Between 1946 and 1955, Juan Perón's government built more houses for the most impoverished sectors of Argentina society than ever before. This article explores the articulation of the state housing policy with the experience of the inhabitants who received homes built by the Peronist state. In a sense, the houses were a testing lab for new ways of daily life. Their inhabitants frequently experienced in only a few years a transition that usually demanded decades. The family model shifted from the traditional family to the nuclear model, maintaining the traditional roles of the male provider and the female dedicated to motherhood and home. Using oral testimony, this analysis highlights the connection between politics and individual experience at a microhistoriographical level, allowing for the contextualization of Peronist public housing policies and analyzing the continuities with their predecessors as well as the way in which they channeled contradictory political ideologies and architectural sensibilities.
Interview with Antonio Chabúh, October 2001. He was born in 1939 and still lives in the neighborhood; he has run a newspaper and magazine kiosk in the Civic Center for the past thirty years.
2.
The census data have been taken from the demographic analysis of Susana Torrado, Historia de la Familia en la Argentina Moderna, 1870–2000 (Buenos Aires: De la Flor, 2003).
3.
For this interpretation, see Gino Germani, Política y Sociedad en una Época de Transición (Buenos Aires: Paidós, 1962).
4.
This line of interpretation has often associated Peronism and fascism or Peronism and Bonapartism. In more general bodies of work, consult José Luis Romero, Las Ideas Políticas en Argentina (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1956); Juan José Sebreli, Los Deseos Imaginarios del Peronismo (Buenos Aires: Legasa, 1983); and Carlos Fayt, La Naturaleza del Peronismo (Buenos Aires: Viracocha, 1967). For a review of the first works on Peronism, see Fritz Hoffmann, “Perón and After: A Review Article,” Hispanic American Historical Review 36, no. 4 (November 1956).
5.
Miguel Murmis and Juan Carlos Portantiero, Estudios Sobre los Orígenes del Peronismo (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 1970).
6.
Mariano Plotkin, “The Changing Perceptions on Peronism: A Review Essay,” in James P. Brennan, ed., Peronism and Argentina (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1998), 39-39.
7.
On the origins of Peronism, see Peter Waldman, El Peronismo, 1943–1955 (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1981); Juan Carlos Torre, “Interpretando (Una Vez Más) los Orígenes del Peronismo,” Desarrollo Económico 28, no. 112 (1989): 525-48; Gino Germani, “El Rol de los Obreros y los Migrantes Internos en los Orígenes del Peronismo,” Desarrollo Económico 13, no. 51 (1973): 435-88; Tulio Halperín Donghi, “Algunas Observaciones sobre Germani, el Surgimiento del Peronismo y los Migrantes Internos,” Desarrollo Económico 15, no. 56 (1975): 765-81; David Tamarin, The Argentine Labor Movement, 1930–1945: A Study in the Origins of Peronism (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1985); and Joel Horowitz, Argentine Unions, the State and the Rise of Perón, 1930–1945 (Berkeley, CA: Institute of International Studies, 1990). For the relationship between Peronism and the army, see Robert L. Potash, The Army and Politics in Argentina, 2 vols. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969); and Alain Rouquie, Pouvoir Militaire et Société Politique en la République Argentine (Paris: Presses de la Fondation National des Sciences Politiques, 1978). Regarding the unions, see Juan Carlos Torre, La Vieja Guardia Sindical y Perón: Sobre los Orígenes del Peronismo (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1990); Juan Carlos Torre, ed., La Formación del Sindicalismo Peronista (Buenos Aires: Legasa, 1988); Hiroshi Matsushita, El Movimiento Obrero Argentino, 1930–1945: Sus Proyecciones en los Orígenes del Peronismo (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI, 1983); and Louise Doyon, “La Organización del Movimiento Sindical Peronista, 1946–1955,” Desarrollo Económico 24, no. 94 (1984): 203-34;
8.
