Abstract
While much literature examines racial socialization in Black families, specifically “the Talk,” few studies focus on this process during emerging adulthood. Guided by relational communication and racism-related stress theories, this qualitative study examined Black emerging adults’ experiences of “the Talk,” a specific form of racial socialization that prepares Black individuals for encounters with racism and policing, and its impact on their personal lives and family dynamics. Thirty Black college students at Historically Black Colleges/Universities (HBCUs) participated in interviews and focus groups. Thematic analysis revealed four key themes related to “the Talk”: (a) guide for survival, (b) intergenerational communication process, (c) village phenomenon, and (d) source of Black familial stress. Findings highlight “the Talk” as an essential yet complex practice that poses emotional and relational challenges for Black emerging adults and their family systems. Implications underscore the need for culturally-specific interventions to support Black families and reforms to address systemic police violence.
“It is not necessary that you believe that the officer who choked Eric Garner set out that day to destroy a body. All you need to understand is that the officer carries with him the power of the American state and the weight of an American legacy, and they necessitate that of the bodies destroyed every year, some wild and disproportionate number of them will be Black.” Between the World and Me. —Ta-Nehisi Coates
One specific form of racial socialization, commonly known as “the Talk,” offers survival-oriented guidance for interacting with law enforcement (Anderson et al., 2023). These conversations also foster racial pride in Black children, serving as a protective factor that buffers the adverse psychological effects of racism (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Neblett et al., 2008; Threlfall, 2018). While recently amplified in popular culture through works like The Hate U Give (Malone Gonzalez, 2019; Thomas, 2017), “the Talk” is a longstanding, intergenerational tradition in Black families (DiAquoi, 2017). Advances in media and technology have only heightened the visibility of these conversations and the emotional burden that Black caregivers carry in keeping their children safe (Anderson et al., 2023; Whitaker & Snell, 2016).
Although a large body of research examines the prevalence of “the Talk,” it typically focuses on dyadic interactions between caregivers and youth (Anderson et al., 2022; April et al., 2022; DiAquoi, 2017; Dow, 2016; Malone Gonzalez, 2019; Osborne et al., 2024; Wylie et al., 2024) and fewer among young and emerging adults (Cintron et al., 2019; Webb et al., 2024). Despite ongoing discussions about race into adulthood (Leath et al., 2021), research rarely explores Black emerging adults’ experience of racial socialization, including the messages they receive from their families regarding anti-Black violence and preparation for police encounters (i.e., “the Talk”).
The highly publicized murders of Eric Garner, Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, Sonya Massey, and other unarmed Black people have garnered widespread attention to issues of systemic racism and anti-Black violence in the United States. These harrowing events echo the generations of trauma and injustice endured by Black communities at the hands of police officers and vigilantes (Osborne et al., 2024). Research shows that Black people are 2.89 times more likely than their white counterparts to be killed by police (Mapping Police Violence, 2025), even when unarmed (Thomas et al., 2021). They also continue to experience the highest rates of hate crimes of any other racial group (United States Department of Justice, 2023).
In this context, the specific domain of racial socialization known as “preparation for bias” involves parents alerting their children about racism and potential discriminatory encounters they may experience (Anderson et al., 2015; Osborne et al., 2021; Varner et al., 2021; Williams & Banerjee, 2021) and most closely aligns with “the Talk,” which are conversations that parents often have to prepare their Black children to navigate racism (Anderson et al., 2022; Bernard et al., 2024; DiAquoi, 2017; Harris & Amutah-Onukagha, 2019; Thomas & Blackmon, 2015; Vezaldenos et al., 2023; Webb et al., 2024). Given the persistent and deadly threat of racial violence, it becomes essential for Black families to equip their children with the necessary knowledge and skills to navigate a world rife with anti-Blackness (Anderson et al., 2022).
Racial socialization in general has been understood as a unidirectional process, and its domain of preparation for bias involves parents conveying messages to prepare their children for encounters with racism and discrimination (Hoffman et al., 2017). However, less attention has been given to the bidirectional exchange of race-related knowledge between generations about how best to prepare for interactions with law enforcement. Moreover, less is known about instances where children not only act as receivers of “the Talk” but also givers and their active transmission of these socialization messages to younger siblings or even back to their parents (Hoffman et al., 2017). Extended family members, community figures, and media are key agents in this process. Yet, little is known about how “the Talk” shapes Black families’ emotion-driven relational communication dynamics. To address this gap, the present study explores Black emerging adults’ experiences of “the Talk,” with particular attention to intergenerational, bidirectional, and external sources that contribute to preparation for bias related to anti-Black violence, as well as the perceived impact of these messages on their personal lives and overall family systems. However, before illustrating the empirical knowledge around racial socialization and its relevant domains to “the Talk,” a description of the trends in police contact as external sources contributing to this socialization practice is discussed.
External Sources Contributing to “the Talk”: Historical and Contemporary Anti-Black Violence in the United States
Anti-Black violence in the United States dates back to slavery, when enslaved Africans were subjected to brutal control by enslavers and overseers, with slave patrols acting as an early form of policing to suppress resistance (Wilson, 2022). This foundation of systemic racism persisted beyond the abolition of slavery, with the Reconstruction era marked by terror from white supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan, often aided by state institutions. Jim Crow laws further institutionalized racial segregation, and racial violence, such as lynching, continued through the Civil Rights era (Wells-Barnet, 1894; Wilson et al., 2023). Police violence impacts nearly all racial and ethnic groups, but Black people are disproportionately impacted at higher levels from police stops to police violence (Rafail, 2024; Tapp & Davis, 2022). These trends also extend across time. Black communities are historically and persistently harmed by police in the United States (GBD, 2021). As of June 2025, police in the United States have killed 594 individuals, 118 of whom were Black (Mapping Police Violence, 2025).
Technology and social media have increased the visibility and awareness of these violent encounters and exposure to these incidents, with videos like the killing of George Floyd igniting a resurgence in movements such as Black Lives Matter (Wu et al., 2023). These incidents are part of a long, disquieting history of state-sanctioned anti-Black violence, with Black individuals more likely to be stopped, frisked, and killed, even when unarmed (American Civil Liberties Union [ACLU], 2024; Edwards et al., 2019; Thomas et al., 2021; Wilson et al., 2025b).
Even after the Emancipation Proclamation, newly freed Black parents, powerless against former enslavers, sought to protect their children by ensuring they avoided negative attention from those in power (Whitaker & Snell, 2016). Contemporarily, widespread protests have called attention to police brutality and anti-Black violence in response to many high-profile deaths of unarmed Black individuals, such as Tamir Rice, Michael Brown, Atatiana Jefferson, and Breonna Taylor (Leath et al., 2021; Threlfall, 2018). Both vigilantes and state actors have perpetuated this anti-Black violence, fostering fear and the need for hypervigilance within Black families, who have historically prepared their children to survive in a racist society (Minniear & Soliz, 2019). Today, many Black parents continue the long-standing tradition of preparing their children for discriminatory encounters with law enforcement and the dangers posed by a racially unjust society (Anderson et al., 2022). These conversations reflect a deep-seated fear of racial violence, heightened by high-profile killings of unarmed Black men, women, and children (Anderson et al., 2023). Though necessary for survival, these discussions place the burden of change on Black families rather than on institutional systems perpetuating harm (Minniear & Soliz, 2019).
Racial Socialization in Black Families
A large majority of Black families engage in racial socialization and tailor these discussions as children grow older (Ha & Anderson, 2022; Sanders-Thompson, 1994). Racial socialization typically includes four dimensions: (1) cultural socialization, promoting pride in one’s heritage; (2) preparation for bias, teaching children about racial discrimination; (3) promotion of mistrust, encouraging caution around other racial groups; and (4) egalitarianism, which promotes colorblindness (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Boykin & Toms, 1985; Harris & Amutah-Onukagha, 2019; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Hughes et al., 2006; Sanders-Thompson, 1994). These conversations also help children cope with racial violence and bias while fostering resilience and racial pride (Williams & Banerjee, 2021).
