This article traces the origins of black independent electoral activism in Philadelphia during the 1970s to the Black Power movement of the 1960s. Specifically, it argues that Black Power activists in Philadelphia turned to electoral strategies to consolidate their efforts to achieve community control over public institutions in the city's black working-class neighborhoods. Finally, the article concludes with a brief evaluation of the careers of African American activist state legislators David Richardson and Roxanne Jones and W. Wilson Goode, Philadelphia's first African American mayor.
Malcolm X, “The Ballot or the Bullet,” in George Breitman, ed.,Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements (New York: Pathfinder, 1965).
2.
Goode, who would be elected Philadelphia's first African American mayor in 1983, made these comments at a January 1972 forum on black independent politics in Philadelphia. Memorandum to Committee on Black Political Development from Robert J. Sugarman, February 9, 1972, Americans for Democratic Action [ADA] papers, box 38, folder 3, Temple University Urban Archives (hereafter, TUUA).
3.
“Black Political Forum Dinner Speakers Accuse Politicians of Ignoring the Constituents,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 28, 1970; “Black Political Power in Phila. Has Come Far in a Generation,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 16, 1998; and “In for the ‘Long Haul’: John White, Raised in Politics, Civil Rights,” Philadelphia Inquirer, February 23, 1999. On John White, see “J. White Sr., Dies,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 16, 1999; “Farewell Brother: John White Sr. Dies; He Helped Bring End to ‘Plantation Politics,’” Philadelphia Daily News, September 16, 1999; and “A Legend Eulogized at His Funeral: John White Sr. Remembered as Great Leader,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 21, 1999.
4.
The other honorees were Bertha Brown, president of the Our Neighbors Association; George “Freedom” Brower, leader of the Young Militants, a local Black Power group; Robert Russell, executive director of FOLK; Alice Walker of the ARD Educational Self-Help Center; Rose Wylie, president of the Resident Advisory Committee of the Philadelphia (public) Housing Authority; and Novella Williams of Citizens for Progress, a West Philadelphia neighborhood group. “Black Political Forum to Honor 10 Community Leaders at Dinner,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 15, 1970.
5.
Richard Hatcher quoted in The Bulletin, April 27, 1970. Turnout for the convention would have been even higher, the forum's organizers charged, had not the city's Democratic mayor, James H. J. Tate, ordered leading black Democrats to stay away. For a discussion of the impact of Mayor Hatcher's visit on the Black Political Forum, see W. Wilson Goode with Joann Stevens, In Goode Faith (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson, 1992), 104-5.
6.
“Farewell Brother”; and “A Legend Eulogized at His Funeral.”
7.
See, for example, Robert Weisbrodt,Freedom Bound: A History of America's Civil Rights Movement (New York; Penguin, 1990), 313-314.
8.
Robert C. Smith, “Black Power and the Transformation from Protest to Policies,”Political Science Quarterly 96, no. 3 (Autumn 1981): 431-443. For two important reviews of the political science literature on black electoral politics in the 1970s and 1980s, see Linda Williams, “Black Political Progress in the 1980s: The Electoral Arena,” in Michael B. Preston, Lenneal J. Henderson Jr., and Paul L. Puryear, eds., The New Black Politics, 2nd ed. (New York: Longman, 1987), 97-135; and Adolph Reed, Stirrings in the Jug: Black Politics in the Post-segregation Era (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 1-51. Although a critic of most modernization studies of black politics, Reed's analysis of Rev. Jesse Jackson's 1984 presidential campaign—Adolph Reed, The Jesse Jackson Phenomenon: The Crisis of Purpose in Afro-American Politics (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986)—faults the campaign for its movement-oriented campaign style and culture and for failing to adopt the rationalized campaign practices of professional politicians.
9.
Reed, Stirrings in the Jug, 4-6. In a similar vein, Manning Marable has argued that the break between the generation of African American elected officials inspired by the Black Power movement and the movement itself came following the 1972 National Black Political Assembly in Gary, Indiana. Black elected officials, Marable contends, opted to accept the American political system's offer of a kind of “neocolonial” political control over black urban communities, rather than continuing the movement's prophetic drive to dismantle the nation's racialized political economy. Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America, 1945-1990, rev. 2nd ed. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991) 119-50. For a superb analysis of the impact of the incorporation of black politicians on the interests of the black poor, see Cathy Cohen, The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).
10.
Bayard Rustin, “From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement,”Commentary(February 1965): 25, 30-30.
11.
On Malcolm X's formulation of community control, see Michael C. Dawson,Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 97-105; and on his posthumous influence on Black Power activism, see William L. Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965-1975 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 1-10.
12.
For other examples of Black Power activists working for community control over federal programs and other public institutions, see Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003); and Thomas Jackson, “The State, the Movement, and the Urban Poor: The War-on-Poverty and Political Mobilization in the 1960s,” in Michael B. Katz, ed., The “Underclass” Debate: Views from History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), 407.
13.
On Amiri Baraka and the Committee for a Unified NewArk in Newark, see Komozi Woodard, A Nation within a Nation(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), esp. 219-54. On the electoral activism of the Black Panther Party in Oakland during the 1970s, see Self, American Babylon; and Elaine Brown, A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story (New York: Pantheon, 1992). On Maynard Jackson's administration in Atlanta, see Reed, Stirrings in the Jug, 163-77. On Coleman Young's political career, see Heather Ann Thompson, Whose Detroit? Politics, Labor and Race in a Modern American City (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2001.), esp. 192-216. On Harold Washington's term as mayor of Chicago, see Robert T. Stark and Michael Preston, “The Political Legacy of Harold Washington,” National Political Science Review, no. 2 (1990): 161-68.
14.
Black Power–influenced organizations active in Philadelphia ranged from Leon Sullivan's Opportunities Industrialization Centers (OIC), a federally funded job training program that promoted Black Capitalism by spinning off a number of black-owned, for-profit companies to local chapters of revolutionary organizations like the Black Panther Party, the Revolutionary Action Movement, and the Black Economic Development Conference (BEDC). See Matthew J. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia, 1940-1975 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005). On the breadth of Black Power ideologies and activism, see Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon, esp. 112-91; Robin D. G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination, (Boston: Beacon, 2002), 60-134; and Peniel E. Joseph, “Black Liberation without Apology: Reconceptualizing the Black Power Movement,” Black Scholar 31 (3-4): 2-19.
15.
