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Abstract

The involvement of Xhosa women in traditional male circumcision, or ulwaluko, is restricted by numerous taboos that prevent women from acquiring knowledge and participating in decision-making regarding the practice. This is despite women playing significant roles as amazibazana – mothers of initiates – who support the survival and continuation of the ritual in their households and communities. The study was underpinned by the Afrocentric perspective to explore the challenges and coping strategies of Xhosa women during ulwaluko. An explorative and descriptive research design using Jonathan Smith’s interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) was adopted as a qualitative research methodology. A purposive sampling approach was employed to recruit eight participants, all of whom were the biological mothers of initiates. Eligibility required that these women had ensured compliance with the medical, cultural and legal protocols governing their sons’ traditional circumcision. Data were gathered using semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that the women experienced distress caused by fear of complications and a lack of communication about their sons’ health, which negatively affected their psychological well-being. To facilitate coping, all the participants displayed resilience by employing strategies such as prayer and communal female support systems. By centring Xhosa women’s voices, the study highlights their important role in ulwaluko and challenges the silencing imposed on them by patriarchal interpretations of the practice. In conclusion, this study advocates for involving women in cultural decision-making processes without compromising the cultural sanctity of ulwaluko.

Keywords

Afrocentricity initiation ritual silenced voices Xhosa women

Introduction

The traditional male rite of passage, referred to as ulwaluko among the amaXhosa in South Africa, is a respected cultural institution practised among many South African groupings such as Bapedi, vhaVenda, amaNdebele, and amaXhosa (Phokane, 2018). Among the Xhosa, the rite is male dominated with numerous taboos preventing women from acquiring knowledge and participating in decision-making (Gogela, 2020; Rankotha, 2004) while allowing only initiated males to manage the execution of the rite (Mpateni & Kang’ethe, 2022). There is little evidence in the literature or practice, that men and traditional leaders support women’s inclusion in decision-making during ulwaluko. Instead, secrecy and ancestral respect continue to be emphasised (Gwata, 2009; Rankotha, 2004). Women who challenge and raise concerns about initiation issues are often admonished. This was apparent when traditional leaders admonished their wives, Imbumba Yamakhosikazi Akomkhulu (IYA), who publicly reported concerns over the deaths of initiates and support for medical circumcision (Mgaqelwa, 2014). Similarly, the late Dr Mamisa Chabula was criticised for suggesting the use of the Malaysian tara clamp instead of the traditional sword for circumcision, to curb complications such as excessive bleeding and infections (Tshemese, 2012).

Staunch supporters of ulwaluko maintain that sharing information, particularly with women and uninitiated men, is a taboo that angers the ancestors, resulting in misfortune (Gwata, 2009; Kepe, 2010; Mavundla et al., 2009). Kang’ethe and Nomngcoyiya (2016) contend that excluding women from vital conversations about initiation is especially challenging for boys from single-parent households, given the increasing number of female-headed households in South Africa. The 2011 South African census illustrated that 45.8% of households in Buffalo City Municipality – the site of this study – were female-headed (StatsSA, 2011).

This raises questions about how women, particularly mothers, should navigate the ritual in which they are expected to remain silent despite their central role in preparing and supporting their sons financially, psychologically, and spiritually (Kepe & Matera, 2022). However, due to unabating deaths, botched circumcisions and physical trauma of initiates reported every circumcision season in the Eastern Cape, legal and health fraternities are calling for the recognition of women’s voices in the ritual (Kepe & Matera, 2022; Palmer et al., 2023).

In African culture, motherhood is associated with nature and life since mothers offer a protective and nurturing role to their families and communities (Emecheta, 1979). Mothers, who hold the honoured cultural status of izibazana (mother of the initiate), play vital roles in ensuring the successful transition of their boys to manhood. These roles include cutting grass for thatching the initiate’s hut, preparing food, ensuring cultural rituals are observed, praying for their sons’ protection and safety, coordinating the homecoming ceremonies (imigidi), and providing moral and emotional grounding (Makupula, 2019). Although these contributions are rendered domestic and almost invisible by patriarchal discourse, they are vital for the continuity of the ritual.