Given the historical and persistent killings of Black people in the U.S. (GBD, 2021), many Black families rely on “the Talk,” a socialization practice that is closely connected to the racial socialization dimension of preparation for bias (Anderson et al., 2022; Bernard et al., 2024; DiAquoi, 2017; Harris & Amutah-Onukagha, 2019; Thomas & Blackmon, 2015; Vezaldenos et al., 2023; Webb et al., 2024). Engagement in “the Talk” is a strategy parents use to equip their children with knowledge about race relations and how to prepare for potential bias, especially when encountering the police (Anderson et al., 2022; April et al., 2022; Cintron et al., 2019; Dow, 2016; Fine & Del Toro, 2022; Malone Gonzalez, 2019; Wylie et al., 2024). Black youth and their families report higher engagement in “the Talk” than other racial and ethnic groups (April et al., 2022; Fine & Del Toro, 2022). This practice—known as “the Talk”—is arguably influenced by the preparation for bias construct of racial socialization and refers to explicit conversations about how to safely navigate encounters with law enforcement and other authority figures (Anderson et al., 2022). Studies examining “the Talk” through the construct of preparation for bias, for example, show that parents carry the burden of systemic injustice and feel it necessary to prepare their children for interactions with police (Anderson et al., 2022). They also worry about their children becoming a victim of police violence and convey messages to raise awareness about anti-Back violence and strategies on how to cope with police encounters (Bernard et al., 2024; Harris & Amutah-Onukagha, 2019). Engagement in “the Talk” has also been found to reduce direct and vicarious anticipatory stress related to police brutality (Webb et al., 2024).
While preparation for bias broadly prepares youth for navigating racism and bias and ways to respond (Bernard et al., 2024; Hughes et al., 2006), “the Talk” is uniquely situated within a context of state-sponsored violence. It reflects the influence of external sources of both historical trauma and current sociopolitical threats perpetrated by police impacting Black communities. These conversations are often delivered as detailed behavioral instructions that stress de-escalation and compliance (April et al., 2022). This distinguishes it as a critical, high-stakes form of preparation for bias that is especially relevant during key developmental life transitions (Anderson et al., 2022; Wilson et al., 2024a).
Building on this framing, the conceptualization of “the Talk” as embedded within the racial socialization construct of preparation for bias is a crucial component of development, especially as Black youth gain more independence. These conversations often include practical advice, such as “keep your hands on the wheel,” “don’t talk back,” and “be mindful of the types of clothes you wear,” emphasizing ways to minimize risk and enhance safety when encountering law enforcement (Anderson et al., 2022; April et al., 2022). The process of “the Talk” is viewed as a “rule book” for survival, particularly as Black youth reach driving age or gain more independence and is often repeated at critical developmental life stages (Whitaker & Snell, 2016). The content of these conversations is deeply tied to the anticipation of racial profiling and subsequent strategies for de-escalation, reinforcing the reality that Black children must behave in ways to reduce the perception that they are threatening (Graham et al., 2020). Moreover, research shows that external sources of race-related stressors like the widely publicized deaths of Michael Brown and Trayvon Martin have increased the frequency and urgency of these conversations (Thomas & Blackmon, 2015; Threlfall, 2018).
However, while “the Talk” is especially critical during adolescence, it is often a lifelong socialization process. As Black youth transition into emerging adulthood, the content of “the Talk” may shift to reflect evolving challenges, experiences, and independence, resulting in more nuanced and complex conversations within the family system about race and preparing for bias (Hawkins, 2023a; Hoffman et al., 2017; Wilson et al., 2024a). Although preparation for bias has long been studied in childhood and adolescence, emerging adulthood represents a distinct developmental stage marked by identity exploration, increased autonomy, and deeper reflection on earlier experiences (Arnett, 2000; Wood et al., 2018). As Black emerging adults navigate college, the workforce, and broader society, their interpretations of racial socialization messages, primarily the domain of preparation for bias, may evolve and take on renewed significance (Ho & Brown, 2024). This period also prompts a more active and reflexive role in racial discourse, as emerging adults not only receive but also reinterpret and transmit preparation for bias messages to siblings, peers, and others (Charity-Parker & Adams-Bass, 2023).
Examining “the Talk” through this developmental lens offers a more nuanced understanding of how preparation for bias messages are processed, embodied, and reshaped in response to contextually and developmentally salient experiences. These developmental implications are not only an important part of a more comprehensive understanding of “the Talk” and its connection to the preparation for the bias domain of racial socialization, but may also shed light on the interrelatedness of discrimination and its impact on psychological well-being as contributing factors to the intergenerational transmission of “the Talk.”
The Emotional Toll of “the Talk”
Black parents who have experienced racial bias are more likely to communicate messages of racial pride and preparation for bias to their children (Sewell et al., 2016). For example, research suggests that fathers communicate messages about racial inequity and pride to their sons based on their own experiences with race-related stress (Thomas et al., 2012). A recent study by Scott and Varner (2023) further emphasizes how parents’ personal experiences of adolescent racial discrimination shape the frequency and type of racial socialization messages they convey to their children, especially the construct of preparation for bias. Environmental influences also play a critical role in parental engagement in preparation for bias strategies. Parents who worked in predominantly white environments, for example, were more likely to engage in preparation-for-bias messages compared to those in more racially diverse environments, who tended to focus more on cultural socialization (Scott & Varner, 2023). This research shows that conversations about race, while critical, add to existing parental stress, especially as parents grapple with their own racial trauma (Anderson et al., 2023). Parents must balance protecting their children from racial violence while managing their fears and uncertainties (Anderson et al., 2023).
The impact of race-related stressors does not just impact parents; adolescents may also feel the effects of these experiences. Adolescents may internalize these conversations, leading to emotional harm that may not present immediately but is equally damaging (Graham et al., 2020). The burden of these discussions can result in feelings of powerlessness for children, affecting their sense of self-worth (Whitaker & Snell, 2016).
These findings highlight the nuanced ways that parents’ lived experiences of racism may impact their engagement preparation for bias tactics, influencing the ways they prepare their children to face a racially biased and unjust society. Parents often draw from their own experiences with racial discrimination when socializing with their children. Racial socialization, particularly “the Talk,” can contribute to significant emotional strain for Black families, producing unintended consequences on the mental health of both parents and their children. This emotional toll may signal to them that they are inherently vulnerable or inferior in society. The emotional burden of preparing for bias via “the Talk” is undeniable, but it remains a necessary survival tool for many Black families. Unfortunately, while the purpose of these intergenerationally transmitted conversations serves as a protective mechanism, the process may also conjure up stress and trauma for elders and a subsequent burden felt more acutely as Black youth developmentally transition into adulthood and take on the role of preparing the next generation to navigate similar racial realities (Hawkins, 2023a; Wilson et al., 2024b).
To ground our examination of “the Talk” among emerging adults, Relational Communication Theory (RCT) and Racism Related Stress Theory are discussed with a specific focus on their core theoretical domains.
Guiding Theoretical Frameworks
Relational Communication Theory
Relational communication theory (RCT) describes the interactive movements of relational members, such as family members—including their communication process, how they relate to one another, and construct patterns of communication (Rogers, 2006, p. 116). RCT’s core concepts include the idea that relationships develop from interactions, communication is conveyed verbally and nonverbally, is often dynamic, and communication is co-constructed among participating members (Rogers, 2006). RCT frames our study of “the Talk” via the preparation for bias construct of racial socialization within Black families by highlighting how communication is a dynamic, bidirectional process where parents and children co-create meaning in conversations about race and its relationship to policing. RCT acknowledges that socialization practices include the explicit content of the message. In the case of “the Talk,” this content includes safety strategies and the rational context in which these messages are delivered. For example, in Black families, mothers often draw upon their social identities, including their ethnicity and social class, to shape how they communicate critical survival skills to their children (Leath et al., 2021). This approach is beneficial for understanding how “the Talk” is conveyed to Black children, as RCT views family members as having unique perspectives, which can evolve. RCT’s focus on the bidirectional nature of communication (Rogers, 2006) explores how parents adapt “the Talk” via preparation for biased content to their children’s responses, making it a beneficial framework for understanding the complexities of intergenerational discussions about race and police-related safety.
