Precarious work and constructions of masculinities: the case of day labour workers in Cape Town,South Africa

Abstract

Masculinities are organised hierarchically, and how a man sees himself is often informed by his positioning within this hierarchy. The context within which men are located determines which factors or markers of masculinity become more salient at different times, and so do the social situations and spaces men are interacting within, and with whom they are interacting. Their socio-cultural, political, and economic positioning inform not only how they construct their gendered identities, but also where they are located within social hierarchies of masculinity. This article examines constructions of masculinities among economically marginalised men who seek work on the side of the road in Cape Town, South Africa. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with 10 Black African men and the findings suggest that economic provision remains a central feature in participants’ constructions of masculinity. Men’s experiences of precarious work not only impact how they see themselves but also their ability to establish and maintain romantic relationships which, as argued in this study, serve an important role in validating and affirming participants’ masculinity. This study shows that when some men are not able to provide, their romantic relationships fail, which adversely impacts their self-esteem. In response, some of the participants in this study turned towards alcohol abuse, and neglecting/abandoning their homes and families as a way to avoid the shame and humiliation they experience as ‘men who cannot provide’.

Questions around what it means to be a man remain dominant in studies on gender in South Africa, as scholars seek to understand gendered violence and other social issues related to men’s behaviour. Many of these studies have focused on men’s understanding of themselves and the things they do. Other studies have focused on the kinds of relationships men have with women (Ratele, 2022); men’s role in parenting and families (Malinga & Ratele, 2022; Van den Berg et al., 2021), on men and violence (Boonzaier & Van Niekerk, 2018; Peacock & Levack, 2004); and on some of the factors that inform constructions of masculinity (Morrell, 2001). This article raises some of the same questions but with a specific focus on marginalised men. According to Granqvist (2006), questions about what men do, and how and why they do it are important and should be explored within the various material backgrounds that shape their lives. In this article, I explore the ways in which job precarity shapes men’s view of themselves as gendered beings, using data from a qualitative ethnographic study with men who seek work on the side of the road in Cape Town, South Africa. This article draws on Ratele’s (2014, p. 31) framing of ‘hegemony within marginality’ as a lens through which I make sense of participants’ experiences.

I start by discussing existing studies on masculinities, highlighting the dominant constructions of masculinities across parts of Africa. This is followed by a discussion on the research methods adopted in this study, and finally, the findings which focus on the impact of precarious work on men’s romantic relationships, and how men respond to feelings of inadequacy.

Studies on masculinities in Southern Africa

What men do and how they see themselves is often shaped by the contexts within which they exist. These are contexts shaped by particular histories, cultures, politics, and economies. These contexts are constantly changing, and so too, are meanings associated with masculinities, and more broadly, gender. Notwithstanding these changes, some dominant and long-standing understandings of masculinity remain prevalent and pervasive. These include the idea that a man’s primary responsibility is to provide for his children and family’s economic needs (Chitando, 2016) and that a man has to be physically and emotionally ‘strong’—not showing emotions or expressing pain or suffering. These ideas play a role in shaping men’s identities and gendered behaviours. I present below varying articulations of this ‘type’ of man, as shown in studies conducted on masculinities across Africa. I draw specifically on examples from Zambia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique.

In a study on manliness in a Zambian village, Dover (2005) writes about the ‘murume akasimba’ which is a man of power. This is a celebrated and successful man who is self-reliant, works hard, provides for his family, and does not show fear or struggle during hard times (Dover, 2005). He is not lazy and does not fail. Similarly, in his work on cultural politics and masculinities in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa), Hunter (2005) writes about umnumzana ¹ which refers to a respected man who has a paid job, a wife and children, and is able to build a home for his family. Mfecane (2018) writes about indoda, which he explains as ‘a man’ who has gone through the process of ulwaluko, an initiation process that involves circumcision and other processes that facilitate boys’ transition to manhood. Mfecane (2018) argues that ulwaluko is compulsory for men among amaXhosa, and it is through the successful completion of this process that men attain ‘manhood’. While popular in South Africa and Africa more broadly, ulwaluko is not practised by all South African communities, where other markers of masculinity become more important.