W. E. B. DuBois,The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1899; reprint, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996), 368-384. On the Philadelphia Republican machine, see Peter McCaffery, When Bosses Ruled Philadelphia: The Emergence of the Republican Machine, 1867-1933(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1993). For a historical account of the black Citizens’ Republican Club, see “Citizens’ Republican Club Was Gathering Spot of the Black Elite during Its Glamorous Heyday,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 29, 1971.
16.
Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), 30-31, 92-93; and John F. Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal: Urban Planning in Philadelphia, 1920-1974 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987), 28-29. On Vare, see McCaffery, When Bosses Ruled Philadelphia, 97-188.
17.
James Reichley,The Art of Government: Reform and Organization Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Fund for the Republic, 1959), 66-70; and Kirk R. Petshek, The Challenge of Urban Reform: Policies and Programs in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1973).
18.
U.S. Bureau of the Census,U.S. Census of Population, 1940: Population, Second Series, Characteristics of Population, Pennsylvania (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940); and U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population, 1950 Vol. II, Characteristics of Population(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940), ch. 38.
19.
United States President's Committee on Civil Rights, To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1947). On the Truman committee, see Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 79-84. On Sadie Alexander's appointment to the President's Committee, see Kenneth W. Mack, “A Social History of Everyday Practice: Sadie M. T. Alexander and the Incorporation of Black Women in the American Legal Profession, 1925-1960,” Cornell Law Review 87, no. 6 (September 2002). On the growing recognition of the importance of northern black votes to the Democratic Party's national aspirations in the post–World War II period, see Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion, 13-39; Jack M. Bloom, Class, Race and the Civil Rights Movement: The Changing Political Economy of Racism(Bloomington: Indiana University Press), 74-86; and William H. Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II, 5th ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 17-25, 86-88.
20.
Reichley,The Art of Government, 66-70; Petshek, The Challenge of Urban Reform, 33-40; and Charles Ekstrom, “The Electoral Politics of Reform and Machine: The Political Behavior of Philadelphia's ‘Black’ Wards, 1943-1969,” in Miriam Ershkowitz and Joseph Zikmund II, eds., Black Politics in Philadelphia (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 84-108. On the City Charter's Human Rights provisions, see Philadelphia Fellowship Commission, “Report to the Community,” vol. 1, no. 6, April 1950, Fellowship Commission [FC] papers, box 53, folder 7, TUUA.
21.
Bauman,Public Housing, Race, and Renewal, 154-154; and John Hadley Strange, “The Negro in Philadelphia Politics: 1963-65” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1966), 133-34. Employment gains in the public sector masked continued racial inequities in government employment in the city. Despite the disproportionate numbers of black municipal employees, 99 percent of city employees making more $7,000 per year were white, while more than 50 percent of black employees made less than $4,000. Similarly, only 5.5 percent of public school employees making more than $10,000 per year were black. On racial segmentation in post–World War II Philadelphia's labor market, see also Carolyn Adams, David Bartlett, David Elesh, Ira Goldstein, Nancy Kleniewski, and William Yancey, Philadelphia: Neighborhoods, Division, and Conflict in a Postindustrial City (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991), 35-42.
22.
Adams et al.,Philadelphia, 36-38; Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal, 84-86; and Strange, “The Negro in Philadelphia Politics,” 138.
23.
“Philadelphia's Negro Population: Facts on Housing,” Commission on Human Relations (CHR) papers, box 148, folder 4, Philadelphia Municipal Archives (hereafter, PMA). On the increasing rates of residential segregation in post–World War II Philadelphia, see also Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal, 149-90; and Nancy Kleniewski, “Neighborhood Decline and Downtown Renewal: The Politics of Redevelopment in Philadelphia, 1952-1962” (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1981).
24.
On the defeat of the scattered site housing plan, see Bauman, Public Housing, Race, and Renewal, 160-66. On the Democratic Party's declining support for the reformers’ agenda, see Reichley, The Art of Government, 15-72.
25.
Reichley,The Art of Government, 15-18, 45-46, 68-72; The Bulletin, January 22, 1958; “Alexander Admits Strong Opposition in Congress Race,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 7, 1958; “Demos Slate Nix for Congress Seat,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 18, 1958; “People in Both Parties Hail Slating of Bob Nix,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 18, 1958; “Labor May Block Election of 1st Negro Congressman,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 1, 1958; “Historical Election: City This Year Will Select First Negro Congressman,” The Bulletin, March 30, 1958; “Senator Clark Endorses Schmidt for Congress,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 6, 1958; press release, Harvey N. Schmidt for Congress Committee, May 13, 1958, ADA papers, box 17, folder 20, TUUA; “Everybody Was against Congressman Bob Nix but Ward Leaders, Committeemen, and Voters,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 24, 1958; and “Nix Defeats Moore by 38,683; Negro Vote Here 176,431,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 8, 1958. On Alexander's appointment to the Common Pleas Court bench, see “Alexander Is First Negro Common Pleas Judge in This City,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 6, 1959.
26.
On Nix's career, see “Negroes in House Joins Forces to Speak for Black Interests,” Wall Street Journal, March 31, 1970; “The Ambassador, the Congressman and the Problem,” Washington Post,May 2, 1978; and “Minister Proves Skillful Politician,” Washington Post, January 21, 1979.
27.
“‘Buy Where You're Hired’ Campaign Getting Results,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 11, 1960. Leon H. Sullivan, Build Brother Build (Philadelphia: Macrae Smith, 1969), 67-68.
28.
Sullivan,Build Brother Build, 76-77. The drivers of Tastykake's delivery trucks also acted as the company's salesmen to retail outlets and thus were able to make a commission on top of their regular salaries. “Preachers Reject Baking Firms' Letter: ‘Tighten Up’ on Retail Stores Boycott,” Philadelphia Courier, July 2, 1960. On the ministers'claims about the number of jobs opened up by Selective Patronage, see “1,000 New Jobs Worth $4 Million Won by Drive,” Pittsburgh Courier, September 22, 1962.
29.
“Protest Links Pickets with Common Bond,” and “Bricklayer Balks at Crossing Picketers,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 1, 1963.
30.
Quoted in The Bulletin, August 30, 1964. On the 1964 North Philadelphia riot, see Lenora Berson, Case Study of a Riot: The Philadelphia Story (New York: Institute of Human Relations Press, 1966).
31.