Although motherhood is romanticised in African culture (Akujobi, 2011), the responsibilities and accountability that mothers silently endure are often concealed (Arendell, 2000; Green, 2010). Within the context of ulwaluko, silence is maintained both internally by women, to demonstrate cultural obedience, and externally imposed by patriarchal structures (Makupula, 2019). Consequently, mothers may struggle to admit challenges associated with the distant mothering role during ulwaluko (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Green, 2010; Kang’ethe & Nomngcoyiya, 2016), and this often gives rise to feelings of guilt and self-blame when they are unable to fulfil the practical and emotional responsibilities for their children’s well-being (Frizelle & Kell, 2010). The societal expectation that Black women embody strength leads many to mask their distress by exhibiting resilience even in adversity (Avent Harris, 2019; Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). While scholars have widely examined traditional male circumcision, few have explored the lived experiences and challenges of women – particularly mothers of initiates (amazibazana) – during the initiation period. This study addresses this gap.

This study is underpinned by the Afrocentric framework popularised by Asante (1987). Afrocentricity emphasises wholeness, harmony, and community embedded deeply in cultural values (Mkhize, 2021). It highlights the centrality of African people in their cultural narratives, while resisting Eurocentric worldviews (Pellerin, 2012). Employing this paradigm ensured that Xhosa women’s experiences were interpreted from their cultural worldview, recognising their agency and contributions rather than relegating them to the periphery (Asante, 1987; Rankotha, 2004).

Method

Study design

The present study was situated within a broader research project that employed an exploratory and descriptive interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) framework. Given the small number (n = 8) of participants engaged in in-depth interviews, a case study design was integrated to facilitate the generation and analysis of rich qualitative data. While IPA, as conceptualised by Smith et al. (2009), is particularly appropriate for psychological research as it privileges ‘individual subjectivities and voices otherwise ignored or silenced’ (Todorova, 2011, p. 37), the case study design allowed the experiences to be situated within the broader contextual and relational dimensions of the case. Due to the limited research on this phenomenon, employing IPA in line with Larkin et al. (2006), Pellerin (2012), and Smith et al. (2009) ensured that the challenges experienced by Xhosa women during ulwaluko, as well as the coping strategies they employed, were thoroughly explored and described. This was conducted within their cultural context and interpreted through the Afrocentric perspective.

Participants

Eight purposively selected Xhosa women participated in the study (Table 1). The inclusion criteria required that all participants: (a) were Xhosa women and the biological mothers of the initiates, thus ensuring knowledge and understanding of cultural expectations of women during ulwaluko. They acknowledged their sons’ readiness to be initiated and upheld all the medical, legal and cultural requirements; (b) had sons who were successfully initiated without adverse events such as deaths or hospitalisations due to complications; and (c) resided within the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. Due to entrenched taboos and secrecy surrounding ulwaluko, only women whose sons had undergone initiation were willing to participate in the study (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Demographic data of participants.

Participant	Age	Marital status	Religion	Occupation	Number of sons	Number of sons traditionally circumcised
P1	62	Married	Christian	Professional Nurse	1	1
P2	64	Widowed	Christian	Retired teacher	1	1
P3	57	Married	Christian	Teacher	2	2
P4	53	Married	African Traditional Religion (ATR)	Unemployed	2	2
P5	62	Single	Christian	Domestic worker	3	3
P6	50	Widowed	Christian	Professional Nurse	2	2
P7	69	Married	Christian	Retired nurse	1	1
P8	47	Married	Christian	Teacher	1	1

Table 1 reflects the diverse profile of participants whose ages ranged from 47 to 69 years. The majority were married (n = 5) while two were widowed and one was single. Regarding religious affiliation, Christians dominated the sample (n = 7) while one participant identified with African Traditional Religion (ATR). Occupationally, three participants were nurses (one retired), three were teachers (one retired), one worked as a domestic worker, and one was unemployed. The demographic indicates that despite the diverse nature of participants, the cultural practice of ulwaluko is upheld and supported within their households.