Among others, see Susana Bianchi and Norma Sanchís, El Partido Peronista Femenino (Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina, 1988); Alberto Ciria, Política y Cultura Popular: La Argentina Peronista, 1946–1955 (Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor, 1983); Mariano Plotkin, Mañana es San Perón (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1994); Félix Luna, Perón y su Tiempo, 3 vols. (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1993); John King, El Di Tella y el Desarrollo Cultural Argentino en la Década del Sesenta (Buenos Aires: Gaglianone, 1985); and Lila Caimari, Perón y la Iglesia Católica (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1995).
9.
Torre, Vieja Guardia.
10.
Juan Carlos Torre and Elisa Pastoriza, “La Democratización del Bienestar,” in Juan Carlos Torre, ed., Los Años Peronistas, 1943–1955, vol. 8 of Nueva Historia Argentina (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002).
11.
Brennan, Peronism and Argentina.
12.
Daniel James, Resistance and Integration: Peronism and the Argentine Working Class 1943–1976 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Daniel James, “Tales Told out on the Borderlands,” in John D. French and Daniel James, eds., The Gendered Worlds of Latin American Women Workers (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 1997), 33–52; and Daniel James, Doña María's Story: Life History, Memory and Political Identity (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2000).
13.
Currently, and after years of productive debates, oral history has gained legitimacy as a historical method. For the classic works on this tradition, see Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1988); Luisa Passerini, Storia e Soggettivitá: Le Fonti Orali, la Memoria (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1988); and Luisa Passerini, Torino Operaia e Fascismo: Una Storia Orale (Bari: Laterza, 1984). Within Argentine historiography, I have used as references the works of Dora Schwarzstein, which are a solid source of methodological support regarding the use of oral testimonies: Dora Schwarzstein, Entre Franco y Perón: Exilio Republicano Español en Argentina (Buenos Aires Planeta, 2001); and Dora Schwarzstein, “Memoria e Historia,” Desarrollo Económico 42, no. 167 (2002): 471-82. Oral history was used as a methodological tool to analyze the life experience of those workers who lived in the Los Perales neighborhood, built during the first Perón presidency, in Rosa Aboy, “Peronismo y Vivienda Social. La Cultura del Habitar en un Barrio Peronista: Los Perales (1946–1955),” in Tesis de Maestría en Investigación Histórica (Buenos Aires: Universidad de San Andrés, 2002); and in Rosa Aboy, Viviendas para el Pueblo: Espacio Urbano y Sociabilidad en el Barrio Los Perales, 1946–1955 (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2005). North American historians have also used oral history to illuminate the workingclass experience. In addition to the previously cited work of Daniel James, see the recent work of Thomas Dublin and Walter Licht, “Gender and Economic Decline: The Pennsylvania Anthracite Region, 1920–1970,” Oral History Review 27 (Winter/Spring 2000): 81–98; and Sean Purdy, “It Was Tough on Everybody: Low Income Families and Housing Hardship in Post–World War II Toronto,” Journal of Social History 37 (December 2003): 457–82.
14.
The most complete inventory of public housing built in Buenos Aires is in Renée Dunowicz, ed., 90 Años de Vivienda Social en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2000). A pioneering work is AA.VV., Arquitectura y Comunidad Nacional: Historia Argentina de la Vivienda de Interés Social, 1943–1955 (no place, no date). Anahí Ballent has studied this topic in “Vivienda de Interés Social,” in Jorge F. Liernur and Fernando Aliata, eds., Diccionario de Arquitectura en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Artes Gráficas Rioplatenses, 2004).
15.