Racism-Related Stress Theory
Racism-related stress theory expands on how Black families experience stress from racism through multiple channels within a sociopolitical context, such as public debates on race, policing, and media coverage of police incidents (Harrell, 2000). There are six primary types of racism-related stressors, which include vicarious racism, collective racism, chronic-contextual stress, racism-related life events, daily racism micro stressors, and transgenerational transmission of advice on how to survive incidents with police (Harrell, 2000). For Black families, vicarious racism—witnessing racial violence in media, such as police killings of unarmed Black individuals—creates a continual reminder of racial vulnerability, amplifying the urgency of “the Talk” (Bor et al., 2018; Tynes et al., 2019). Collective racism encompasses the general awareness of systemic racism’s impacts on Black communities, which critical race theory (CRT) scholars argue is deeply rooted in historical white supremacy and structural racism (Crenshaw et al., 1995). Chronic-contextual stress describes the ongoing impact of resource inequities often driven by racist structural practices and largely impacting Black communities. Racism-related life events may be acute and infrequent but still emotionally impactful (e.g., job discrimination or racially motivated violence), while daily racism micro stressors, such as subtle slights or dismissals, can accumulate over time and contribute to heightened stress. Lastly, transgenerational transmission underscores the historical narratives of racial trauma passed down through families (Sanders-Thompson, 1994; Osborne et al., 2024). Thus, the coupling of RCT and racism-related stress theory grounds the aims of our study in several ways.
Integrating RCT and racism-related stress theory offers a comprehensive lens for examining how Black families use “the Talk” as an interactive verbal and nonverbal process that involves the co-creation of strategies to best prepare for biased encounters with police. While RCT focuses on the transactional, co-constructed nature of family communication, racism-related stress theory provides insight into the external pressures Black families face due to systemic and structural racism. Together, these theories highlight how the internal family process of preparing loved ones for bias, particularly with the police, is deeply intertwined with broader societal forces. Family systems do so by engaging in an intergenerational and interactive communication process that’s often shaped by race-related stressors with the aim of preparation for biased encounters with law enforcement and to ensure survival.
Present Study
Despite the breadth of research on preparation for bias among Black families, few studies explicitly examine its close alignment with “the Talk” during emerging adulthood—a critical developmental stage characterized by identity formation, increased agency, and a deeper understanding of race and its sociopolitical implications (Hoffman et al., 2017; Leath et al., 2021). To address this gap, this qualitative study used grounded theory methodology (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser & Strauss, 2000) to explore Black emerging adults’ experiences of racial socialization, with specific attention to messages from their families and external sources regarding anti-Black violence and preparation for police encounters (i.e., “the Talk”). Additionally, this study examined emerging adults’ perceptions of the impact of “the Talk” on their personal lives and their family systems.
Given the pervasiveness of anti-Black violence and the continuity of “the Talk” across Black families, this study is both urgent and timely, as it aims to provide an in-depth understanding of how racial knowledge and coping skills are transmitted intergenerationally. Moreover, this study may raise awareness of the psychological toll of systemic racism and anti-Black violence, informing the development of culturally responsive interventions to support Black families navigating these challenges. Thus, this study examines the following research questions: (1) What messages do Black emerging adults receive from their families about anti-Black violence and police encounters (“the Talk”)? (2) Beyond their immediate family systems, what other sources inform Black emerging adults’ perspectives on “the Talk”? (3) How do Black emerging adults perceive the impact of “the Talk” on their personal lives and family systems?
Method
Study Design
This study employed a qualitative research design informed by grounded theory and guided by thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Charmaz, 2014). Grounded theory supported an iterative approach to data collection and saturation, while thematic analysis provided a flexible and rigorous framework for identifying and interpreting patterned meaning within qualitative data. This approach was well suited for capturing the complexities of “the Talk” and related racial socialization experiences.
Participants
The methods used in this study are part of a larger qualitative project that examines the experiences of Black college students exposed to racialized police killings (Black and Blue Study, Principal Investigator: Dr. Wilson). This study drew upon grounded theory principles to inform the design and data collection process, including theoretical sampling and iterative engagement with participants (Charmaz, 2014). This approach allowed the researchers to remain attentive to emerging insights as interviews and focus groups unfolded. Grounded theory provides a flexible yet systemic method for understanding underexplored areas, particularly through inductive qualitative data analysis (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser & Strauss, 2000). Additionally, participants were recruited through purposive sampling to ensure representation of Black emerging adults with diverse lived experiences across familial, social, and educational contexts.
The sample consisted of 15 self-identified Black males and 15 self-identified Black female undergraduate students aged 18–28 years (M = 20.8) from four historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) in the Southeastern United States, including three private and one public institution. Students’ classifications ranged from first-year students to seniors, with 47% seniors, 23% juniors, 20% sophomores, and 10% first-year students. Participants represented a range of academic disciplines such as STEM fields, social sciences, business, and media studies—such as chemistry, criminal justice, psychology, mass communication, environmental engineering, political science, business administration, and cyber security. See Supplemental Table 1 for additional demographic characteristics.
The sample was selected for several reasons. HBCUs provide access to a large Black emerging adult student population within supportive campus environments, fostering critical conversations about anti-Black violence and racial identity (Bracey, 2017; Crewe, 2017). Black college students are in a developmental stage where identity exploration is particularly salient, and their independence allows them to reflect critically on familial racial socialization messages while engaging in discussions with family members (Minniear & Soliz, 2019; Wilson, 2025a). Additionally, Black college-aged adults are disproportionately exposed to police violence and frequent traumatic content on social media, making their perspective essential for understanding the impacts of racialized violence (Pew Research Center, 2024). For these reasons, HBCU college campuses offer a unique and well-suited context for exploring the racial socialization experiences of Black emerging adults.
Interview Protocol
Qualitative interviews and focus groups were conducted using semi-structured protocols designed to elicit in-depth responses about participants’ experiences of racial socialization, particularly “the Talk,” within their family systems (Daly, 2007; Maxwell, 2013). The protocol included open-ended and follow-up questions to ensure participants could provide detailed accounts of their experiences. Participants were explicitly asked whether their parents had given them “the Talk, which was defined in the interview as conversations about how to safely respond during encounters with police. Example questions included: What type of messages do you receive from your parents about police killings and incidents of racial violence against Black people? Did your parents talk with you about how to respond if the police stop you? How often did you receive these talks?
Additional questions explored participants’ experiences of “the Talk” with siblings and extended family members (e.g., grandparents, aunts, uncles) and the role of external sources such as community members and media in shaping their understanding of anti-Black violence and police interactions (e.g., Where else, besides your family, did you receive information on “the Talk”? What about community members or media sources?). Finally, participants were asked to reflect on the impacts of “the Talk” on their personal lives and family dynamics, including how these conversations influenced relationships, everyday experiences, and their broader awareness of anti-Black violence.
Procedure
To participate in this study, students completed an online eligibility verification survey via Google Forms created by the first author. Eligible participants were US-born Black/African American undergraduate students, aged 18–28, currently enrolled at one of four HBCUs in the Southeast, and who reported exposure to at least one police killing of an unarmed Black person (i.e., anti-Black violence). The first author invited eligible students to participate in individual interviews.
This age range aligns with existing scholarship defining emerging adulthood as ages 18 to 29 (Arnett, 2000; Wood et al., 2018), a developmental stage marked by identity exploration, autonomy, and increased social and civic engagement. Importantly, individuals in the age group also report the highest use of social media platforms such as YouTube (93%), Instagram (76%), Snapchat (65%), and TikTok (59%) (Pew Research Center, 2024), making them particularly attuned to digital narratives about anti-Black violence and racial injustice.
In 2020, participants were recruited using purposive and snowball sampling methods (Sadler et al., 2010; Suen et al., 2014). Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, face-to-face recruitment was suspended, and virtual recruitment became the primary approach. Digital flyers and emails were distributed to student organizations, faculty networks, and campus listservs to raise awareness about the study. Additionally, colleagues at each HBCU were asked to share study information, and participants were encouraged to share details about the study with peers, utilizing a snowball sampling approach to increase participation (Sadler et al., 2010).
The first author conducted individual, in-depth qualitative interviews with 30 Black undergraduate students from the four HBCUs during Spring and Summer 2020. All interviews were conducted and audio-recorded via Zoom using the semi-structured interview guide. Most interviews lasted 45–60 minutes, with five lasting approximately 90 minutes. At the end of their interviews, students were invited to participate in focus groups with other participants from their campus and were free to decline without penalty.