Instrument for data collection

Challenges experienced by the participants during the initiation period of their sons were explored using an interview guide. In-depth semi-structured interview questions were used to collect data. Where participants expressed uncertainty, clarity and prompts were provided to encourage elaboration. Key questions were asked to explore the participants’ lived experiences during ulwaluko, followed by probes regarding their mental well-being as well as the coping strategies they employed. The interviews were conducted at the participants’ preferred venues. Three participants were interviewed at their workplace, three at their place of residence, and two in the researcher’s office. Each interview lasted between 45 and 90 min. The participants freely express themselves in a language of their choice, using either isiXhosa, English, or both. The recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. The isiXhosa extracts were translated into English, ensuring that the participants’ intended meaning and voices were preserved. Translation accuracy was ensured through iterative review of transcripts alongside audio recordings, with attention to preserving semantic and cultural meaning during analysis.

Ethical considerations

Ethical clearance was obtained from the institution’s ethics committee. Given the sensitivity of traditional circumcision as a topic and the recognition of women as a vulnerable group in cultural research (Lee, 1993), precautionary measures were taken. An arrangement was made with a community psychological support centre to provide free debriefing services if required, although none of the participants utilised this support. The principles of beneficence and non-maleficence (Allan, 2016) were applied throughout. Participation was voluntary, and participants were informed of their right to withdraw at any stage without consequences. Written and verbal consent was received for both participation and audio-recording. Pseudonyms were assigned to preserve confidentiality and anonymity. Identifiable information was omitted from transcripts. The audio recordings and transcripts were stored on a password-protected laptop, and printed transcripts were shredded on completion of data analysis.

Data analysis

Data were analysed manually using the six-step IPA method described by Smith et al. (2009). These steps are (a) reading and re-reading, (b) initial noting, (c) developing emergent themes, (d) searching for connections across emergent themes, (e) moving to the next case, and (f) looking for patterns across cases. An afrocentric framework informed the analytic process by centering participants’ culturally embedded meanings, values and relational contexts during intepretation. This orientation guided theme development by emphasising agency and culturally grounded meaning making.

To determine trustworthiness, the four dimensions of validating qualitative research described by Yardley (2000) were applied:

Sensitivity to context was demonstrated by grounding the study in the Xhosa cultural context and offering interviews in the participants’ preferred language.

Commitment and rigour were reflected by purposively selecting participants who met the inclusion criteria and engaging with them to share detailed accounts of their experiences.

Transparency and coherence were achieved by providing an audit trail detailing participant recruitment, data collection, and analysis. Alignment of the Afrocentric perspective with IPA ensured that participants’ voices were consistently grounded within ulwaluko.

Impact and importance were realised through the study’s significant contribution in amplifying the voices of Xhosa women-voices excluded from ulwaluko-, by documenting their experiences and coping mechanisms.

Results

Three themes emerged from the findings: (a) challenges faced by participants during ulwaluko, (b) psychological impact of the initiation process, and (c) coping strategies employed. Although the challenges highlighted the exclusion and distress experienced by women, the findings also showed women’s resilience and commitment to sustaining the ritual.

Theme 1: Challenges experienced by participants during the initiation of their sons

The participants reported the difficulty of being excluded from direct communication about their sons’ well-being while they were at initiation school. They highlighted that they often waited for weeks without updates, which left them anxious and powerless. They feared enquiring about the health of their sons for fear of being reprimanded and had to rely on inconsistent updates from male relatives. This silence, enforced by cultural taboos, was deeply painful for the mothers. The following sentiments reflect participants’ experiences:

You find that it is almost 15 days, at times 21 days, without you seeing your child and not knowing what is happening. (Participant 2)

It is painful because you are not told how your son is. You are concerned about what is happening to your child, and why no information about him is availed. (Participant 6)

The above sentiments reflect the marginalisation of women’s voices by patriarchal cultural systems. Although some participants reported receiving feedback about their son’s well-being, their feelings were ambivalent; they felt both relief and anxiety as they did not trust the information provided.