Among those architectural historians who have studied public housing, see Francisco Bullrich, Arquitectura Argentina Contemporánea (Buenos Aires: Nueva Visión, 1963); Ramón Gutiérrez and Federico Ortiz, “La Arquitectura en Argentina, 1930–1970,” Hogar y Arquitectura 97 (1970); Horacio Baliero, Eduardo Bekinschtein, Juan Manuel Borthagaray, Arnoldo Gaite, Lorenzo Gigli, Eduardo Leston, and Marta Rabich, “Del Conventillo al Conjunto Habitacional,” in AA.VV., Documentos para la Historia de la Arquitectura Argentina (Buenos Aires: Summa, 1978); María Isabel de Larrañaga and Alberto Petrina, “Allá Lejos y Hace Tiempo: La Vivienda de un Proyecto Social,” in Arquitectura y Comunidad Nacional; María Isabel de Larrañaga and Alberto Petrina, “Arquitectura de Masas en Argentina (1945–1955): Hacia la Búsqueda de una Expresión Propia,” in Anales del Instituto de Arte Americano 25 (1987); Pedro Sondéreguer, “Arquitectura y Modernidad en Argentina,” CESCA 1 (1986); and Ramón Gutierrez and Margarita Gutman, Vivienda: Ideas y Contradicciones. 1916–1956: De las Casas Baratas a la Erradicación de las Villas de Emergencia (Buenos Aires: Instituto Argentino de Investigaciones de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, 1988). From the 1990s, see Anahí Ballent, “Las Huellas de la Política. Arquitectura, Vivienda y Ciudad en las Propuestas del Peronismo: Buenos Aires, 1946–1955” (PhD dissertation, Universidad de Buenos Aires, 1997); and Mark Healey, “The Ruins of the New Argentina: Peronism, Architecture and the Remaking of San Juan after the 1944 Earthquake” (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 2000). Although public housing is not central to their interests, the lines of research opened in the studies of Scobie and Bourdé have had a notable influence. See James Scobie, Buenos Aires, del Centro a los Barrios (Buenos Aires: Solar Hachette, 1977); and Guy Bourdé, Buenos Aires: Urbanización e Inmigración (Buenos Aires: Huemul, 1977). In both, market forces and private real estate speculation have been the axes of a chaotic urbanization, represented by the proliferation of lot divisions in the city. In his analysis of the sociocultural, political, and economic phenomena that made the city's expansion possible, Scobie's text ignores the role played by public administration and the technicians involved. The vigorous European immigration and private initiatives are also the motors of urban transformation in the vivid studies of porteño sociability written by Francis Korn in Buenos Aires: Los Huéspedes del Veinte (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1974) and in Buenos Aires. Mundos Particulares: 1870–1895–1914–1945 (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2004). The living patterns of immigrants have been analyzed in José C. Moya, Primos y Extranjeros: La Inmigración Española en Buenos Aires, 1850–1930 (Buenos Aires: Emecé, 2004). For urbanization processes, see Oscar Yujnovsky, “Del Conventillo a la Villa Miseria,” in José L. Romero and Luis A. Romero, eds., Buenos Aires, Historia de Cuatro Siglos (Buenos Aires: Abril, 1983); and Oscar Yujnovsky, Claves Políticas del Problema Habitacional Argentino (Buenos Aires: Grupo Editor Latinoamericano, 1984). For the policies that were adopted, see Martha Scheteingart, Ana María Facciolo, Marta Knallinsky, Alicia Toribio, and Beatriz Broide, “Las Políticas de Vivienda de los Gobiernos Populares para el Área de Buenos Aires,” Summa 71 (1974); Martha Scheteingart and Beatriz Broide, “Las Políticas de Vivienda de los Gobiernos Populares para el Área de Buenos Aires,” Summa 72 (1974); and Horacio Gaggero and Alicia Garro, Del Trabajo a la Casa: La Política de Vivienda del Gobierno Peronista 1946–1955 (Buenos Aires: Biblos, 1996).
16.
On different types of public housing, see Ricardo Gonzalez Leandri, “La Nueva Identidad de los Sectores Populares,” in A. Cataruzza, ed., Crisis Económica, Avance del Estado e Incertidumbre Política (1930–1943), vol. 7 of Nueva Historia Argentina (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2001), 201–238; Diego Armus, ed., Mundo Urbano y Cultura Popular (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1990); and Jorge Francisco Liernur, “La Ciudad Efímera,” in J. F. Liernur and Graciela Silvestri, eds., El Umbral de la Metrópolis: Transformaciones Técnicas y Cultura en la Modernización de Buenos Aires (1870-1930) (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1993).
17.