Interview with John Churchville, February 16, 1994, Philadelphia. Churchville had worked as an SNCC field secretary in Georgia and Mississippi, but left SNCC to coordinate community outreach for the Nation of Islam (NOI) mosque in Atlanta before moving to Philadelphia. He left the NOI following Malcolm X's expulsion because he felt himself “outgrowing the Muslims.” According to an FBI informant, though, he attended the NOI's Philadelphia mosque until at least January 1965. The informant's report is from the FBI files that Rev. Paul Washington obtained through the Freedom of Information Act and that are in the author's possession. On Rev. Washington's FBI files, see Paul M. Washington with David McI. Gracie, “Other Sheep I Have”: The Autobiography of Father Paul Washington (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 43.
32.
Van Deburg,New Day in Babylon, 11-27, 112-191.
33.
Interviews with John Churchville, February 16, 1994; Mattie Humphrey, March 12, 1994, Philadelphia; Walter Palmer, August 12, 2004, Philadelphia; and Edward Robinson, August 24, 2004, Philadelphia; see also “Philadelphia—NSM Freedom Library,” Freedom North, nos. 4/5: 27, Student Christian Movement (SCM) papers, Yale Divinity School Archives (hereafter, YDSA). Among the key figures in BPUM were Walter Palmer, founder of the Society for the Preservation of Afro-American History; and Edward Robinson, an insurance executive who made frequent presentations on black history to school and community groups.
34.
Quote from an FBI transcript of the appearance of Churchville, William Strickland, and Rev. Paul Washington on the February 2, 1996, Joe Rainey show on WDAS in Philadelphia. The transcript was included in Rev. Washington's FBI file, which is in the author's possession.
35.
Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 41-48, 49-52; interview with Paul M. Washington, March 14, 1994, Philadelphia; interviews with John Churchville and Mattie Humphrey; “Rally Honoring Malcolm X Hears of Negro Plans Here,” The Bulletin, August 5, 1966; and “Phila Is a ‘Racist City,’ Carmichael Tells 2,000,” The Bulletin, August 31, 1966. On BPUM's rallies, see also “‘Black Power,’ Beauty Unity Rally Themes,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 19, 1966; and “Shun Flag, Militants Urge Negroes,” Philadelphia Inquirer, September 2, 1967. Despite his victory, the Georgia Senate refused to seat Bond after he refused to disavow SNCC's opposition to the Vietnam War. Bond would only assume his Senate seat after the courts ruled the Senate's action to be unconstitutional. See Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981),166-68, 189-95, 231-32.
36.
Interview with John Churchville. BPUM activists Walter Palmer and Edward Robinson expressed similar positions on the importance of changing public sector institutions. Interviews with Walter Palmer and Edward Robinson. Among the black community institutions established by Freedom Library activists was the Heritage House Freedom Theater in North Philadelphia. See “Freedom Theater Works to Improve Black Culture,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 31, 1971.
37.
“Gratz Student Injured during Demonstration,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 28, 1967; “Police Arrest 5 Student Protest Leaders at Bok; Tension Grows as Faculty Mulls Negro Demands,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 18, 1967; “Black Power Pickets Battle Police,” The Bulletin, November 17, 1967; “Leaflets Made in Model Cities Headquarters,” The Bulletin, November 18, 1967; interview with Mattie Humphrey, March 12, 1994; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 62-69. The nephew of BPUM founder Ed Robinson, Richardson had graduated from Germantown High School in 1965.
38.
On Dilworth's appointment to the school board, see “View Dilworth as School Board Head with Mixed Emotions,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 4, 1965; “NAACP Prexy and Minister Blast Choices,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 7, 1965; “NAACP Blasts Lack of Women,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 11, 1965; and “School Board Member Calls Dilworth ‘Timid,’” The Bulletin, November 20, 1967. On Rizzo's appointment, see Greg Walter, “Rizzo: A Fearless Cop Has His Work Cut Out for Him in Philadelphia in 1967,” Greater Philadelphia Magazine, 1967; and S. A. Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo: The Last Big Man in Big City America (Philadelphia: Camino, 1993), 87. On Tate's appointment of the city's first black deputy mayor, see interview with Charles Bowser, March 10, 1994, Philadelphia.
39.
Interviews with Walter Palmer and Mattie Humphrey “Black Power Pickets Battle Police,” and “Dilworth Blames Police; Rizzo Cites Warning,” The Bulletin, November 17, 1967; “Cops Brutality Protests Flood Tribune Office,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 18, 1967; “Mathis Says He Was a Peacemaker, Not Agitator in Disorders,” The Bulletin, November 21, 1967; “Rizzo Blasts Black Power, Tells Court of Pupil ‘Mob,’” The Bulletin, December 12, 1967; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 91-94; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 63-66. On Shedd's appointment, see “3 Considered by Board for Whittier's Job,” The Bulletin, November 18, 1966.
40.
“Leaders Paid $350 Each to Discuss Race Problems and the School System,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 19, 1967; Richard H. De Lone to Charles Simpson, March 8, 1968, FC Papers, box 35, folder 29, TUUA; “Ten Days of Disorders: Pupils, Neighbors, and Faculty Describe Crisis,” The Bulletin, October 20, 1968; and “PCCA: Schools Project Source Book: Change in the Philadelphia Public Schools,” n.d., PCCA papers, box 1, TUUA. On Shedd's reform efforts, see also Bernard C. Watson, Colored, Negro, Black: Chasing the American Dream (Philadelphia: JDC Books, 1997), 107-27.
41.
Interview with Charles Bowser, March 10, 1994; “Black Power Threatens City, Rizzo Says,” The Bulletin, November 23, 1967; “Rizzo Blasts Black Power, Tells Court of Pupil ‘Mob’”; and Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 93-96. On white support for Rizzo following the November 17, 1967, demonstration, see “White Citizens Flock to Sign Petition Backing Commissioner Rizzo's Action,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 21, 1967.
42.
See Alan J. Matusow,The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), 243-271.
43.
Quoted in Matusow, The Unraveling of America, 257. For Matusow's analysis of the War on Poverty in Philadelphia, see The Unraveling of America, 255-65. On the War on Poverty in Philadelphia, see also “Mayor Defends Antipoverty Program,” The Bulletin, February 8, 1965; “Political Use of Antipoverty Funds Is Charged,” Philadelphia Inquirer, August 16, 1965; “Poor Lacked Power in Philadelphia,” New York Times, November 6, 1965; “Year of War-on-Poverty Ends on a Note of Discord,” The Bulletin, May 29, 1966; and “Philadelphia's Plan to Give Poor a Voice in Poverty Drive Called a Failure,” New York Times, July 17, 1966. For an analysis of community action programs in the War on Poverty that views programs like PAAC as the norm, see Jackson, “The State, the Movement, and the Urban Poor,” 407.