You see, I don’t trust any man because my son is out there in the bush. (Participant 01)

This lack of trust was not only reserved for adult men, but also for the amancalathi (young boys who take food to the initiate), as reflected by Participant 2:

. . . even these young boys . . . I think they are also being threatened . . . they also won’t say a thing. (Participant 2)

Despite the presumption that ‘what happens in the bush remains in the bush’, sometimes participants informally learnt that their sons had encountered hazards such as maltreatment or complications requiring hospitalisation. Upon discovering that her son was maltreated at initiation school, Participant 2 explained:

I cried, I cried alone . . . who will I say I heard it from . . . I had to ‘die with it’ and not be able to talk about it. (Participant 2)

The phrase ‘ndife nayo’ (‘die with it’) illustrates the suppression of emotions under cultural restrictions and secrecy, as well as the self-silencing imposed to respect cultural protocols (Kim, 2015; Makhenyane, 2022).

Participant 6, a widow and a nurse by profession, was extremely concerned as she recognised the symptoms her son was exhibiting:

On the seventh day when they were going to slaughter another goat for them before they started eating, my daughter told me that my son was depressed, he couldn’t talk, he couldn’t do anything. I was so frustrated. She even said, when he is talking the saliva is so thick, he can’t even open his mouth. (Participant 6)

It was frustrating for Participant 6 as she could not intervene despite recognising her son’s symptoms and acknowledging the dire state of his health. Similarly, Participant 3 lamented the lack of communication from male relatives, even when complications were evident:

I feel sad especially for women without husbands . . . you know you have the hope that he won’t let the child suffer . . . but there are relatives like uncles who unfortunately do not talk when complications occur. (Participant 3)

Participants bemoaned the lack of communication from male relatives about their son’s well-being, even when their health and safety were compromised, resulting in psychological distress. In addition, even participants who received feedback did not trust it due to the secrecy associated with ulwaluko. Nevertheless, participants showed agency by seeking informal updates from their daughters and amancalathi, and by drawing on cultural knowledge such as the ritual of umojiso-ceremony to mark the first week of the initiate in seclusion to interpret their sons’ progress.

Theme 2: Psychological impact of initiation

Participants reported psychological strain, particularly insomnia and intrusive worry, which resulted in heavy emotional burdens. Lack of sleep is a symptom associated with a range of psychological disorders, including adjustment disorders, depression, anxiety, and trauma (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013; Sadock et al., 2015). Participant 4 clearly stated:

You will never sleep, you don’t sleep, you can’t sleep for the whole week, don’t talk about a day, the whole week you don’t sleep, you will never sleep when the child is in the bush and you are here at home, no matter how much you like to sleep. (Participant 4)

According to Participant 4, sleeping becomes a luxury when the child is in initiation school. However, this lack of sleep is a consequence of catastrophic thinking, as alluded to by Participant 6:

You think about a lot of things, it’s just a lot that you think about, turning and tossing about those thoughts throughout the night, this is what makes it difficult for you to sleep. (Participant 6)

The above sentiments illustrate that the presence of one’s son at the initiation school created insomnia and a sense of uncertainty.

The study also found that participants suffered excessive worry because of their inability to intervene or provide guidance regarding their sons’ health and safety at the initiation school. All participants reported thinking about ‘worst-case scenarios’, since medical complications, physical assaults, and deaths were a reality at initiation schools (Feni, 2014; Makhenyane, 2022; Mgaqelwa, 2014).

You hear this story on television, and the following day you hear another story you know . . . you always think about them if it is raining or if it is cold, you worry that the place may burn or catch fire while they are sleeping. Every minute you think of your child. (Participant 6)

Media reports of fatalities during the initiation season intensified mothers’ anxieties, disrupting both their sleep and peace of mind.