Chitando (2016), who writes about masculinities in Zimbabwe, makes reference to the hwitakwi, a tough, fearless, and efficient man who is celebrated, in contrast to the siri who is weak and does not match up to the ‘real man’. The hwitakwi then, is expected to stand up for and fight for his family and protect them from any harm.

Sexual prowess and virility also remain dominant constructions of masculinities in patriarchal societies in South Africa. For example, in a study with young men in Alexandra, ² Selikow (2004) found expressions of ingagara. Ingagara is a respected man, has many girlfriends, wears fashionable clothing, and has a lot of money. He is the opposite of isithipha who is considered ‘broke’ and isishumane (a derogatory term used in reference to a man who ‘cannot get girls’/sex). These constructions remain pervasive in South Africa today, though varying terminology may be used in different contexts.

Other signifiers of ‘successful’ masculinity include fashion and alcohol consumption. According to Aboim (2009) who writes about urban masculinities in Maputo, fashion is also one way in which men make themselves more appealing to women, and position themselves as more successful than other men. Similarly, Lewis (2012, p. 73) notes that fashion is not only important in perpetuating particular gendered identities, but also plays a significant role in ‘capitalist social relations and economic systems’—making a statement about one’s social positioning in society both in terms of gendered identity and socio-economic status.

While ideas about manhood continue to shift and have produced alternative constructions of masculinity that do not involve being ‘strong’ or promoting sexual promiscuity, the association of masculinity with economic provision remains pervasive in many South African communities, marginalising men who are not in a position to offer such provisions. In her writing on gender and power in African contexts, Mama (2001) highlights poverty as a threat to integrity and security. Poverty, unemployment, and precarious work disempower men, threaten their self-esteem, and inhibit their ability to fulfil some of their most desired goals – providing economic support and being ascribed elevated social status. According to Silberschmidt (2005), male disempowerment may result in male depression characterised by increased violence, lack of self-control, and alcohol abuse, and as shown by Khan et al. (2020), suicide too. These outcomes should concern us all, given the high unemployment rates in South Africa (Statistics South Africa, 2023). While women represent the highest proportion of the unemployed South African population (34.4% compared to 30.1% among men) (Statistics South Africa, 2023), it is more often men who are overtly shamed for being unemployed and not being able to provide for themselves and their families – a phenomenon informed by the dominant cultural constructions of masculinity. The aim of this article then, is to understand how economically marginalised men make sense of their gendered identities, and how they cope with the challenges that come with not being able to fulfil the social and economic demands placed on them as men.

This article draws on Ratele’s (2014) framing of hegemony within marginality. In this framing, Ratele (2014) argues that while dominant ideas exist about what it means to be a man in South Africa, these ideas are complicated by the socio-economic and political realities that shape South African society. These realities challenge the dominant ideologies of manhood, which are centred on consumerism. For marginalised men and boys, this ‘type’ of masculinity becomes unattainable, and as such, creates hierarchies of dominance based on one’s access and proximity to the relevant ‘currency’.

Research methods

This article draws on qualitative interviews conducted with ten (10) Black African men who were part of a larger ethnographic study on precarious work, fatherhood, and masculinities (Malinga, 2015). Nine of the 10 participants in this study were from the Eastern Cape (EC), living in Cape Town, and one had lived in Cape Town all his life. Eight of the nine participants had moved to Cape Town (from the Eastern Cape) in search of work, while one had moved as a younger boy to attend school in Cape Town. Participants’ ages ranged from 24 to 37. Participants engaged in varying forms of day labour work, including painting, tiling, building, and plastering, as well as paving.

