Adolph Reed , Jr., "Undone by Neoliberalism,"The Nation, September 18, 2006; Reed, Jr., "When Government Shrugs: Lessons of Katrina,"The Progressive, September 2006.
2.
Wendy Brown , "American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization," Political Theory34 (December 2006): 693.
3.
David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); see also, Thomas B. Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality (New York: Norton, 1985).
4.
Thomas J.Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005); Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002); Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007); Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
5.
Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 42. See, for example, Kevin M. Kruse and Thomas J. Sugrue, eds., The New Suburban History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).
6.
Lassiter, The Silent Majority, 3.
7.
Kruse, WhiteFlight, 8.
8.
In addition to the previously cited works of Harvey, Brown, and Reed, see, for example: Neil Smith, The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City (New York: Routledge, 1996); Eric Klinenberg, Heatwave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).
9.
For a study that views cultural racism and such notions of "abstract liberalism" working together to shape the ideology of "color-blind racism" in the post-civil rights era, see Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003).
10.
Adolph Reed , Jr., "The Black Urban Regime: Structural Origins and Constraints," Comparative Urban and Community Research1:138-39.
11.
This argument also rests on previous research conducted by Pattillo indicating relatively high percentages of middle-class blacks who claimed to have a poor sibling (40 percent as compared with 16 percent for whites) or who claimed to have been raised poor themselves (33 percent). She also cites Michael Dawson’s conclusion that middle-class blacks are more likely to view their fate as linked with other African Americans.
12.
Brown, "American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization,"704.