NLM, Inv. No. a 1023/82.
99.
Angel Karaliichev to Georgi Konstantinov (July 6, 1944 ), NLM, Inv. No. a 1036/82.
100.
Harold B. Segel, The Columbia Guide to the Literatures of Eastern Europe Since 1945 ( New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 269.
101.
Winter and Roberts, "Towards a Social History,"548-49.
102.
See John Allcock’sdiscussion of the failure of civil society in Yugoslavia, which in many ways applies to Bulgaria as well: John B. Allock, Explaining Yugoslavia ( New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 280-84, 305-10.
103.
Kotsev, "The Mayors of Sofia,"228-31.
104.
Hirt, "The Compact Versus the Dispersed City,"151-54; Anders Åman, Architecture and Ideology in Eastern Europe during the Stalin Era: An Aspect of Cold War History ( New York and Cambridge, MA: The Architectural History Foundation and the MIT Press, 1992), 141-46; and F.W. Crater, "Prague and Sofia: an Analysis of Their Changing Internal City Structure," in R. A. French and F. E. Ian Hamilton, eds., The Socialist City: Spatial Structure and Urban Policy ( Chichester and New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1979), 425-37.
105.
Åman, Architecture and Ideology, 141-46.
106.
While Sofia grew on the average by 3.4 percent annually between 1955 and 1973, the next six largest urban cities saw increases between 5.5 percent and 8.0 percent. This trend was visible in other Eastern European countries, an indication of the expansion and diversification of their economies. For more, see F. E. Ian Hamilton, "Urbanization in Socialist Eastern Europe: The Macro-Environment of Internal City Structure," in The Socialist City, 177-82. On Sofia’s growth and state-controlled migration, see Carter, "Spatial Change in Prague and Sofia," 434.
107.
Koloman Ivanička , Sr. and Koloman Ivanička, Jr., "Regional Growth Dynamics in Central and Eastern Europe in the Socio-Economic and Geographic Context of a Post-Socialist Reality," in Kiril Stoilov , ed., The Post-Socialist City: Urban Form and Space Transformations in Central and Eastern Europe after Socialism , the GeoJournal Library92 ( Dordrecht: Springer, 2007), 37.
108.
For selective and eclectic usage of the past in urban settings, see David Crowley and Susan E. Reid (eds.), Socialist Spaces: Sites of Everyday Life in the Eastern Bloc (Oxford and New York: Berg, 2002); Joe Nasr and Mercedes Volait (eds.), Urbanism: Imported or Exported? Native Aspirations and Foreign Plans (Chichester: Wiley-Academy, 2003); and Mazower, Salonica, City of Ghosts. For post-socialist case studies on Polish, Ukrainian, and Russian cities, see John Czaplicka, Nida Gelazis, and Blair A. Ruble (eds.), Cities after the Fall of Communism: Reshaping Cultural Landscapes and European identity (Washington and Baltimore: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and the Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009).
109.
Maria Todorova , "The Mausoleum of Georgi Dimitrov as lieu de mémoire,"The Journal of Modern History78 (June 2006): 374-411.