Participants were recruited for the larger study using purposive sampling methods. The study was then explained to participants, and those who were interested in participating were given a consent form to sign. Interviews were conducted during the period when participants were searching for work, and as such, some interviews were much shorter than others as participants had to step away from the interview to negotiate for work opportunities whenever a potential employer approached. Follow-up interviews were conducted with two of the participants. The 10 interviews drawn on in this article ranged from 17 to 52 minutes in duration.

A semi-structured interview guide was used during the interviews and included open-ended questions on men’s experiences of precarious work and its impact on their gendered identity. Following the interviews, the data were coded and analysed using the method of constant comparison (Charmaz, 2006). This process involved initial coding (open- or line-by-line coding), followed by focused coding, which like axial coding involves a deeper exploration of the codes emerging from the first step. The data were constantly compared for similarities, differences, and contradictions throughout the coding process. The constant comparison approach is associated with Grounded Theory methodology, which framed the larger study. This method of analysis assists in the organisation of data in a structured way that produces coherent explanations for behaviour and/or phenomena (Charmaz, 2006).

Ethical clearance was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the Psychology Department at the University of South Africa, which requires that the ethical standards of voluntary participation, anonymity, confidentiality, and the overall protection of participants from psychological distress be adhered to. These standards informed every aspect of the research process, including the collection and analysis of data, and the ‘treatment’ of the data collected.

Findings

Men in this study were asked about their experiences of seeking work on the side of the road and how it impacted their lives – as men. Participants drew on several aspects of their lives that they felt were mostly affected by the precarity of their work, and how these events ultimately shaped how they see themselves. These aspects included their inability to establish and maintain romantic relationships, and the humiliation and shame they faced as men who could not provide for their children and families. The following section includes a discussion of these findings and the ways in which men cope with the challenging circumstances of their lives. This discussion draws on Ratele’s (2014) idea of hegemony within marginality (discussed earlier in this article) as a framework through which I reflect on participants’ experiences. Pseudonyms are used to protect participants’ identities.

Precarious employment and intimate relationships

The findings of this study show that while a source of support for some men when facing economic difficulties, intimate relationships may also be strained by such difficulties, as shown by Lukhanyo below.

It is a lot, but it is difficult to look for work because when you see even out there with the girls you need to have a date, so that what happens, so that she knows when you get paid . . . . I will come back and bring money. Sometimes you come back with money, sometimes you come back without it. I will get there late and find her unhappy you see, especially because it is a Friday. Lukhanyo

According to Lukhanyo, having a job is important for both securing and maintaining romantic relationships. By not having a stable job, he is at risk of losing his girlfriend and potentially becoming isishumane – a man who cannot get girls, and therefore, sex (Selikow et al., 2009). Other men in this study shared similar sentiments. This was the case for Jabu:

We broke up last year. The thing is when you are not working, we as Xhosa people, the wife leaves you see . . . . There is conflict at home and things are not right, man. Because the money you get here you only show up with money for one or two days, when there is money you do everything for them and be there . . . but when there is no money, there is conflict at home, there is no happiness, you see. Jabu

Jabu suggests that being a Xhosa man, he is expected to provide for his family and if he is not able to do so, the wife will leave. Studies reviewed earlier in this article highlight the pervasiveness of the breadwinner model, which if not fulfilled, may have detrimental effects on some men and their relationships (Dover, 2005). For men like Jabu, the impact of precarious employment on their relationships may be heightened by the fact that their partners are also unemployed, thus placing the burden on them to provide. Losing their partners, however, also often means losing out on the emotional support that their partners may have provided. Sylvester highlights the significance of emotional support and the acknowledgement of his efforts on his self-esteem.

Most of these guys that is here don’t get support from the wives, don’t get support from most of these ladies, they don’t get support of the children, they don’t get support of the family, you see. Even to talk about support I’m talking about confident words . . . . Uhm, a confident word for man . . . you see, to say to him ‘at least you try but thanks’. You know how that man will feel . . .. Sylvester

Sylvester’s view subverts dominant notions of masculinity that often require men to be cold, hard, and not show any signs of struggle, such as that described as the murume akasimba who does not show fear nor complains in times of hardship (Dover, 2005). Later on in the interview, however, Sylvester goes on to label men who struggle to cope with their economic difficulties as ‘not really men’, a reflection of how deeply entrenched patriarchy is and how it forces men to go against what they feel and neglect their need for emotional support to appear ‘strong’ and ‘manly’.