Four follow-up focus groups were conducted, one for each HBCU, with 26 of the original 30 participants. These focus groups were used to confirm and elaborate findings from individual interviews and advance analysis needed to reach theoretical saturation (Charmaz, 2014; Pollack, 2003). Three focus groups included six participants, while the fourth had eight participants. These sessions, also conducted via Zoom, lasted approximately 60 minutes each. Four participants were unable to attend focus groups due to scheduling conflicts.
Ethics
This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the first author’s university and each participating HBCU’s IRB. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, ensuring they understood the purpose and scope of the study. Additionally, focus group participants signed a focus group consent form and a non-disclosure agreement to further protect the confidentiality of research data. The consent process included detailed discussions of potential psychological risks due to the sensitive nature of the study. The first author, leveraging her clinical background and expertise as a social worker, ensured empathy and sensitivity throughout the process. She monitored participants’ responses and gestures to identify any potential distress and adjusted or redirected questions as needed to prioritize their well-being.
Data Analysis Plan
All interviews and focus groups were audio recorded, transcribed via Rev transcription services, and de-identified to maintain confidentiality. All participant names were changed to pseudonyms during de-identification. Transcripts were securely stored on a password-protected laptop, and NVivo qualitative analysis software was used to facilitate systematic coding and analysis.
Thematic analysis was employed to explore participants’ experiences of racial socialization, anti-Black violence, and preparation for police encounters (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006). This method was particularly well suited for examining patterns of meaning in the data and gaining insight into Black emerging adults’ perspectives (Hawkins, 2023a). Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase process guided the analysis. In phase one, the first author reread transcripts to gain a comprehensive understanding. During phase two, she generated initial codes, capturing significant words and phrases used by participants while preserving the richness and contextual depth of the data.
In phase three, codes were organized into potential themes using tables for comparison and refinement, and the research team provided feedback to refine these themes during phases four and five. Iterative reviews of the data allowed the first author to finalize themes and identify illustrative quotations that captured key insights in phase six. Emerging analyses from individual interviews informed the interpretation of focus group data, which were then compared to assess consistencies and discrepancies (Maxwell, 2013).
Researcher Positionality
Any qualitative study is informed by the personal identities (e.g., race, gender, class) and positionality of the researchers themselves (Jacobson & Mustafa, 2019). Therefore, researchers must maintain awareness of how their positionality informs the collection and analysis of research data.
The first author, a Black woman and social work professor with qualitative research expertise in police violence and mental health outcomes within Black communities, served as the lead researcher for data collection and analysis. The second author is a Black woman social work professor with research and policy advocacy experience on criminal legal system issues, mainly focusing on the impact of police encounters on youth and adults. The third author, a Black woman sociology professor, specializes in race-related stress and Black family dynamics. Lastly, the fourth author is a Black woman social work doctoral candidate and licensed independent social worker with research expertise in maternal health care and mental health disparities among Black women.
To mitigate biases and threats to the study’s validity influenced by positionality, the first author incorporated method triangulation into the research design by conducting individual interviews and focus groups (Maxwell, 2013). Focus groups were used to gather participants’ input on emerging analyses and conclusions through member-checking, which Maxwell (2013) highlights as a critical tool for addressing potential misunderstandings or misinterpretations and establishing validity. Additionally, the first author wrote reflexive memos after each interview to document and process emotions, reflect on dilemmas in the research process, and clarify any assumptions (Maxwell, 2013).
Throughout the analytic process, the research team engaged in collaborative discussions and provided critical feedback that shaped the development, refinement, and finalization of themes and subthemes, further enhancing the study’s trustworthiness (Birks et al., 2008).
Results
Themes and definitions.
Guide for Survival
Participants reported “the Talk” as necessary conversations in Black households, designed to educate younger generations about race relations in the US and to provide guidance for navigating encounters with police. These conversations, bearing the weight of survival, include a clear set of instructions on how to behave in the presence of police officers to reduce the risk of harm or potential death. Maurice explained, In a Black household, you’re taught if the police pulls you over, you keep your hands on the dashboard. You don’t reach for nothing until he say, and even then, you let him know the entire time, ‘Hey, I’m getting my wallet, and I’m not reaching for a gun.’ Because if you don’t, you may very well not go home.
Several participants also expressed the importance of “the Talk” considering the current racial climate. As Tony boldly asserted, “The talk is a mandatory need. . . like every Black child needs the talk. A fool will not tell their children about it. I mean, I’d rather be safe than sorry, especially in today’s world.” Similarly, Imani emphasized the urgency of “the Talk” in Black families, citing recent high-profile police killings of unarmed Black Americans: I think it’s necessary for parents to have these talks, especially the time that we live in now where police killings continuously happen. I mean look at Tamir Rice, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor. So of course, it should be engrained in parents’ mind to prepare your child for the police, because you really never know what’s going to happen. You want to do whatever you can to make sure that the people you love are prepared.
While participants situated “the Talk” within the present-day sociopolitical context, they also mentioned how these familial conversations stem from a long history of racism and white supremacist violence against Black people in this country. Serenity explained, We have to get these talks because of the stereotypes about Black people and the power imbalance with police that go back to slavery. Black people are seen as dangerous in the eyes of white people. I mean, we transitioned from slaves to second-class citizens. There were Jim Crow racist laws that were made to harm us. So, we had to protect ourselves the best way we could.
Despite its necessity, participants emphasized that “the Talk” is an unequal racial socialization practice that uniquely burdens Black families. They explained how white families generally do not have to prepare their white children to face systemic racism or constantly worry about their safety during encounters with the police—a privilege that Black families are not afforded. Anthony asserted, “Black mothers have to say things that a white mother wouldn’t have to say to their son. Like, we gotta get and lessons on how to live, they don’t.”
Participants also told how “the Talk” reflects a broader systemic issue—where those disproportionately affected by state-sanctioned violence bear the responsibility of mitigating its consequences. For example, Jacob questioned why Black families are forced to teach their children how to survive police interactions, instead of police officers receiving proper training to prevent unjust violence against Black people. He shared, It’s just crazy how we’re taught to just make it out of the situation alive, but why aren’t we teaching everyone so these situations just don’t happen. Why are we taught to survive rather than to just to live? Why aren’t they [police] trained to not terrorize us? We’re the ones getting killed…we’re the ones getting taken away from our families.
Intergenerational Communication Process
While participants identified “the Talk” as a common tradition in Black families, their firsthand experiences of race-related messaging provided crucial insight into its function as an intergenerational communication process—where racial knowledge is exchanged between generations. When asked how messages about anti-Black violence and police interactions (i.e., “the Talk) were communicated within their families, two sub-themes emerged from participants’ responses. The first sub-theme frames the “the Talk” as a unidirectional transfer process, with emerging adults positioned as the receivers of these family conversations. However, the second sub-theme frames “the Talk” as a bidirectional transfer process, where emerging adults are actively engaging in co-constructing “the Talk” within their family system and sharing their insights and messages about anti-Black violence and police encounters.
Unidirectional Transfer
Even as young adults, participants reported receiving talks from their parents about how to navigate a racially stratified society and survive encounters with law enforcement. They shared how these talks are less interactive and more directive—often consisting of concrete instructions and firm commands driven by their parents’ deep concerns for their safety. For example, Travis recounted an intense talk with his mother after turning 18, which included specific guidance on how to handle police interactions as a Black male: I remember when I turned 18, my mom said, “You are a Black male in America, you are already seen as a threat by them. So, make sure your seatbelt is on, hands on the wheel. Always leave your information where they can see your hands and if you’re going to get anything, ask them can you reach for it. And if they ask you something, answer it…but don’t overexplain.”
In a gripping example, Anthony recalled specific instructions from his mother about what to do if he gets stopped by the police. Her advice came with explicit warnings about the consequences of not following the rules of “the Talk.” Interestingly, despite being an adult, Anthony’s mother emphasized the need to contact an older adult when encountering the police. He stated, To this day, mom always tells me to call an older adult, just in case…but don’t run from police, you know, because they will kill you.’ That’s what she always tells me, ‘They will kill you. just be compliant.’ And I still follow these instructions to this today because that could be me at any point.