44.
Evans was able to provide these jobs because civil service requirements—including antinepotism rules—were suspended for most PAAC jobs to give poor people a greater chance of qualifying for antipoverty jobs. Thus, according to an OEO investigation, 270 people received jobs with the PAAC or other city agencies on Evans's order. Samuel Yarborough, the PAAC representative from North Philadelphia's Area D, was simultaneously employed as a $9,000 per year administrator in the PAAC central office. Alison Bryant, the PAAC representative from Area F, also received a job in the PAAC central office. See “PAAC Urged to Put Salaried Workers under Civil Service or Merit System,” The Bulletin, January 25, 1966; “Most Elected Aides on PAAC Panel Turn Up on Payroll,” Philadelphia Inquirer,July 20, 1966; “Woman Critic of PAAC Gets Seat on Its Board,” The Bulletin, September 20, 1966; “Mrs. Page Quits PAAC Committee, Says Evans Usurped Her Authority,” The Bulletin, December 19, 1966; “PAAC Official's Dual Role Threatens Funds, U.S. Says,” The Bulletin, January 19, 1967; and “New Philadelphia Story: Hard Times Befall a ‘Model’ Antipoverty Program,” New York Times, June 26, 1967.
45.
“A Note on Social Planning,” The Bulletin, November 4, 1966. On the Model Cities Act, see Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), 402-4.
46.
Minutes of Committee on Citizen Participation, January 30, 1967, and February 2, 1967; and Philadelphia Crisis Committee, “Chronological Fact Sheet on Model Cities Controversy,” n.d., HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA; and North City Congress, “What Is the Model Cities Program?” n.d., Urban League (UL) papers, box 16, folder 24, TUUA. On the North City Congress, see “Testimony to PAAC Hearing: Mrs. Bertha Brown,” July 5, 1967, GPFS papers, box 77, TUUA.
47.
Interview with Walter Meek, March 15, 1994, Philadelphia; minutes of the Temporary Committee to Design AWC Structure, February 13, July 24, and August 9, 24, and 31, 1967; and the Area-Wide Council flier, April 20, 1967, Area-Wide Council Staff Resume Summary, n.d., HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA. On Meek's involvement in the King Committee, see Steering Committee minutes, July 27, 1965, Floyd Logan papers, box 5, TUUA.
48.
Interview with Walter Meek; minutes of the Temporary Steering Committee of the Area-Wide Council, emergency meeting, November 21, 1967; “Working Draft of Policy Statement by Area-Wide Council,” November 24, 1967; Area-Wide Council of Model Cities Program, general meeting, December 7, 1967, HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA; The Bulletin, April 21, 1967; “Area Council Fights Change in Model City Plan,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 9, 1967; “Leaflets Made in Model Cities Headquarters,” The Bulletin, November 18, 1967; “Negro Leaders Hails Student Protest Here,” The Bulletin, December 4, 1967; “Court Orders Wider Ban on School Rallies,” The Bulletin, December 7, 1967; “Model Cities Unit Pledges Attack on ‘Unrest in N. Phila.,’” The Bulletin, December 8, 1967; “Phila. to Get Request for Model Cities Funds,” Philadelphia Inquirer, December 10, 1967; “Model Cities Unit Rejects City's Reduced Budget Plan,” The Bulletin, December 15, 1967; Philadelphia Inquirer, December 20, 1967; and “Restoration of Model Cities Funds Sought,” The Bulletin, December 28, 1967.
49.
“Area-Wide Council Meeting at Strawberry Mansion,” February 28, 1968, HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA; The Bulletin, January 6, April 17, and April 18, 1968; “Model Cities Group Insists on Bigger Role in Reform Planning,” Philadelphia Inquirer, May 26, 1968; Model Cities Program Geared to Make Living Conditions Better for Many Thousands,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 21, 1968; William R. Meek to Mrs. Dolbeare, June 19, 1969, HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA; “Ghetto Needs Entrepreneurs,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 12, 1969; and The Bulletin, January 17 and May 7, 1969.
50.
North City Area-Wide Council, Inc. v. George W. Romney, n.d., HADV papers, box 107e, folder 49, TUUA; “Model Cities: The Philadelphia Story,” n.d., HADV papers, box 107e, folder 49, TUUA; Philadelphia Crisis Committee, “Chronological Fact Sheet on Model Cities Controversy,” n.d., HADV papers, box 107e, folder 50, TUUA; “Model Cities Council To Sue City, US Govt. For Program's Control,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 5, 1969; “U.S. Sued on Grant for Model Cities,” New York Times, August 16, 1969; “Citizens Sue U.S. for Curbs in Model Plan,” The Bulletin, August 17, 1969; and “Plan for Philadelphia Is Ruled a Violation of Model Cities Act,” New York Times, July 19, 1970.
51.
Strange, “The Negro in Philadelphia Politics,”63-63. According to Strange, every single activist whom he interviewed for his study, whether they were allied with the machine or not, agreed with this conclusion. For an analysis similar to Strange's, see Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 2, 1963.
52.
Strange, “The Negro in Philadelphia Politics,”65-66; and Philadelphia Tribune, February 25, 1967. On Shapp's victory over the party nominee in the 1966 Democratic primary, see “Shapp Wins, Independents Lose,” and “Shapp Won, Coleman Lost Because Money Is Root of All Power,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 21, 1966; and “Most Black Wards Supported Shapp in Primary Election,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 23, 1970. On Campbell's support for Shapp and his loss to Saunders in June 1966, see “West Phila. Ward Fight Poses Problem for Shapp,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 11, 1966. On Campbell's career on the City Council, see “Dr. Shepard's Death Is City's Loss,” and “Decent Housing Uppermost to Councilman Campbell,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 7, 1970.
53.
Philadelphia Tribune, May 1964.
54.
On the 1965 controller and district attorney races, see “End of White Rule Sought in 2 W. Phila. Wards,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 18, 1965. On the 1966 Democratic primary for Nix's congressional seat, see “Charge Congressman Nix Wants to Hide His Color,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 3, 1966; “30 Seeking Nominations in Tuesday Primary,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 14, 1966; and “Shapp Wins, Independents Lose,” and “Shapp Won, Coleman Lost Because Money Is Root of All Power.”