Jorge F. Liernur, “Casas y Jardines: La Construcción del Dispositivo Doméstico Moderno (1870–1930),” in Fernando Devoto and Marta Madero, eds., Historia de la Vida Privada en la Argentina, vol. 2 (Buenos Aires: Taurus, 1999), 99–131; and Diego Armus and Jorge E. Hardoy, “Conventillos, Ranchos y Casa Propia en el Mundo Urbano del Novecientos,” in Armus, Mundo Urbano, 153–93.
18.
Korn, Buenos Aires, chap. 1.
19.
Although he recognizes the importance of both kinds of housing, González Leandri acknowledges the existence of other types during the first decades of the twentieth century, such as hotel or boarding house rooms, one's factory, workshop, or business, rooms in houses of elites used for that purpose, and a diversity of self-made houses. Within this last category, there would have existed a wide variety, since access to housing was a mark of social differentiation with a high symbolic value, but having it did not always translate into concrete economic improvements for the inhabitants. Leandri, “La Nueva Identidad,” 201–38.
20.
The history of hydralic infrastructure in Buenos Aires is analyzed in Ramón Gutiérrez, ed., Buenos Aires y el Agua: Memoria, Higiene Urbana y Vida Cotidiana (Buenos Aires: Proyecto Patrimonio Histórico, Conicet-Aguas Argentinas, 2001).
21.
Hygienist thought can be studied in the writings of Samuel Gache, Les Logements Ouvriers à Buenos Aires (1900); Guillermo Rawson, Escritos y Discursos y Estudios Sobre las Casas de Inquilinatos en Buenos Aires (1885); and Eduardo Wilde, Curso de Higiene Pública (1885), among others.
22.
Marcela Nari, “Del Conventillo a la Casita Propia: Vivienda y Reproducción en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1880–1920,” in Pensar Buenos Aires, Actas de las X Jornadas de Historia de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires: Dirección General de Publicaciones del Honorable Concejo Deliberante, 1994), 312-312.
23.
The relationship between housing, politics, and the social issue was analyzed in Juan Suriano, “La Huelga de Inquilinos de 1907 en Buenos Aires,” in Diego Armus, ed., Sectores Populares y Vida Urban (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 1984), 201–232; and Eduardo Zimmermann, Los Liberales Reformistas: La Cuestión Social en la Argentina. 1890-1916 (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana-San Andrés, 1994), especially chap. 5.
24.
Anahí Ballent, “Vivienda de Interés Social,” in Jorge F. Liernur, ed., Diccionario Histórico de Arquitectura, Hábitat y Urbanismo en Argentina, 202-202.
25.
Anahí Ballent, “La Iglesia y la Vivienda Popular: La ‘Gran Colecta Nacional’ de 1929,” in Armus, Mundo Urbano, 195–217.
26.
Ramón Gutiérrez writes that this organization built 1,095 units between 1916 and 1947; Ramón Gutiérrez, “La Ciudad y Sus Transformaciones,” in Academia Nacional de la Historia, La Argentina del Siglo XX, vol. 7 of Nueva Historia de la Nación Argentina (Buenos Aires: Planeta, 2001), 179-179.
27.
In October 1948, the Law 13.512 of Horizontal Property was passed, which established the possibility that “the different floors of a building or different apartments on the same floor of a building, which are independent and are accessed directly from the street or by a common hallway, can belong to different owners.” Moreover, each floor or apartment could, from that moment, belong to a group of more than one person. The urban and social consequences of that law are analyzed in Aboy, Viviendas para el Pueblo, chap. 1.
28.
Rafael Iglesia, “La Vivienda Opulenta en Buenos Aires 1880–1900: Hechos y Testimonios,” Summa 211 (1985): 72-83; Jorge F. Liernur, “Consideraciones Sobre la Formación y Transformación de la Vivienda Moderna,” in Carlos Altamirano, ed., La Argentina en el Siglo XX (Buenos Aires: Espasa Calpe/Ariel, 1999), 238–56; and Jorge F. Liernur, “El Nido en la Tempestad: La Formación de la Casa Moderna en la Argentina a Través de los Manuales y Artículos de Economía Doméstica,” Entrepasados 13 (1997).
29.