Given the seriousness of “the Talk” for Black families—a matter of life or death—participants told how they refrain from interrupting their parents during these conversations, choosing instead to listen and internalize their race-related messages. This was the case for 22-year-old Monique during talks with her father about how to navigate traffic stops. She explained, Even right now, at this age, he’ll sit me down and basically say, to pay attention…to shut up and listen. Of course, he say the regular, make sure you have the license and registration and stuff like that. I think that was more his biggest concern. Even though that’s so simple, it makes a difference to him. And I just let him talk, not interrupting.
Participants also reported a shift in the frequency and tone of their parents’ racial socialization messages (i.e., “the Talk”) following the high-profile police killings of unarmed Black people in the news and on social media. For example, Jessica explained how her parents’ warnings became more urgent after the 2020 murder of 46-year-old George Floyd in Minneapolis, Minnesota: My parents didn’t start getting really personal about police brutality until it got more frequent throughout the years, like when George Floyd was killed. I remember my mother telling me that she would rather me have one of those things in the car that holds your phone so that when I get pulled over by a cop, I can record what’s happening to me. So that’s really when they started talking to me more seriously, when they just kept happening more frequently.
Bidirectional Transfer
As Black emerging adults mature and navigate modern forms of racism, they begin to develop a more sophisticated understanding of their parents’ racial socialization messages and exercise agency in family discussions about race and police encounters. Unlike the unidirectional parent-to-child transfer of knowledge, bidirectional transfer involves a shared process of meaning-making and learning between older and younger generations. This process marks a shift in family role dynamics, where Black emerging adults are no longer just the receivers of “the Talk,” but active givers—passing on insights, experiences, and racial socialization strategies within their family systems. For example, in the wake of several highly publicized police killings of unarmed Black people, participants told how they consciously, and sometimes, unconsciously take responsibility for giving talks to their family members about how to safely manage encounters with the police.
In a unique example, Destiny explained how she was compelled to give her father “the Talk” after learning about the police killing of 32-year-old Philando Castile while attending an event at her university: It was my freshman year at [university name] and they had event on police killings. And I remember hearing about a man…he was shot in his car by police. Philando something. Since then, I’ve been trying to get my dad out the mindset of being defensive with police officers…it’s dangerous for him. I have to tell him, “Do you want your pride or do you want your life at this moment, because you have to choose in certain situations.”
Several participants also discussed giving their younger siblings the same talk they once received. They expressed the need to protect and prepare their siblings for the harsh realities of racism. Devante explained, The talk I received from my parents, I gave to my little brother. He turned 13 this year. So, I just try to tell him what to do and what not to do in terms of the police. And don’t play with stuff like…like toy guns. I would take his toy guns because I feel like the first thing a cop would say is, “Oh, I felt unsafe, they had a weapon on them.” When really it could have been something else.
As the eldest in her family, London described the challenges of being a parent figure to her younger sister, and having conversations about police and race relations in the US: It’s tough, you know being the oldest…you have to set the example like a parent. I mean, I gave the talk to my 15-year-old sister because we live in a predominately white area. And I need her to know what to do if I’m not around. I just tell her, you know, never be confrontational, because that can…that can blow up very quickly. And you don’t want to be in a situation where the police are called. Because even if you’re in the right, they can have some type of animosity towards somebody who is Black.
In a particularly jarring example, Deon recounted a traffic stop with his younger sister where he was forced to give her an impromptu talk to ensure their survival. He shared, I remember my first time getting pulled over. I was scared out of my mind. I barely talked…just got my license. And I remember feeling sick because I had my little sister in my car. She was like eight at the time. And I was like 18, maybe. After pulling over, I told her don’t say anything. Don’t do anything. Don’t make any sudden movements, just be calm. And when he got to me, I just looked forward and I had my hands visible. I just remembered thinking, “I do not want to die in front of my little sister.”
While these two sub-themes are distinct, they are also interrelated, as they illustrate the dynamic nature of the racial socialization process. The unidirectional transfer of “the Talk” reflects the essential role of parents in imparting wisdom and survival strategies, and the bidirectional transfer signifies the agency of Black emerging adults in contributing their own insights, knowledge, and race-related messages. Together, these sub-themes highlight “the Talk” as a cyclical, intergenerational communication process that prepares young people for the dangers of anti-Black violence and harmful police interactions.
Village Phenomenon
Beyond their parents, participants reported receiving racial socialization messages or “the Talk” from various external sources, including extended family members, community members, and mass media. For example, when asked who they turned to for advice about police encounters and coping with anti-Black racism, several participants identified their grandparents as a central part of their racial socialization network. Travis reflected on the talks he received from his grandmother, comparing her most recent talk to the one she gave after the 2012 killing of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin: My grandmother is the one that will sit us down. First, it was the Trayvon Martin thing. She told us not to wear the hoodies. But this time, she was way more stern. She was like, “You know that Black people aren’t treated the same. No matter how trustworthy you are or how much you know, we will never be equal. But you do what you’ve got to do to get ahead.”
Similarly, 21-year-old Ricky described his grandmother’s frequent instructions about how to interact with the police, connecting them to the traumas and racial injustices she has witnessed as an older Black woman. He explained, She’s given me multiple conversations about just how to conduct myself. She honestly gives me a conversation about that every day. She’s the most fearful person of the police that I know. I know she doesn’t want me to go through the possibility of getting stopped or getting killed or hurt. Because she did grow up in a time where things happened to Black people. She’s seen almost every spectrum of injustices from the police or just by being Black. So, I don’t want to put my grandma in a position where she has to bury me.
Following the police killing of George Floyd, Jada explained how her extended family organized a gathering to discuss safety and preparedness strategies. She further discussed the need for a “village” in times of racial turmoil, stating: After the George Floyd incident, we had a family gathering and everybody came together to talk about how they felt and what to do to keep everyone safe. Like my aunts, cousins, uncles, grandma, all the family were there. Not just my parents. I mean, it really takes a village to get through stuff like this.
In addition to conversations with their family members, several participants told how they received “the Talk” from members of the larger community. Though not personally related, these sources served as important role models that shaped Black emerging adults’ awareness of issues related to race and policing. For example, Carmen described how both her high school teacher and college professor shared tips on how to protect herself during encounters with the police: It was a Black teacher showing us documentaries when I was a senior in high school, and she was telling us how to react when confronted by the police or whatever. And she would also tell us that we have to know our rights so when the time comes, we won’t be dumbstruck. And when I got to college, I had a professor to give us tips in class on what to do if we got stopped.
In a compelling example, Caleb recounted an instance where his driver’s education instructor informally advised him on what to do during traffic stops. He shared, “My driver’s ed teacher told me that, if you don’t have your driver’s license, remember your driver’s license number by heart because if you’re encountering a police officer, you don’t want them to you know, look at you funny. That’s one tip I’ll never forget. And my driver’s ed instructor…he was an older Black man, activist in the community…so he was looking out for me.”
Conversations related to “the Talk” also came from the Black Church. Despite being spaces primarily for worship, participants shared how faith-based institutions served as conduits for discussions on racism and police violence. Courtney explained, “During church…because I’d go to Sunday school, the youth groups would sit down and talk about being more careful and aware of the police. Being in a church setting, it was kinda like the same way my parents described it as to us.” Like Courtney, Richard described the talk he received from a boy’s club at his church about how to appear less threatening to mitigate the risk of harm from police officers. He shared, I’m in a boy’s club at my church, and they broke things down to us about how we should carry ourselves, including things that might trigger police…like with our clothing, and our posture. We had more meetings once the police killings started happening.
While attending a summer youth academy, Corey learned about laws, his constitutional rights, and the proper protocol for police officers during traffic stops. He explained, I went to a youth academy last summer and they gave us two sheets. It was some laws to know and what to do if you get pulled over. Although I don’t keep those papers in my car anymore, I remember the information. It was like, just make sure your information is in sight where you can easily get to it. They don’t have the right to search your vehicle without reason. And they can’t just hold you if you’re not detained, that’s the law.