55.
“Withdrawal of Attorney Will Not Stop Congress Fight Says Cecil Moore,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 7, 1966; “Cecil Moore Girds Party for Election,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 1, 1967; “Candidate Moore Delights Crowds Barnstorming for Black Man's Vote,” The Bulletin, November 5, 1967; “Election at a Glance,” The Bulletin, November 8, 1967; and “Smalls, Not Moore, Finished Last in Mayoralty Election,” Philadelphia Tribune, December 12, 1967.
56.
Interview with Charyn Sutton, March 5, 1994, Philadelphia; “Philadelphia Freedom Organization,” SNCC papers, reel 32, item 102; and “‘New Breed’ Seeks Change; Vows to Go Down Swinging Not Singing with Young Brainwashed Victims,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 26, 1966. On the Lowdnes County Freedom Organization, see Carson, In Struggle, 153-74, 205; and James Forman, “Philadelphia Black Paper,” n.d., 1, SNCC papers, rec. 32, item 102.
57.
Interview with Charyn Sutton, March 5, 1994.
58.
Ibid.; Terence Cannon, “1,000 Cops with Machine Guns ‘Find’ 2 1/2 Sticks of Dynamite in Philadelphia, Try to Pin It on SNCC,” The Movement 2, no. 8 (September 1966); Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 84-85; James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (Washington, D.C.: Open Hand, 1985), 460-71; and James Forman, “Philadelphia Black Paper,” 1.
59.
Goode, In Goode Faith, 104-5.
60.
Philadelphia Tribune, July 24, 1971; Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 137-38; “Farewell Brother”; interview with Charyn Sutton, Philadelphia, PA, August 12, 2004. On Wilson Goode's background in community organizing and antipoverty work, see Goode, In Goode Faith, 92-102, 109-20; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 140. In his memoir, Goode described his approach to community organizing in this way: No group of ten or twelve people can speak for a whole community. To be truly successful, community activism must empower the people who are being served by involving them in the decision-making process....Everyone needs to feel ownership in a decision that affects their lives. From the senior citizens on down to the children, the total community must be included. (Goode, In Goode Faith, 115) Bernard Watson would later serve as vice president for academic administration at Temple University and then as president of the William Penn Foundation. See Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 168-226.
61.
Vance's remarks are summarized in a memorandum to Committee on Black Political Development from Robert J. Sugarman, February 9, 1972, ADA papers, box 38, folder 3, TUUA. At the time, Vance was a middle school principal in the Philadelphia school system. He would later serve as superintendent of schools, first in Montgomery County, Maryland, and later in Washington, D.C. On Vance's career, see Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 112-13, 115-16, 118-19, 126, 261. For an early articulation of the potential for black electoral politics to address issues of poverty in the urban North, see Robert Vernon, “Black Ghettos Need Political Power,” The Illustrated News, August 24, 1964. For a survey of postwar racial politics in Philadelphia with a somewhat different emphasis, see Adams et al., Philadelphia, esp. 124-53.
62.
Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,”Philadelphia Tribune, March 7 and March 14, 1970. On Brennan's initial election as ward leader, see “New Third Ward Elects Negro Leader,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 15, 1966. On the role of committeemen and committeewomen in Philadelphia politics, see Reichley, The Art of Government, 15-16, 54-55, 95.
63.
“Negro Dems Name D.A., Controller Choices,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 15, 1969; and “Democrats Hurt by Failure to Endorse,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 8, 1969. In the November general election, a historically low black turnout led to the reelection of Republican District Attorney Arlen Specter with 59 percent of the vote and to the election of his running mate, city controller candidate Tom Gola, a 1950s-era basketball star and first-time candidate, by a margin of 57 to 43 percent.
64.
Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,”Philadelphia Tribune, March 7, March 14, May 16, 23, and June 9, 1970. On Lawson's legislative career, see “Rep. Paul Lawson Moves to Enact $2 per Hr. State Minimum Wage,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 16, 1970.
65.
Watson,Colored, Negro, Black, 136-136; Goode, In Goode Faith, 104-6; Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 7, March 14, May 16, May 23, and June 9, 1970; “Hardy Williams: How I Beat an Incumbent Legislator,” Philadelphia Tribune, June 5, 1970.
66.
Philadelphia Tribune, May 16, 1970; and “Hardy Williams.” In February 1970, the principal of West Philadelphia High School complained that twenty-one youth gangs had overrun the school. “21 Youth Gangs Have School Reeling, West. Phila. Principal Moans,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 7, 1970.
67.
Williams received 3,408 votes to 2,333 votes for Lawson. Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 7, March 14, June 5, and June 13, 1970; Philadelphia Tribune, May 23, 1970; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 111-17; and Goode, In Goode Faith, 105. Less than a month after Williams's primary victory, the machine enacted its revenge in the election for Democratic leader of the 3rd ward. By a single vote, with two committeemen abstaining, Dorothy Brennan defeated Williams and regained her position. “Williams Upset but Coleman Wins in Democratic Ward Leader Fights,” Philadephia Tribune, June 13, 1970.
68.
“Convention Planned Here to Form Black Political Unit,” The Bulletin, February 5, 1971; “Black Political Convention Planners See Rizzo's Candidacy as Good Omen,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 6, 1971; “Hardy Willliams’ Real Intention Subject of Crystal Ball Gazing,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 9, 1971; “Black Political Convention: No Place for Personal Advancement Candidates,” Philadephia Tribune, February 13, 1971; “Black Convention Ignores Machine Politicians,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 16, 1971; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 155.
69.
Thatcher Longstreth, Main Line Wasp: The Education of Thatcher Longstreth (New York: Norton, 1990), 253. Longstreth was Rizzo's Republican opponent in the November 1971 general election. On the Rizzo campaign, see Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 102-22.
70.
On Green's campaign, see memorandum to ADA board members from Dave Hornbeck, January 18, 1971, ADA papers, box 38, folder 2, TUUA; and Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 113-15. On Green's election to Congress in 1964, see “Statement by Walter Phillips, Reform Democrat,” April 21, 1964, ADA papers, box 38, folder 22.
71.
“Cohen Says He Will Fire Comm. Rizzo, if Elected Mayor,” Philadelphia Tribune, 1971. On David Cohen's career, see “David Cohen, in City Hall,” Distant Drummer 60 (November 21-29, 1969), in FC papers, box 51, folder 5, TUUA. On the Cohen campaign, see memorandum to ADA board members from Dave Hornbeck, January 11, 1971, ADA papers, box 38, folder 2, TUUA. For an example of his support for black activist demands, see “Cohen Backs NAACP Probe of Police Here,” The Bulletin, May 8, 1970.