Some men can’t take it because they are not really men and then they hang themselves, some shoot themselves in the head . . . . Because a man is someone who can face a challenge, he’s not going around it, he’s not going on top of it, he’s going through it. Sylvester

Sylvester highlights the impact of men’s inability to fulfil the expectations associated with ‘being a man’ and indicates that at times men will resort to suicide as their only way out. These, according to hooks (2004) and Ratele (2013), are the dangers of hegemonic forms of masculinity that create a culture where male pain is silenced, and where men do not seek nor are they offered help. Some men would rather die than face the shame and humiliation associated with their inability to provide. Sylvester positions himself and other men who ‘can face a challenge’ as ‘real men’, a ngagara (Selikow, 2004) or a murume akasimba (Dover, 2005). He positions himself higher on the hierarchy of masculinities – as better than the other men – based on his ability to ‘handle’ pain and suffering. This phenomenon is what Ratele (2014) refers to when he speaks about hegemony within marginality, where men continue to seek dominance even in the context of marginalisation and subordination. This view by Sylvester highlights the ‘patriarchal burden’ cited by Chitando (2016), where men not only benefit from patriarchy but are also adversely impacted by it and are expected to fulfil certain expectations because they are men. Such (gendered) expectations are constructed, reproduced, and maintained at the societal level, and would require a societal shift in how manhood is understood in varying contexts – a shift that would allow men to exist in alternative ways – without some of the pressures discussed in this study.

The following section engages (indirectly) with the following questions: How then, do men like Sylvester construct a positive male identity for themselves? How do those men cope with the economic pressure and its impact on their self-esteem when they are not in a position to provide for their families?

Shame and humiliation: how men cope

In a study on Zimbabwean musicians, Chitando (2016) found that while encouraged to suffer in silence about their struggles with masculinity, some of them used music as an outlet to express their frustrations. In this section, I discuss the ways in which the men interviewed in this study cope with the economic challenges they face and the impact of such challenges on their sense of self.

Alcohol use and abuse: a two-edged sword

During the data collection, I had observed that several of the men consumed alcohol right there on the side of the road while looking for work. While this was frowned upon by many as damaging their reputation and the public’s perception of them as work-seekers, some of the men acknowledged consuming alcohol as a way of coping with the stress associated with not having a stable job. According to John, drinking alcohol was his way of ‘cooling off’ and not having to think about his difficulties. He turns to alcohol to calm his stress. ‘I could be at home . . . and then just go and drink alcohol . . . so that I don’t have to think, yes, so I can cool off’. John.

While used as a way to numb their pain and struggles, Mager (2010) cites alcohol consumption as another way in which men express dominance. Mfecane (2011) supports this argument by highlighting alcohol as a marker of successful masculinity among some men, with different types and brands of alcohol serving as expressions of social status. Themba talks about how moving from rural areas to the city may impact men’s drinking behaviour:

. . . he knows nothing and has no education, he comes from herding cattle, you see. Then, the things he sees like drinking [alcohol] he thinks they are cool because he sees that the people who drink drive nice cars, then he ends up not being able to control himself because he has no schooling and his upbringing . . . he was brought up in just another life, then alcohol things become just another . . . it really kills him, you see in life sister. Themba

Themba emphasises the association of alcohol with social status, which according to Mfecane (2011) and Mager (2010) is due to breweries and alcohol advertising that associate certain alcohol brands with elevated social status. The ability to afford alcohol and one’s tolerance of it were shown to be important by the men I interviewed. As shown by Themba above, if not handled well, alcohol becomes destructive to a man and ultimately, his dreams. Also interesting was the use of alcohol by some men to not only set themselves apart from those who could not afford it but also as a way of ‘settling scores’ that emerge at the day labour sites as a result of competition for work.