In the age of mass media, several participants mentioned how they learned about components of “the Talk”—such as managing police encounters and coping with racial discrimination and anti-Black violence—through various multimedia sources. Christina referenced The Hate You Give, George Tillman Jr.’s (2018) drama film inspired by the fatal police shooting of 22-year-old Oscar Grant in 2009 in Oakland, California. She recalled parts of the movie that stood out to her, which prompted her to grapple with an internal conflict—remain prideful or prioritize survival and stay alive: I remember watching a movie…The Hate U Give. And just listening…it’s giving me chills talking about it. But listening to how her daddy told her what to do when being stopped by a cop, it just hit differently. And I was like, “This is my reality, this is what I have to do.” And I was like, “I don’t want to do that.” Because if I get stopped by a white cop and I have to list everything that I'm going to do, it’s just…ugh, I don’t want to give him that feeling of superiority or power over me. But then again, I don’t want to be prideful because that could cost me my life.
Besides television films, participants sought information related to “the Talk” from social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter). These platforms provided rapid, real-time access to content, ranging from stories about police killings to educational videos on how to safely navigate traffic stops. As Chante explained, “I feel like I honestly grasped the concept of “the Talk” through social media. I kinda did some self-study, and educated myself. Social media really allows us to be more self-aware like no other generation.”
Similarly, Shanice described social media as a major source of racial socialization, citing a viral how-to video on ways to manage traffic stops with police: It went from seeing police killings on social media, to seeing people now making procedure videos of what to do when stopped by the police. I’ve watched those and tried to get a better understanding of things I should do. For example, I watched a video that went viral of a high school basketball team, and the coach had the gym set up like a car. And he had his team sit in the chairs as if they were in a traffic stop. He told them what to do and what not to do.
Overall, participants not only relied on their parents’ insights about race and police interactions, but also drew from extended family, community members, and mass media sources.
Source of Black Familial Stress
Though necessary for survival, participants reported “the Talk” as a significant source of stress in their personal lives and their family systems. As receivers of “the Talk,” participants shared how these conversations were painful reminders of their vulnerability in an unjust society. As Lauren stated, “It gets you ready for, you know, how police officers and others might view you, so it’s important to know. But it’s hard to hear and to emotionally take in…that you could be treated differently.” Trey also mentioned how “the Talk,” while protective, heightens feelings of powerlessness because it teaches full compliance and submission to police authority. He asserted, We have to say, “yes sir, no sir.” Just keep your hands where the police can see them to make it back home. That’s what we’re told…just do whatever you need to do. And it’s just like, why are we taught to just put that much power in authorities’ hands? Like they can do whatever because they’re an authority.
Trey further explained how the necessity of “the Talk” places distinct burdens on Black parents, who must teach safety and obedience to punitive authorities to ensure their children’s survival during police encounters. He noted, Black parents gotta teach their kids to just comply as a survival tactic. They tell us, if you don’t do what I tell you to do, then you’re not going to make it home. It’s really messed up. We’ve passed down giving them [police] the power.
Participants also described the looming fear and worry that accompanied their parents’ preparatory talks about police interactions. Jordan explained, “There’s anxiety that follows behind it because it’s a lot for parents as a whole. No parent wants to think about the possibility of their child being mistreated by the police.” In addition to fear and worry, participants reflected on their parents’ frustration as they prepared them for the realities of racism and anti-Black violence. For example, Shayla vividly recalled her father’s reaction following the 2020 murder of 25-year-old Ahmaud Arbery: You could hear the frustration in his voice. He was really mad…using all the curse words. I was just like, “I feel, I understand your pain.” It made me even more mad, because I'm like, “My dad mad, so I'm fixing to be extra mad.”
More troubling, participants expressed that their parents’ fears and frustrations were rooted in the fact that they could not fully protect their children from the dangers of police violence and systemic injustice. As a result, they shared how “the Talk” was a point of deep emotional conflict and dissonance for their parents, who often grappled with the pros and cons of having these difficult discussions. Imani explained, It’s not fair that our parents have to, you know, be stressed out all the time…needing to give us these talks. It ain’t right. Like I could tell my dad didn’t wanna give me the talk cause he was really upset, but he felt he needed to…like that’s all her could do.
Participants also noted the traumas of receiving “the Talk” from their grandparents, who often shared distressing stories about their own experiences with racial injustice. While important, these stories carried a heavy emotional weight for participants like Brittany, who shared: I remember getting the talk at my grandmother’s house and it was somewhat traumatizing because of the fact that my grandmother is from Selma, Alabama. She talked about how she was in the cotton fields and during segregation. Racial inequality has always been a part of her life, so she’s a lot more accepting. Her thing is, there’s no purpose in fighting for racial equality when things have been like this for so long. For me, it was very frustrating because it was like, grandma, I get what you’re saying, but at the same time it shouldn’t be that way.
Although participants discussed the stressors of receiving “the Talk,” they also described the emotional burden of giving these conversations. As participants emerged into young adults, many of them, inadvertently, became responsible for passing on “the Talk” to their younger siblings. For example, Larry explained the pressures he faced as the eldest sibling, including the expectation to teach his younger siblings about police relations. He further explained how this family role conflicted with his responsibilities as a new college student. He shared, Being the oldest on my mom’s side, it puts a big weight on my shoulders as a brother because I had to help teach them about police and stuff. I’m my mom’s biggest help when it comes to my siblings. So, when it was time for me to go to college, like the day we moved in for my freshman year, she’s like, “Okay, you’re good. You’re gone.” But, that next week, she wouldn’t stop calling my phone, while I was in class.
Not only had “the Talk” imposed emotional and psychological strains on participants, but it exacted a physical toll. Serenity described the physical discomfort she felt while having “the Talk” with her brother. She stated, “I was really nervous having to explain these situations to my younger brother. I mean, it was making me sick to my stomach. But I couldn’t just let him go through the world and not be prepared.”
As participants reflected on their current responsibilities as givers of “the Talk,” they also considered the steps they will take to prepare their own children for encounters with racism and the police. Fearing that police killings and acts of anti-Black violence would persist, they expressed deep concerns for the safety and well-being of their future children. As Jessica cautiously explained, Hopefully it won’t be a problem for my children, but I can’t be so sure because our ancestors fought hard for us to be equal and we’re still facing inequality to this day. Like, how do you raise your child in a world where everything is set up to be against them? It makes me feel low key depressed because, how do you tell your child that you cannot do this because someone could kill you?
In an interesting example, Carmen explained the importance of teaching her future children safety strategies while also nurturing their resilience: If I have kids, I will teach them this is what you have to do to stay safe, to stay alive. I will teach them the things that I was taught and learned. But at the same time, when I have kids, I can’t show them that I’m scared. I have to be brave for my kids. It’s necessary that they know, my mom was strong…and I have to be strong, too.
Discussion
This study drew upon the Racial Battle Fatigue (RBF) theory (Smith et al., 2007) to explore three primary research questions: (1) What messages do Black emerging adults receive from their families about anti-Black violence and police encounters (“the Talk”)? (2) Beyond their immediate family systems, what other sources inform Black emerging adults’ perspectives on “the Talk”? (3) How do Black emerging adults perceive the impact of “the Talk” on their personal lives and family systems?
Although there is mounting research on racial socialization in Black families, it primarily focuses on the race-related messages (i.e., “the Talk”) that parents convey to their young children (Anderson et al., 2022; DiAquoi, 2017; Galán et al., 2022; Osborne et al., 2024). While important, little is known about how racial socialization messages are communicated and experienced in emerging adulthood. Recent research by Ho and Brown (2024) supports the importance of understanding ethnic-racial identity development across the lifespan, particularly noting that emerging adulthood is a time of dynamic and continuous identity formation influenced by contextual and developmental factors. Building on foundational racial socialization literature (Hughes & Chen, 1997) and theories of relational communication (Rogers, 2006) and racism-related stress (Harrell, 2000), this study examined Black emerging adults’ experiences of “the Talk” and its impact on their personal lives and their family dynamics. It further explored how these familial discussions, alongside messages from community members and mass media, shape Black emerging adults’ understanding of anti-Black violence and police interactions. Furthermore, this qualitative study is one of the few to center Black emerging adults as receivers and agents of historical knowledge. It reveals how their growing independence and heightened awareness of race-related events contribute to ongoing racial discourse within their families.