72.
“Right On! By Pamala Haynes,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 16, 1971. On black support for Green and Cohen, see “Green for Mayor Headquarters Opened by Group Headed by Mt. Olivet Pastor Rev. Shepard,” Philadelphia Tribune, January 12, 1971; “Green Surrounded by Black Followers as He Announces Candidacy for Mayor,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 2, 1971; “Rizzo a ‘Tyrant and Bully’ Black Labor Leader Says, New Political Unit Throws Support to Bill Green,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 16, 1971; and “Congressman Asserts Vote for Williams Helps Rizzo,” Philadelphia Tribune,May 15, 1971. On Williams's failure to win the endorsement of a single black elected official, see Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 20, 1971.
73.
Williams and Goode quoted in Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 113; Goode, In Goode Faith, 106; and interview with Charyn Sutton, August 12, 2004. Williams quoted in memorandum to ADA board members from Dave Hornbeck, January 27, 1971, ADA papers, box 38, folder 2, TUUA. See also “Williams Says He Has Good Chance to Win Mayor Race,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 16, 1971. On the Williams campaign, see Philadelphia Tribune, April 10 and April 17, 1971; “Center City Citizens for Hardy Williams,” n.d., ADA papers, box 38, folder 4, TUUA; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 111-17; Goode, In Goode Faith, 106; and Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 136-37.
74.
For similar discussions of the Williams campaign strategy for winning the primary, see Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 137; and Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 2 and May 11, 1971. Williams would eventually be forced to publicly deny reports of secret ties between the Rizzo camp and his campaign. “Link to Rizzo Is Denied by Williams as Primary Nears,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 15, 1971. On rumors of the Rizzo campaign's support for Williams's candidacy, see also “Right On! By Pamala Haynes”; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 112-13; and Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 137.
75.
“Scores Sob as Cohen Pulls Out of Race and Throws His Support to Green,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 8, 1971. Memorandum to ADA board members, David Hornbeck, January 7, 1971; and Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 114. On Green's anger at Williams, see “Verbal War between Williams, Green Grows Hotter, Hotter,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 17, 1971.
76.
“Rizzo's Big Victory: How, Why, and What It Means,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 22, 1971. See also Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 25, 1971.
77.
Cecil Moore received 8,971 votes in his 1967 independent campaign for mayor, just 1.2 percent of the total vote. “Specter Loses by Only 10,892 in 73% Turnout,” The Bulletin, November 8, 1967.
78.
“Longstreth to Make Pitch to Black Political Forum Rizzo Decides to Warm Bench,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 31, 1971; “Longstreth Vows He Will Appoint More Blacks to His Cabinet than Democrats if He Is Elected Mayor,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 3, 1971; and “Black Political Forum Endorses Longstreth, Republican Ticket,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 21, 1971. On Longstreth's efforts to win black votes, see “Thatcher Longstreth Banking on Black Vote to Beat Rizzo,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 22, 1971; “Moore Comes Out ‘Fighting’ for Longstreth, Raps Rizzo,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 2, 1971; and “Rev. Leon H. Sullivan Endorses Longstreth for Mayor; Rizzo's Election Will Divided City, Minister Asserts,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 23, 1971. On McIntosh's support for Rizzo, see “8 Ward Leaders Bank on Frank Rizzo,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 25, 1971.
79.
Interview with Charyn Sutton, August 12, 2004; “McIntosh Beaten by Anti-Rizzo Tide, Dr. Allen Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 9, 1971; and “Longstreth to Get My Vote: Hardy Williams,” Philadelphia Tribune, October 26, 1971.
80.
“Blacks Voted against Frank Rizzo but Supported His Running Mates,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 6, 1971; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 116-21; Longstreth, Main Line Wasp, 249-61; and “McIntosh Beaten by Anti-Rizzo Tide.” See also Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 2, 1971. Estimates of the black vote are based on an analysis of ten wards in which 90 percent or more of the registered voters were black. See Goode, In Goode Faith, 106. In the twenty three wards with black majorities, Longstreth defeated Rizzo by a margin of 126,768 to 48,620, or 74 to 26 percent. See “Blacks Voted against Frank Rizzo.”
81.
On John White Jr.'s political career, see “In for the ‘Long Haul’: John White, Raised in Politics, Civil Rights,” Philadelphia Inquirer, February 23, 1999. On Gray's victory over Nix, see Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 141.
82.
Interviews with Walter Palmer and Edward Robinson; interview with Elaine G. Richardson, August 12, 2004, Philadelphia. On the Young Afro-Americans, see “Black Militants Get Mixed Reaction from Germantown Pupils, Faculty,” The Bulletin, June 25, 1968; “5 Groups Bid for Grant to Control Gangs,” The Bulletin, September 9, 1969; “Private Black School System Goal of Young Afro-Americans,” Philadelphia Tribune, February 23, 1971; “The Incident,” Community Forum: A Publication of the Urban Studies and Community Services Center of LaSalle College (Spring-Summer 1969), in the Police Advisory Board papers (hereafter, PAB), box 2, TUUA; and “Organizational List,” n.d., FC papers, box 62, folder 8, TUUA. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, six black youth gangs operated in Germantown: Clang, Somerville, Dogtown, Haines Street, Brickyard, and Pulaskitown. See Nancy Loving, “Somerville in the Streets,” Community Forum: A Publication of the Urban Studies and Community Services Center of LaSalle College (Spring 1970), PAB, box 2, TUUA; and “United Progressives, Brickyard Youth Council Fight Gang Warfare and Crime in Wister Area,” Philadelphia Tribune, November 2, 1971.
83.
“Rep. Rush Plans Vigorous Campaign in Face of District Reapportionment,” The Bulletin, February 21, 1972; and “Rights Veteran Running for Legislature,” The Bulletin, February 27, 1972.
84.