There is a place called Codessa here, you know here in Parow a bar called Codessa? These people start [conflict] at Codessa even from here. So when they get a job here . . . let me say threaten each other, the one will say ‘I will catch you at Codessa’. When he gets a job, he knows they will meet at Codessa, he keeps some money . . . because he hopes that when he gets to Codessa he will buy his bottles, and those who don’t have money will stand aside. Dumi

Dumi highlights the exclusion of those men who cannot afford to buy their own alcohol. These men are cast aside from the other ‘real men’. Buying and consuming alcohol thus serves to assert dominance through masculinised performances of ‘economic stability’ – a show that one can afford to ‘buy’, and thus, a form of social currency. For other men in the study, homelessness became another way through which they could avoid the shame they felt for not being able to provide for their families – by abandoning their homes.

Homelessness: leaving home to avoid shame

While none of the men I interviewed indicated that they lived on the streets, it was revealed that a few of them had in fact left their families and were living ‘under a bridge’, and were pretending that they still lived at home. Themba and Fezile shared the following stories:

Others . . . only to find out that others look for work here they no longer have . . . they no longer live in their homes they live under bridges . . . there are many, there are many people I know who live under a bridge. They pretend towards others . . . just because they had their own problems and cannot support their families they figure ‘okay what will I do, it is better that I run away’. Themba

It changes people’s lives a lot, you find that another one now sleeps outside, he is a beggar now you see such things. He just wakes up outside and come back here . . . without washing or anything, he doesn’t go home anymore. Fezile

According to Themba and Fezile, the inability to provide for their families drives some men away from their homes. To avoid disappointing their families because of their inability to provide financial support, these men opt to live on the streets and under bridges, where no one knows about their struggles. Some participants sought to avoid being shamed and humiliated by their peers, by hiding the fact that they no longer lived in their homes with their families. This was meant to be a secret kept from others, so as to not delegitimise their own social positions ‘Emdeni’ (day labour sites), and so participants who were homeless would pretend that they travelled from their homes every day.

As cited earlier, these are the consequences of patriarchy and the burden it places on men who, due to societal pressure and their internalisation of these pressures, are unable to escape such constructions of manhood, even when they cannot live up to the expectations associated with such ideals. These constructions have detrimental consequences not only for men, but women and children too who are often left to live in homes with no male figure present, and in some cases, face abuse from men who seek to assert their dominance but lack the social and cultural capital to do so, and therefore, resort to violence and aggression.

Performing masculinity: the lies men tell each other

It emerged during the interviews that some men would lie to their families about being employed, as well as to each other about their ability to provide for their families. For example, Siphelele would lie to his partner about his unemployment, leaving the house under the pretence that he had a full-time job. This lie did, however, become harder to maintain when he would go for longer periods without a job.

The thing is you get annoyed by the fact that you might be left by the woman of the house, you see, because you are not working. But you find that even if it is like that, the week goes by and you find that you said you get paid weekly or monthly, at the end of the week you say ‘no, the employer said this and that’. Siphelele

In the quote above, Siphelele suggests that he lies to his partner out of fear that she may leave him if she finds out he is unemployed. While the lie works temporarily, it becomes problematic when he goes for longer periods without a job and wages. It becomes harder to maintain the lie, thus putting his relationship at risk and threatening his masculine identity. In addition to lying to their partners, some men also lied to each other about providing for their families.