In addition to concerns about physical safety, Participant 7 was more worried about moral contamination, fearing that her son may return with negative behaviours such as smoking or criminal tendencies. This concern stemmed from the accessibility of initiation school to men of dubious character:

It is because he is not at home, at the place where he is staying in the field, there are snakes there . . . there are criminals there, there is also mischief . . . maybe he will come back smoking or something, there are many things that I was thinking of . . . ooh . . . he will come back contaminated, all those things. (Participant 7)

These sentiments depict the emotional cost of uncertainty experienced by the mothers, which caused insomnia, anxiety, and catastrophic thinking, resulting in vulnerability and distress. Importantly, mothers’ concerns extended beyond physical safety to include moral development, reflecting the holistic maternal responsibility embedded in African motherhood.

Theme 3: Coping mechanisms utilised by participants

Prayer was the most widely reported coping mechanism, with mothers invoking God for protection and strength during ulwaluko:

I prayed from the first day he went to the initiation school . . . I prayed until he came back . . . throughout I was continuously praying until he came back. (Participant 2)

Participant 6 reiterated the intensity of prayer during this stressful period, as there was no one she could talk to, except God:

I prayed at night. I prayed a lot. I was under a lot of stress because there was nothing I could do. I would wake up at midnight, sit down, and pray. I could only talk to God . . . I pleaded with God . . . I said to God, my son is gone to initiation school, I ask for his safe return. (Participant 6)

These extracts confirm that prayer was the most important coping mechanism participants employed to cushion the worry and uncertainties surrounding their sons’ time at initiation school. In addition to prayer, participants reported relying on a communal support network with relatives and other mothers whose sons had undergone the practice.

I got support from my mother-in-law, father-in-law and my husband . . . the women from the village were also supportive. (Participant 1)

. . . my sister, she was the main source of support. She came all the way from Cape Town to be with me for three weeks. (Participant 3)

Participants thus relied on available social support resources, ensuring they were not alone during their time of need.

The findings indicate that participants transformed silence into a spiritual voice by constantly praying and remaining hopeful, while also relying on communal solidarity to navigate this phase.

Discussion

This study explored the experiences, challenges and coping mechanisms of women during ulwaluko. Participants expressed the ambivalence they experienced during this cultural practice. Despite the honoured cultural status they hold as amazibazana, who raise responsible boys ready to transition into manhood, they were also overwhelmed by the marginalisation they experienced, as they were excluded from vital decision-making during the seclusion stage. This exclusion generated feelings of invisibility, confirming Gogela’s (2020) argument that ulwaluko is a gendered space upheld by patriarchal authority to silence women and restrict their roles. From an Afrocentric perspective, however, excluding women from ulwaluko reflects patriarchal distortion rather than the essence of African culture, since Afrocentricity values harmony, interconnectedness and communal responsibility (Asante, 1987; Chawane, 2016). Morris (2006) asserts that the restriction of women’s self-expression results in psychological distress and a deep sense of uncertainty. For participants, living without their sons for over three weeks -without knowledge of their well-being- exposed them to an unprecedented time of uncertainty. This manifested in a tendency to catastrophise, imagining worst-case scenarios in situations where the actual level of risk might be low (Meaklim et al., 2024). Uncertainty was heightened by secrecy around the ritual, absence of direct communication about their sons’ well-being, and constant media reports of initiation-related complications and deaths (Feni, 2014; Mgaqelwa, 2014). Because of this secrecy, participants’ testimonies of informally learning that their sons were maltreated or experiencing medical complications indicate an imbalance between cultural secrecy and the right to parental protection. This imbalance forced mothers to silence themselves for fear of being labelled as disobedient or bringing misfortune to their sons (Makhenyane, 2022). Guzana (2000) argues that among the amaXhosa, silence is an important attribute of a woman as it is associated with both power and powerlessness. Participants in this study illustrated the power of their silence by withholding their distress, despite knowledge of their son’s struggles at initiation school, to protect their sons and the sanctity of the ritual (Scott et al., 2023). Nevertheless, Beauboeuf-Lafontant (2009) critiques the expectation of black women to maintain the ‘strong woman’ persona by masking their distress despite the emotional burden it carries.