On the growth of the black voting population in Northwest Philadelphia, see Jack Saunders, “Jack Saunders Says,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 9 and April 6, 1971. By 1971, black voters outnumbered white voters in the area's 8th Councilmanic District 51,887 to 38,358. In 1970, BPF activist and former postal union official Edward S. Lee led a slate of insurgents that successfully took control of the 59th Ward Democratic Committee in West Germantown. Lee, however, broke with the BPF when the group backed George French over him in the 1971 race for the 8th District Council seat previously held by David Cohen. Lee then agreed to back Rizzo and the rest of the Democratic slate in return for the party's endorsement for the clerk of the Court of the Quarter Session. He thus became the first African American to receive the Democratic City Committee's endorsement for citywide office. Despite being accused by BPF activist Kelly Miller of selling out the black community in a return for “a few crumbs...[from] the racist Democratic machine,” Lee was easily elected to a position that controlled 130 patronage jobs. Philadelphia Tribune, March 16, 1971. On Lee, see also Philadelphia Tribune, April 27, 1970, and January 2, February 27, March 9, April 10, May 22, and September 25, 1971.
85.
On anti-Rizzo sentiment in Northwest Philadelphia, see Philadelphia Tribune, April 6, 1971. Ironically, Rizzo, who was born in South Philadelphia, moved with his family to Germantown as an adolescent and would live in the northwest section of the city for the rest of his life. Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 33-36.
86.
This description of Richardson's electoral experience is based on an interview with Charyn Sutton, August 12, 2004.
87.
“Rights Veteran Running for Legislature,” The Bulletin, February 27, 1972.
88.
“Blacks Celebrate Victories over ‘Machine’ in Legislative Races,” and “Richardson Upsets Rep. Rush in 201st,” The Bulletin, April 27, 1972.
89.
“Richardson Upsets Rep. Rush in 201st”; and “Upset House Winner Credits Youth Drive,” Philadelphia Daily News, April 27, 1972.
90.
“Squabbling Rizzo Calls Gang Probe ‘Worthless,’” Philadelphia Inquirer, June 23, 1973; and “Rizzo Opposes Blacks, Legislator Charges,” The Bulletin, August 20, 1974.
91.
“Legislator Seized in Vendor Protest,” The Bulletin, July 20, 1976; “1,000 Blacks Join Boycott at the Gallery,” The Bulletin, August 25, 1978; and “Funeral Services Set for State Rep. David Richardson,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 22, 1995. There remains significant controversy over whether the bullet that killed Police Officer Joseph Ramp was fired by a MOVE member or from a police gun. On the 1978 MOVE-police confrontation, see Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 224-27; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 178-81. On Milton Street's career as a community activist and politician, see “Philadelphia Poor Taking over Houses to Fight City Decay,” New York Times, June 12, 1977; and Kia Gregory and Mike Newell, “Brother from Another Planet,” PhiladelphiaWEEKLY.com, July 2, 2003.
92.
On Lucien Blackwell's career, see “1,000 Black Join Boycott at the Gallery”; Philadelphia Inquirer, October 3, 1987, and November 24, 1991; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 233-34; and Goode, In Goode Faith, 210, 281-82, 304. On Chaka Fattah's career, see Philadelphia Inquirer, January 27, 1988; and Goode, In Goode Faith, 278. Ironically, Blackwell and Fattah would face each other in two different campaigns for William Gray's seat in the U.S. Congress. Following Gray's 1991 retirement from Congress, Blackwell defeated Fattah in both the special election to complete Gray's term and the simultaneously held Democratic primary for the following term. Two years later, however, Fattah ousted Blackwell from the seat. Fattah is currently in his fifth term as the representative for Philadelphia's Second Congressional District. On the Fattah-Blackwell races, see “Fattah to Face $1M Libel Lawsuit: Legal Wrangling Beginning to Overshadow the Issues,” Philadelphia Tribune, March 25, 1994; and Philadelphia Inquirer, September 12, 1994. Sister Falaka Fattah is best known as the founder and director of House of Umoja, an antigang and youth development program in West Philadelphia. See D. Fattah, “The House of Umoja as a Case Study for Social Change,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 494 (1987): 37-41.
93.
“Brothers Picket and Protest Way to Power,” New York Times, January 1, 1980; and “Riots Predicted in Welfare List Purge,” The Bulletin, June 5, 1980. After serving on the Philadelphia City Council for twenty years, John Street was elected mayor of Philadelphia in 1999. Gregory and Newell, “Brother from Another Planet.” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 11, 1984; and Gregory and Newell, “Brother from Another Planet.” On Street's claims that his caucus switch enabled him to better deliver public resources to his constituents, see Philadelphia Inquirer, March 20 and April 6, 1984.
94.
Philadelphia Inquirer, January 11, 1984; and Gregory and Newell, “Brother from Another Planet.” On Street's claims that his caucus switch enabled him to better deliver public resources to his constituents, see Philadelphia Inquirer, March 20 and April 6, 1984.
95.
“Party-Crossing Talk Raises the Ire of Rep. Richardson,” The Bulletin, March 9, 1981; Philadelphia Inquirer, April 6, 1984; and Philadelphia Daily News, May 20, 1996. On “Thornfare,” see “Riots Predicted in Welfare List Purge.”
96.
On Jones's career with the Philadelphia Welfare Rights Organization, see Philadelphia Tribune, July 13 and 20, 1968; “Leader of Welfare Sit-In Calls Herself Nonviolent,” The Bulletin, November 17, 1968; Lou Antosh, “Fighting to Liberate the Fountain of Welfare,” Philadelphia Inquirer Magazine,May 16, 1971; “111 Phila. Delegates to Join in WRO Conference,” The Bulletin, July 21, 1971; and Felicia A. Kornbluh, “To Fulfill Their ‘Rightly Needs’: Consumerism and the National Welfare Rights Movement,” Radical History Review 69 (Fall 1997): 76-113. On PCIA's campaign against welfare cuts, see “Riots Predicted in Welfare List Purge”; and Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 83-84.
97.
“Activist to Oppose Sen. Street: Welfare Activist Backed by Party,” Philadelphia Inquirer, January 11, 1984; Philadelphia Inquirer, April 6, 1984; and Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 141. On Goode's support for Jones's candidacy, see Philadelphia Inquirer, March 20, 1984.
98.
Philadelphia Daily News, January 6 and April 6, 1984; “Street to Jones: Let the Voters Decide,” Philadelphia Daily News, March 23, 1984; Philadelphia Inquirer, January 11, 1984, “Donnybrook: Jones and Street Act like Politicians,” Philadelphia Inquirer, February 23, 1984; and “Two Street Wars Steal the Spotlight,” Philadelphia Inquirer, April 2, 1984.
99.