Like sister, you see, when you are here, I will not tell you everything that happens at home, because I can even lie to you and say I can do certain things at home, even when I cannot do those things, you see. Just because we met here, maybe you don’t even know where I live, you see. I can lie to you and say I had worked and did this and that. [laughing] Like, you see, another person will say ‘no, this person, there’s nothing to him’, while he is telling you about the things he had done, you see. Then you feel that if he did that, and I cannot do the same, I can just say to him that I had also done it. Moses

Moses suggests that men will lie to each other to be seen as being able to provide for their families’ economic needs – a performance of ‘successful’ masculinity. These lies are also one way in which men are able to gain the approval they need from other men, a way in which they defend their social status. According to DiMuccio and Knowles (2020, p. 25), a man’s inability to fulfil gendered social expectations (such as financial provision) may lead to a ‘loss of esteem in the eyes of peers and a revocation of his masculine status’, which the men in this study seek to defend through the lies they tell.

These findings highlight the importance of hierarchy in constructions of masculinity. These hierarchies are established and maintained through processes of comparison, where men compare themselves against other men on the basis of their ability to fulfil the expectations associated with successful masculinity, and the extent to which they embody the markers associated with such constructions. The outcomes of such comparisons are then used to establish their own social positioning Emdeni (day labour sites). When the outcome of such comparisons was detrimental for participants, they found other creative ways through which to assert dominance – by lying to each other and their families – which I argue is a form of social creativity that allows people to maintain a positive social identity in the presence of others, and to protect their own self-esteem (Tajfel & Turner, 2004). The findings of this study echo Ratele’s (2014) theory of hegemony within marginality, which is a theory of hierarchy within constructions of marginalised masculinities.

Conclusion

The aim of this article was to understand the ways in which men who seek work on the side of the road in South Africa construct masculinity.

The findings highlight economic provision as one of the main factors shaping men’s constructions of masculinity, which also impacts their ability to establish and maintain romantic relationships. The findings show that men who are not able to fulfil these dominant constructions of masculinity are often subjected to shame and humiliation, through the use of derogatory and stigmatising concepts such as isishumane. Men experience pressure and shaming not only from their families and peers, but also their romantic partners, and are often not able to enter into and maintain romantic relationships, and therefore, reduced chances of engaging in sexual relationships. Sexual relationships are highlighted by Mfecane (2008) as an important marker of masculinity. Men who cannot attain such relationships are given undesirable labels.

Men who are not economically self-sufficient are therefore dealt a double blow, they are labelled as both isishumane and umahlalela – the man who cannot attain sexual relationships and is also unemployed, thereby invalidating their masculinity. Unemployment and precarious work are shown here to strip men of the power and dominance associated with hegemonic constructions of masculinity, calling their manhood into question. The consequences of men’s threatened masculine status, as shown in this study, include alcohol abuse and abandoning their homes and families for some men, and for others, it can include violent behaviour towards women, children, and other men. According to Vandello and Bosson (2012, p. 104), men whose masculinity is threatened experience more anxiety and stress, and will adopt measures to ‘demonstrate and reestablish their manhood’, and will disengage from activities that threaten their manhood, and go as far as distancing themselves from their families. Vandello and Bosson’s (2012) theory on precarious manhood presents several reasons for concern in relation to men such as those interviewed in this study. Some of these concerns include (1) the adverse effects of anxiety and stress on men’s mental health, (2) the measures men will take to reestablish and assert their manhood which have been shown to include forms of violence and aggression towards women and children (Silberschmidt, 2005), and (3) the likelihood of men staying away from their families as a way to avoid shame and humiliation, with many households in South Africa already lacking father-figures and male role models (Van den Berg et al., 2021). These challenges work against existing attempts to encourage men to not only be present but to show up in more gender-equitable ways.

While I acknowledge the real impact of unemployment and poverty on families in South Africa, and the real need for financial provision, there is a need to create a space for men to contribute differently, whether in addition to or in the absence of economic provision. There is a need for societal interventions that not only provide support for individuals or groups of men, but ones that also work towards challenging broader societal constructions of masculinity. Masculinities are constructed in relation to ideas around femininity, and as such, it is important that further studies and interventions that focus on masculinities also engage women, who participate in constructing particular ideals of masculinity by accepting some while rejecting others. In so doing, we create a society that makes it more acceptable for men to contribute in other ways towards their families and communities, beyond the limits of economic provision.