Jorge F. Liernur, “Buenos Aires: La Estrategia de la Casa Autoconstruida,” in Barrán et al., Sectores Populares, 107–122.
30.
In Argentina, the spatial compression of rooms is associated with a group of formal resources known as “California style.” Its introduction took place in the 1920s, when the inclination toward the pinteresque coexisted with the first modernity and with a stylistic plurality inspired in the past. The “California style,” inspired in the Spanish colonial architecture of North America—so called mission style—was adopted first by the middle and upper classes in their summer or weekend homes. Paradoxically, “California style” was also enthusiastically incorporated in the mid-1920s by the nationalist movement, which looked to the Hispanic past for the roots of its national identity. In the 1930s, this style was well ensconced in the preferences of a wide range of social groups.
31.
Ana María Rigotti, “La Ciudad y la Vivienda Como Ámbitos de la Política y la Práctica Profesional,” in Ricardo Falcón, ed., Democracia, Conflicto Social y Renovación de Ideas (1916–1930), vol. 6 of Nueva Historia Argentina (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2000), 282–222.
32.
These debates were analyzed in Aboy, “Peronismo y Vivienda Social,” chap. 2, and Aboy, Viviendas para el Pueblo, chap. 1.
33.
Juan J. Llach, “El Plan Pinedo de 1940: Su Significación Histórica y los Orígenes de la Economía Política del Peronismo,”Desarrollo Económico23, no. 92 (1984): 515–558.
34.
The evolution of salaries in the Peronist years is analyzed in Pablo Gerchunoff and Lucas Llach, El Ciclo de la Ilusión y el Desencanto: Un Siglo de Políticas Económicas Argentinas (Buenos Aires: Ariel-Sudamericana, 1998).
35.
Gaggero and Garro, Del Trabajo a la Casa, 69–70, refer to a total amount of 354,609 housing loans.
36.
In addition to the Horizontal Property Law of 1948, Peronism extended the Decree 1580 of 1943 that was renewed in 1944, and with slight modifications, converted into the Laws 12.886/46 and 13.026/47. These measures established a rent decrease, contract extensions, paralysis of eviction lawsuits, and the creation of the Rental Commision.
37.
Torre and Pastoriza, “Democratización del Bienestar,”282-282.
38.
On this topic, see Aboy, “Peronismo y Vivienda Social,” chap. 2.
39.
This agency was the Planning Office for Buenos Aires (Estudio del Plan para Buenos Aires), which was part of the Municipality of the City of Buenos Aires and was directed by Juan Kurchan and Jorge Ferrari Hardoy, Argentine architects who had worked with Le Corbusier in Paris on his 1938 Plan for Buenos Aires.
40.
These ideas are analyzed in more depth in Aboy, Viviendas para el Pueblo, especially chap. 2.
41.
On the association of Vargas' housing policies with the Modern Movement, see Nabil Bonduki, “Otra Mirada sobre la Arquitectura Brasileña: La Producción de Vivienda Social (1930–1954),”Block4 (1999): 110–121.
42.
Aboy, Viviendas para el Pueblo, chap. 2.
43.
Tulio Halperin Donghi, “El Lugar del Peronismo en la Tradición Política Argentina,” in Samuel Amaral and Mariano Plotkin, eds., Perón, del Exilio al Poder (Buenos Aires: Cántaro, 1993), 15–44.
44.
Here, I am explicitly taking a distance from previous Argentinean historiography that emphasizes the disciplinarian devices implemented by the state on society through housing programs. On that approach, see Liernur, “Buenos Aires,” 107–22, and Anahí Ballent, “Las Huellas.”
45.
This focus is owed to Luisa Passerini, Torino Operaia e Fascismo: Una Storia Orale (Bari: Laterza, 1984).
46.
For an analysis of sociability as a historiographic category, see Maurice Agulhon, “Introducción,” in Le Cercle Dans la France Bourgeoise 1810–1848: Etude d'une Mutation de Sociabilité, which has been consulted for this study in its Italian translation, Il Salotto, il Circolo e il Caffé. I luoghi della Sociabilitá nella Francia Borghese (1810–1848) (Roma: Donzelli Editore, 1993).