Throughout her tenure in Harrisburg, Jones was also a vociferous critic of the state job training and placement programs for welfare recipients. The state's programs, she argued, placed too much emphasis on placing recipients in low-skilled, low-paying jobs over providing the education and training people needed to get out of poverty. Philadelphia Inquirer, April 11 and 12, 1984, January 2, 1985, June 25, 1985, March 15, 1988, April 18, 1992, June 22, 1993, and January 24, 1996; Philadelphia Daily News, August 21, 1986, June 9, 1994, March 19, and May 20, 21, and 28, 1996; and “Roxanne Jones: A Fighter Mourned,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 21, 1996.
100.
“Washington Prepares for Marchers,” Philadelphia Tribune, July 25, 1995; “Funeral Services Set for State Rep. David Richardson,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 22, 1995; funeral program for David P. Richardson Jr., August 24, 1995, in author's possession; “He's Gone but David Richardson Will Not Be Forgotten,” Philadelphia Tribune, August 25, 1995; and “Richardson's Spirit Was Evident at the March,” Philadelphia Tribune, April 23, 1996.
101.
“Roxanne Jones: A Fighter Mourned,” Philadelphia Tribune, May 21, 1996; Philadelphia Inquirer, May 20, 22, and 23, 1996; and Philadelphia Daily News, March 19, 1996, and May 20, 28, and 31, 1996. On the welfare reform debate, see Alejandra Marchevsky and Jeanne Theoharis, “Welfare Reform, Globalization, and the Racialization of Entitlement,” American Studies 41, nos. 2/3 (Summer 2000): 235.
102.
For a discussion of the opportunities and constraints inherent in urban government in the 1970s, see Reed, Stirrings in the Jug, 79-116, 163-177. On growth liberalism, see John R. Logan and Harvey L. Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 50-98; and John Mollenkopf, The Contested City (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983). For a discussion of these issues in Philadelphia, see Adams et al., Philadelphia, 124-53.
103.
On the role of federal aid in the Rizzo administration's economic policies, see Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 154. On the municipal workers' contract, see Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 184; and Buzz Bissinger, A Prayer for the City (New York: Vintage, 1997), 106-7.
104.
Paolantonio,Frank Rizzo, 147-163, 180-187. On Rizzo's mayoralty, see “For Mayor Frank Rizzo, One Issue Has Been Enough,” New York Times, August 19, 1979.
105.
Watson,Colored, Negro, Black, 138-138; interview with Charles Bowser, March 10, 1994; New York Times, September 29, 1975; “Black Political Power in Phila. Has Come Far in a Generation,” Philadelphia Inquirer, November 16, 1998; “In for the ‘Long Haul’”; and Charles Bowser, “White Sr., Led Attack on Plantation Politics,” Philadelphia Tribune, September 21, 1999. For the results of the 1975 mayoral election, see “The Art of War: Quaker City Style,” http://www.Cmte70.html.
106.
“Blacks Say ‘No’ to Gaudiosi or Green for Mayor,” The Bulletin, January 8, 1979; and Claude Lewis, “A ‘Vague’ Political Pledge,” The Bulletin, January 10, 1979. To win the convention's endorsement, Bowser pledged to “support the right of the black community to control its own areas and institutions,” as well as a “human rights” platform that included specific demands on issues like housing, education, youth and seniors, and health policy.
107.
“The Philadelphia Primary: Is Rizzo Right?” New York Times, May 14, 1979; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 223-33; and Bruce Ransom, “Black Independent Politics in Philadelphia and the Election of Mayor W. Wilson Goode” in Preston et al., 256-89. According to S. A. Paolantonio, Bowser's candidacy was also hurt by tensions between the candidate and current Congressman Bill Gray, who, despite his public endorsement of Bowser, quietly encouraged his supporters to back Green. Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 232-33.
108.
“Bowser Accused of Stealing Show,” The Bulletin, July 15, 1979. Tucker had served as secretary of state under liberal Democratic Governor Milton Shapp and as Bowser's campaign manager in the 1979 primary. Green's announcement was in part in response to Republican candidate David Marston, who had already pledged to appoint a black managing director. Goode, In Goode Faith, 142.
109.
“Bowser Accused of Stealing Show”; and Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 233-34.
110.
The Green campaign leaked Goode's name to the Philadelphia media as the likely managing director before the election, but his appointment was not officially announced until after the election. Goode, In Goode Faith, 121-59; Watson, Colored, Negro, Black, 143-46; and “In for the ‘Long Haul.’” On Goode's tenure as managing director, see Goode, In Goode Faith, 167-75; and Ransom, 262-65.
111.
“Election of Black Mayor in Philadelphia Reflects a Decade of Change,” New York Times, November 10. 1983; Goode, In Goode Faith, 167-87; Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 266-86, and Ransom, 265-78. Population data are from U.S. Bureau of the Census, City and County Data Book (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1983). On the Goode campaign's movement ethos, see quotes from campaign staff members in Ransom, 265-66.
112.
Paolantonio, Frank Rizzo, 312-13. On the impact of cuts in federal urban spending during the 1980s, see Williams, “Black Political Progress in the 1980s,” 129-31; and Hanes Walton Jr. and Marion E. Orr, “African American Mayors and National Urban Policy,” in Hanes Walton Jr., ed., African American Power and Politics: The Political Context Variable (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 341-51.
113.
For Wilson Goode's discussion of the MOVE crisis, see Goode, In Goode Faith, 160-65, 207-51. Rev. Paul Washington and Charles Bowser have both described the difficult relations between MOVE and its West Philadelphia neighbors as well as between MOVE and other black activists in the city. See Washington, “Other Sheep I Have,” 183; and Charles W. Bowser, Let the Bunker Burn: The Final Battle with MOVE (Philadelphia: Camino, 1989), 94-95. Bowser and Washington were both members of the Philadelphia Special Investigations Committee (PSIC) appointed by Mayor Goode to investigate the MOVE bombing. The PSIC's final report described the mayor's hands-off approach to the police operation as “grossly negligent” and an “abdication of his authority.” No government official was ever charged with criminal wrongdoing in the MOVE bombing. On issues of moral and legal culpability for the MOVE disaster, Bowser's recounting of the PSIC's deliberations is instructive; see Bowser, Let the Bunker Burn, 158-75.
114.
For discussions of the urban politics of space, see Robert Self, “‘To Plan Our Liberation’: Black Power and the Politics of Place in Oakland, California, 1965-1977,” Journal of Urban History 26, no. 6 (September 2000): 759-92; and Logan and Molotch, Urban Fortunes.