Meaklim et al. (2024) found that intolerance of uncertainty contributes to insomnia, worry and intrusive catastrophic thoughts. In this study, such responses reflected the cultural weight of maternal responsibility. The mothers’ sleeplessness and worry highlight how cultural exclusion contributes to psychological disorders like anxiety and depression, which can seriously affect mental health (Meaklim et al., 2024; Simon et al., 2020). In Afrocentric thought, however, these psychological burdens are often understood as communal sacrifices rather than individual struggles, illustrating how motherhood integrates both resilience and vulnerability (Mazama, 2001). Participants were often preoccupied with catastrophic possibilities, including the potential deaths of their sons. Even when they tried not to focus on such thoughts, the possibility lingered. Sadock et al. (2015) suggest that worrisome thinking is a common response to stressful events and is implicated in nearly all anxiety disorders. Two participants reported substituting their negative thoughts and poor sleep with prayer to reduce distress.

To cope, all participants in the study reported using prayer, which James (1902) broadly defined as ‘every kind of inward communion or conversation with the power recognised as divine’ (p. 464). Prayer in this context must not be understood as a simple Christian practice, but as part of a broader Afrocentric spiritual framework that integrates faith, rituals and communal interconnectedness. Participants’ reliance on prayer – providing them with a sense of agency when cultural restrictions disempowered them – aligns with findings that African women utilise spirituality as a culturally appropriate resource for navigating adversity (Deak & Mengga, 2023). Their faith and belief in God offered hope and lessened distress, helping them gain a sense of calm and control. Since they could not openly voice their fears and frustrations during ulwaluko, they channelled their vulnerabilities and deepest feelings to God, seeking spiritual protection for their sons (Spilka & Ladd, 2013). Thus, where culture prohibited participants from voicing their concerns due to the taboos associated with ulwaluko, communication with God through prayer transformed silence into a spiritual voice (Spilka & Ladd, 2013). Manda and Magezi (2016) argue that prayer enables individuals to negotiate cultural stressors while maintaining psychological stability. Avent Harris (2019) similarly noted that spirituality, recognised in African scholarship as a resilience resource, is a cultural tool African women use to cope with life challenges. Despite prayer being the primary coping mechanism, participants also relied on support networks from relatives and other women, reflecting communal solidarity consistent with the Afrocentric perspective (Ebersöhn et al., 2022). Mhlahlo (2009) observed that women’s solidarity networks, though secondary to prayer, provide an additional layer of resilience during ulwaluko.

This study has revealed that Xhosa women continue to hold a paradoxical position within ulwaluko. On the one hand, they are excluded from the ritual due to secrecy and cultural taboos; on the other, they are revered as amazibazana who bear responsibilities that sustain the practice. Women’s roles as amazibazana should therefore be acknowledged, so that a balance can be maintained in including them in acceptable decision-making roles – particularly concerning health and safety- while preserving the sanctity of the ritual. Authentic Afrocentric values recognise women’s roles in sustaining harmony, community and continuity, alongside their male counterparts (Chawane, 2016; Mazama, 2001). The findings indicate that beyond cultural preservation, ulwaluko should affirm women’s agency and validate their psychological and spiritual contributions. Secrecy around the ritual is no longer fully preserved, as issues and challenges experienced at the initiation school are increasingly publicised through media reports. By centring women’s voices, this study contributes to African knowledge production that challenges women’s silencing while acknowledging cultural identity – aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 5 on women’s empowerment. This study utilised a small homogeneous sample of participants who strictly met the strict inclusion criteria. A different sample-for example single mothers only, women whose sons underwent illegal initiation, or women whose sons experienced complications or fatalities-may yield different results.

Conclusion

Women’s marginalisation within the context of ulwaluko reflect continuing patriarchal structures that confines them to the periphery while disregarding the emotional and psychological distress they experience, despite their critical role as amazibazana. Integrating women’s perspectives into narratives on initiation could foster culturally sensitive interventions that may protect initiates, while supporting mothers. This study highlights the urgent need to acknowledge women’s voices in the process of cultural reform and in the development of safety and health interventions associated with the practice of ulwaluko.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Makupula Mahlodi Monica Rebecca

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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