47.
In life stories, the interviews are seen as a process of deconstruction-reconstruction of data, given that unlike other sources of this nature—for example, an autobiography—they are not presented as a finished text; rather, it is possible to go back over the memories of the interviewee. On “life histories,” see the works gathered in Maria Macioti, ed., Biografía, Storia e Societá: L'uso Delle Storie di Vita Nelle Scienze Sociali (Napoli: Liguori Editori, 2000), especially her “Introduzione”; and Paola Bertelli, “La Cittá Nella Memoria Collettiva: Il Caso de “Donna Olimpia in Roma,” 189–208. From other historiographical traditions, J. S. Poirier, S. Clapier, and P. Raybaut, Les Rècits de Vie: Théorie et Pratique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1983); Homero Saltalamacchia, Historia de Vida (Puerto Rico: Ediciones CIJUP, 1992).
48.
Interview with Angel Pissano, October 2001. Angel was eight years old and his sister was five when they moved to Los Perales in 1949. He lived in that neighborhood until his marriage.
49.
Interview with Vito Lacandia, September 2000. Vito had come from Italy with his parents in 1937, when he was three years old. His two siblings were born in Argentina. When interviewed, he still lived in the same neighborhood to which he had moved with his family in the 1950s.
50.
Interview with Antonio Chabúh, October 2001.
51.
Torre, Vieja Guardia, 14-14.
52.
Leonor still lives in Los Perales with her husband. Although she was kind enough to show me her house so that I could see the good quality of its construction and how well it had held up, she did not want to give me her last name or telephone number. The interview was held in September 2000, and as it had not been previously arranged, it took shape as a spontaneous conversation. While Leonor asked for my telephone number, she did not contact me again.
53.
Interview with Héctor Baldini, October 2001.
54.
Interview with Vito Lacandia.
55.
Vito noted that these lamps, which remained lit for long hours during the night, were often the cause of accidents when they were knocked over by an involuntary movement or the wind, like the fire in the conventillo where he lived with his family in La Boca before moving to Los Perales. Interview with Vito Lacandia.
56.
On the evolution of sensitivity related to evacuative functions, the role of shame, and self-repression, see Norbert Elías, La Sociedad Cortesana (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1969); and El Proceso de la Civilización: Investigaciones Sociogenéticas y Psicogenéticas (México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1989). Alain Corbain has studied the revolution of attitudes related to corporal hygiene, the emergence of distaste, and later, rejection of body odors in The Foul and the Fragant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1986).
57.
One of his brothers worked in a meat-packing plant and the other in the post office. Interview with Héctor Baldini.
58.
Interview with Angel Pissano.
59.
On the idea of “caring for oneself,” see Michel Foucault, Historia de la Sexualidad, vol. 3 of La Inquietud de Sí (México: Siglo XXI, 1984).
60.
On these topics, see Catalina Wainerman, Sexismo en los Libros de Lectura de Escuela Primaria (Buenos Aires: IDES, 1987).
61.
Interview with Héctor Baldini.
62.
Interview with Antonio Chabúh.
63.
Antonio and Angel referred to the economic aid that child labor represented for the family. When he was twelve, Angel sold fruit from a rented cart that he pushed. Antonio began delivering newpapers at an even younger age.
64.
Jorge F. Liernur has studied the functional and spatial indetermination in the casa chorizo of the Río de la Plata in “La Construcción del Imaginario Social de la Habitación” (photocopy).
65.
This concept, which could be defined as the minimum space necessary for dignified existence, had guided the experiments of the European vanguard and was the thematic focus of the second International Congress of Modern Architecture, held in Frankfurt in 1929.
66.
Interview with Héctor Baldini.
67.
Baldini was, among all those interviewed, the most inclined to speak about the use of the bedroom and private spaces in the house in general. He was uninhibited and talkative, a different attitude than the reticence of the other interviewees.
68.
The “Right to a Home” formed part of the “Right to Well-being,” contained in the Workers Rights that were incorporated in the Magna Carta of Peronism through the Constitutional Reform of 1949.