Based on our study analysis, we structure our discussion around three key insights that are critical to the field of Black psychology studies: the intergenerational and bidirectional nature of “the Talk,” the role of community in preparing the next generation, and communicative racial dissonance within Black families.
The Intergenerational and Bidirectional Nature of “the Talk”
Even as young adults, participants received “the Talk” from their parents about what it means to be Black and how to handle police encounters, which is consistent with a growing body of racial socialization literature on the prevalence of “the Talk” in emerging adulthood (Hawkins, 2023a; Leath et al., 2021; Wilson et al., 2024a). The urgency of these conversations was heightened by recent high-profile police killings and acts of anti-Black violence, such as the deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, which compelled Black parents to prepare their children—regardless of age—for racialized encounters with police officers and those in positions of power (Anderson et al., 2022). In addition, participants acknowledged that while “the Talk” is a response to the current sociopolitical climate and the grave loss of life at the hands of police within the Black community, it is also a deeply rooted Black familial tradition—“like a grandmother’s recipe”—that has been passed down through generations (Whitaker & Snell, 2016, p. 304). This finding aligns with previous literature (DiAquoi, 2017; Minniear & Soliz, 2019; Whitaker & Snell, 2016), which documents and connects the historical origins of “the Talk” to the eras of slavery and legalized racial terrorism.
Though traditional racial socialization research emphasizes the role of parents in socializing children, often implying a unidirectional transfer of knowledge, our findings highlight the bidirectional or co-constructed nature of family communication (Hoffman et al., 2017; Minniear & Soliz, 2019). According to Hoffman et al. (2017), “In bidirectional models, the parent and child are viewed as dynamic agents who act on each other in a process of reciprocal influence” (p. 8). Because emerging adulthood is associated with various factors such as identity development, increased agency, and a more sophisticated understanding of sociopolitical issues (Leath et al., 2021), this stage can foster more complex conversations, particularly about race within family systems (Hoffman et al., 2017). This is further supported by Charity-Parker and Adams-Bass (2023), whose findings emphasize the enduring influence of both parental and non-parental socializing agents across ecological contexts, highlighting how Black youth internalize and reflect upon racial messages from multiple sources. Thus, for Black emerging adults in our study, “the Talk” was not simply a one-way transmission from parent to child but a mutual, two-way interaction that incorporated their voices, insights, and lived experiences. In other words, Black emerging adults were not just receivers of race-related messages; they were active contributors and co-constructors of these messages within their family system, corresponding with existing relational communication theory research (Leath et al., 2021; Rogers, 2006).
The Role of Community in Preparing the Next Generation
The ancient West African proverb, “It takes a village to raise a child,” emphasizes that raising a child is not solely the responsibility of the parents, but rather a collective effort among people such as extended family, neighbors, mentors, teachers, and local community members (Reupert et al., 2022). The involvement of multiple individuals (“the village”) is necessary to ensure a safe and nurturing environment for children to thrive and realize their fullest potential (Reupert et al., 2022). From this perspective, we posit that a village can also offer guidance and socialization to protect younger generations from the dangers of racism and police harm.
While much of the focus is on parental racial socialization (Harris & Amutah-Onukagha, 2019; Hughes & Chen, 1997; White-Johnson et al., 2010), we found that extended family members or “villagers,” including grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins, also influence racial socialization. Consistent with the works of Weitzer and Brunson (2009) and Hawkins (2023a), our findings suggest that extended family members were key socializing agents who educated Black emerging adults on topics of racial identity, police interactions, and anti-Black violence (“the Talk”). Thus, while parents played an important role in their socialization process, Black emerging adults also seemed to value the messages and lessons they received from other members in their family systems (Minniear & Soliz, 2019). This multidimensional support network aligns with Charity-Parker and Adams-Bass’s (2023) assertion that non-parental agents, such as peers and mentors, contribute significantly to racial socialization by reinforcing racial protection and bicultural coping strategies.
Beyond their family, Black emerging adults’ socialization network included members of the larger community—such as youth mentors, professors, and coaches—who helped to prepare them for potential police contact and racial discrimination. Advice ranged from learning constitutional rights and laws, memorizing one’s driver’s license number, to strategies for appearing less threatening (e.g., monitoring clothing choices and posture). Black emerging adults also reported discussions about police violence and racial injustice in places of worship. Given the historical roots of the Black church as a cornerstone for advocacy and social justice activism in Black communities, it is perhaps unsurprising that it remains a conduit for healing, reconciliation, and resistance in the face of racial adversity (Harris, 1994; Wilson & Wolfer, 2020). Moreover, as a bridge between Black families and the social world, community members played a vital role in equipping young people with the tools to navigate and challenge structures of injustice (Weitzer & Brunson, 2009). This reinforces the notion that preparation for biased encounters with the police in the form of “the Talk” is not simply an individual or familial process, but a communal effort—shaped by the support, wisdom, and love of the collective Black community (Hawkins, 2023a).
The heightened visibility of systemic racism and police killings of unarmed Black people—captured through smartphone recordings, social media, and 24-hour live streaming—has made mass media a powerful and pervasive source of preparation for biased encounters with police (Hawkins, 2023a). This is particularly true as more and more people have access to information online about police violence through social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter). For example, prior research has highlighted the impact of Black-centered digital spaces like ‘Black Twitter’ in documenting and disseminating real-time accounts of police violence (Hawkins, 2023b). For Black emerging adults, social media was especially helpful in providing rapid access to procedural videos explaining how to safely navigate encounters with law enforcement. Social media has also revolutionized contemporary forms of activism, allowing people to create virtual communities that unite and mobilize against police violence, as seen with movements like Black Lives Matter (Bryant-Davis et al., 2017; Wilson et al., 2025b). Moreover, in the last decade, powerful, Black-directed films like Fruitvale Station, The Hate U Give, and When They See Us have brought issues of racism and anti-Black police violence into sharper focus (Malone Gonzalez, 2019), further highlighting the collectiveness and interconnectedness of Black racial socialization.
Communicative Racial Dissonance Within Black Families
“The Talk” is primarily viewed as a protective factor in Black families, shown to promote positive beliefs about one’s racial/ethnic group (Neblett et al., 2008; Sewell et al., 2016), enhance educational achievement (Banerjee et al., 2011), prepare younger generations for potential acts of bias (Coard & Sellers, 2005), and buffer against the adverse psychological effects of racism (Neblett et al., 2012). Davis and Stevenson (2006) assert that “youth who primarily receive mainstream-fit socialization will be at a loss to emotionally manage the inherent contradictions of the American dream” (p. 312). Thus, “the Talk” responds to the overwhelming need within Black families to empower their children to face pervasive racial inequity (Griffith, 2022). Although necessary, this conversation can be complicated and conjure up feelings of shame, as it reinforces Black parents’ powerlessness in protecting their children from the destructive forces of racism and white supremacy (Whitaker & Snell, 2016). Therein lies the most heart-wrenching aspect of racial socialization—Black families cannot engage in this conversation without confronting the realities of their vulnerability and inability to guard their children from the treatment of inferiority and perceived threat (Whitaker & Snell, 2016).
The constant tension between instilling messages of racial pride and warning younger generations of structures that could threaten their safety results in a complex and often debilitating dilemma for Black families, which we label as Communicative Racial Dissonance. Drawing on theories of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 2019) and racism-related stress (Harrell, 2000), we posit that communicative racial dissonance is the psychological, emotional, and physical discomfort experienced by Black families as they reconcile the desire to create a safer, more equitable world for their children with the oppressive realities of anti-Black racism (Anderson et al., 2022; Whitaker & Snell, 2016). This phenomenon encapsulates the trauma, worry, frustration, and feelings of helplessness that Graham et al. (2020) define as “hidden injuries” (p.550). These are the burdens that families must conceal within messages of hope, joy, and self-love, although knowing that each time their child leaves home, their life is at risk of being devalued and rendered expendable by police and those in positions of power (Whitaker & Snell, 2016). Moreover, this dissonance is further exacerbated by the fact that white families are less likely to fear their child being seen as suspicious by police of feel the need to have “the Talk” (Weitzer & Brunson, 2009), while Black parents know that avoiding these conversations could potentially result in their child’s name being added to the litany of Black people unjustly killed by police (e.g., Tamir Rice, Rekia Boyd, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor).
As both a receiver and giver of “the Talk,” Black emerging adults witnessed their parents’ dissonance and grappled with their own internal conflicts as newfound socializing agents. One particular conflict is the anticipated stress of giving “the Talk” to younger siblings and future children, realizing that while they may be imparting knowledge and emotional tools to resist racial oppression, they may also be passing on trauma and “hidden injuries” to the next generation—a sobering truth. This finding corresponds with Harrell’s (2000) conceptualization of transgenerational transmission in Black families and communities. In addition, we argue that Black emerging adults’ dissonance from “the Talk” may also reflect their awareness of the loss of Black childhood innocence, as Black children “are forced to grow up quickly and must learn to navigate the world as a Black man/woman as opposed to a Black boy/girl” (Hawkins, 2023a, p. 199). Sadly, as young adults, they may now recognize how systemic racism also rendered them victims of early adultification (Burton, 2007; Koch & Kozhumam, 2022).
Additionally, our findings underscore the mental and emotional complexities that Black emerging adults navigate during the development period, an issue that has received limited attention in racial socialization research. A recent scoping review by Collins-Anderson et al. (2022) found a paucity of studies that examine mental health among Black emerging adult men through an intersectional lens. This gap further highlights the need to investigate how racial socialization messages may intersect with other marginalized identities and how these processes influence psychological well-being.
Limitations
While this study offers important insights into Black emerging adults’ experiences of preparation for bias when encountering law enforcement through “the Talk,” several limitations and intentional scope decisions shape the interpretation and transferability of findings. First, the sample consisted of Black emerging adult college students from HBCUs in the Southeast. This population was purposefully selected to explore how racial socialization occurs within historically Black institutional contexts. Given the unique contexts of HBCUs, participants may have had more opportunities to engage in conversations about race and anti-Black violence—through coursework, campus activities, and/or social networks—than Black emerging adults attending predominately white institutions or those not enrolled in college (Minniear & Soliz, 2019; Wilson, 2025a). Thus, this focus reflects a strategic scope aligned with the study’s aims, though it may limit broader generalizability. Second, while race was a preeminent factor in this study, less attention was given to participants’ other social identities (e.g., gender, sexuality, socioeconomic status). These identities may intersect with racial identity to shape how individuals receive and interpret racial socialization. Future research should explore these dimensions more explicitly (Leath et al., 2021; Malone Gonzalez, 2019).
Third, this study examined the impact of “the Talk” on family dynamics solely from emerging adults’ perspectives. While this offers rich insight into their lived experiences, it does not include firsthand accounts from other members, such as parents and siblings. Additionally, while grandparents were categorized as “extended family members,” we acknowledge that in many Black households, they serve as primary caregivers. This analytic decision was not meant to diminish their central caregiving role, but to differentiate messages received outside the immediate parent-child dyad (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2000; Pittman, 2023). Finally, given the long-standing history of anti-Blackness and racial violence in US society, this study focused specifically on the experiences of “the Talk” for US-born Black emerging adults. This design decision helped anchor our analysis within a shared cultural and national framework but may limit applicability to Black immigrant families, whose socialization experiences may differ (Leath et al., 2021).
Implications for Research, Practice, and Advocacy
Despite these limitations, this study contributes to the psychological understanding of Black experiences by offering empirical insight into how racial socialization unfolds during emerging adulthood, a critical developmental stage. By highlighting the intergenerational and communal dynamics of “the Talk,’ these findings extend theoretical and applied conversations within African-centered psychology, Black family studies, and culturally responsive mental health practice. They also provide vital insight for scholars, practitioners, and family advocates.
For example, future studies should consider the development of a comprehensive conceptual model to better illustrate and explain intergenerational and bidirectional patterns of racial socialization communication in Black families. Such a model will be important for understanding how racial knowledge is exchanged and preserved across generations and may also provide a foundation for culturally relevant interventions to support Black families as they prepare for and navigate racialized police interactions. Additionally, future research is needed to examine how racial socialization practices, such as “the Talk,” influence experiences of childhood adultification and parentification among Black youth (Burton, 2007; Koch & Kozhumam, 2022). Given the advent of technology and social media platforms, future studies need to explore how social media and movie films serve as channels of racial socialization for Black children and young adults.
The persistent threat of racism and racialized violence, which forces Black families to engage in protective strategies, such as “the Talk,” demands urgent attention from mental health practitioners, psychologists, social workers, and family therapists. Understanding the concerns of racism within families is critical, as it may shed light on the well-being of Black families coping with stress caused by vicarious racism-related experiences, which have been associated with a heightened sense of danger, increased anxiety, and emotional distress (Chae et al., 2021; Harrell, 2000; Louie & Upenieks, 2022; Moody, 2022; Turney, 2021). For example, the work of Brantley (2023a) reveals how Black children’s experiences of racism lead to mental, emotional, and physical consequences for their mothers, such as crying spells and lack of sleep. While most of the research focusing on vicarious racism-related stress and well-being among families centers transmission between parents and children (Brantley, 2023b; Goldman, 2019) or between romantic partners (Moody, 2022), our research reveals that vicarious racism-related stress may occur between siblings as well. Emerging adults, due to their proximity in age and life experience to their younger siblings, are often more aware of the constant and ubiquitous threats of racism their younger siblings are facing outside of the home. Perhaps, future scholarship and practice interventions should focus on bridging social and community supports for Black emerging adults and their families to lessen the impacts of racism-related stress (Hall, 2018).
This research also poses several policy implications for reducing the harmful impact of police interactions. This study highlights the burden placed on Black families to prepare their loved ones for potential contact with police. However, more efforts are needed among law enforcement agencies to not only better understand the impact their interactions have on Black emerging adults, but also the intergenerational burdens placed on families engaging in “the Talk” to ensure the survival of their loved ones. Prioritizing education that recognizes and combats bias in policing is also an important policy implication to reduce the killings by police of Black people. Recent research highlighting the importance of diversity in policing found that Black, Latino, and female officers were less likely to arrest and use force, especially against Black civilians (Ba et al., 2021). Additionally, this study sheds light on the need for law enforcement agencies to recognize past harms done to communities of color to build and restore trust. Although some task forces have emerged in recent years to build trust (U.S. DOJ, 2015) and even provide reparations for past police abuses (Chicago Torture Justice Center, n. d.; St Louis Reparations Commission, 2024), Black people continue to be victimized by police more than any other racial group (Mapping Police Violence, 2025). As alternatives to punitive responses to public safety issues emerge, there is a growing recognition that policymakers must consider the long-term impact of policing and identify new mechanisms to ensure public safety that are not punitive but instead rely on community-based alternatives such as crisis-response models and diversion programs.
Conclusion
For centuries, Black families have consistently sought ways to equip their children with the knowledge and emotional tools to survive in a racist society. However, this process has been impacted by the ongoing threat of racial violence, as seen with the brutal and senseless killings of unarmed men, women, and children by police and neighborhood vigilantes. Moreover, while Black families have persistently engaged in efforts to resist anti-Black oppression, each new death triggers a profound sense of loss that reopens the painful ancestral wounds of Black America (Grills et al., 2016). Is it possible for Black families and communities to prepare subsequent generations to navigate an unfair racial environment without signaling to them that their lives are inferior and unworthy of protection? As couriers of racial knowledge, Black emerging adults not only offer powerful windows into current processes of preparation for biased encounters with police through “the Talk,” but their perspectives provide a unique glimpse into the future of communication and socialization strategies and resilience for Black families.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental Material - “The Talk I Received From My Parents, I Gave to My Little Brother”: Black Emerging Adults’ Experiences of Intergenerational and Bidirectional Racial Socialization
Supplemental Material for “The Talk I Received From My Parents, I Gave to My Little Brother”: Black Emerging Adults’ Experiences of Intergenerational and Bidirectional Racial Socialization by Betty L. Wilson, Ashley Jackson, Mia Brantley, and Julisa Tindall in Journal of Black Psychology.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study is supported by Southern Regional Education Board.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
References
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