Towards a History of Geography in the Public Sphere

Gosse Edmund , Father and son (Harmondsworth, 1949 edn), 19–20.

I think here of work by Livingstone David , “Science and religion: Foreword to the historical geography of an encounter”, Journal of historical geography, xx (1994), 367–83; and his “The spaces of knowledge: Contributions towards a historical geography of science”, Environment and planning D: Society and space, xiii (1995), 5–34; see also Barnes Barry , Scientific knowledge and sociological theory (London, 1974); Haraway Donna , “Situated knowledges: The science question in feminism and the privilege of partial perspective”, in her Simians, cyborgs, and women: The reinvention of partial perspective (London, 1981), 183–201; Lynch Michael Woolgar Stephen (eds), Representation in scientific practice (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); Ophir Adir Shapin Steven , “The place of knowledge: A methodological survey”, Science in context, iv (1991), 3–21; Thrift Nigel Driver Felix Livingstone David , “The geography of truth”, Environment and planning D: Society and space, xiii (1995), 1–3. On different national cultures of science in early modern Europe, see Goodman David Russell Colin (eds), The rise of scientific Europe 1500–1800 (Sevenoaks, 1991). The phrase the “cultural geography of science” is taken from Inkster Ian , “Introduction: Aspects of the history of science and science culture in Britain, 1780–1850 and beyond”, in Inkster I. Morrell J. (eds), Metropolis and province: Science in British culture 1780–1850 (London, 1983), 11–54, p. 28. On the comparative geographical reception of ideas and theories, see, for example, Kelly Alfred , The descent of Darwin, the popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860–1914 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1981), Glick Thomas , The comparative reception of Darwinism (Austin, 1974), Russett Cynthia , Darwin in America (San Francisco, 1976), and Desmond Adrian , The politics of evolution (London, 1989). A good illustration of the varying ‘topography’ of scientific and literary knowledge and its reception as a matter of social geography is to be found in Brown Richard D. , Knowledge is power: The diffusion of information in early America, 1700–1865 (New York, 1989): Brown looks at the transmission and reception of knowledge amongst such groups as rural clergymen, the “tidewater gentry”, lawyers in provincial Massachusetts, merchants in northern ports, Yankee farmers, and amongst daughters, wives and mothers. For one study that goes close to a geography of science in a particular context, see Evans Raymond , “The diffusion of science: The geographical transmission of natural philosophy in the English provinces, 1660–1760”, unpublished Ph.D thesis, Cambridge University, 1982.

For example, on laboratories, see Hillier Brian Penn Andrew , “Visible Colleges: Structure and randomness in the place of discovery”, Science in context, iv (1991), 23–49; Latour Bruno , Science in action: How to follow engineers and scientists through society (Cambridge, Mass., 1987); Lynch Michael , “Laboratory space and the technological complex: An investigation of topical contextures”, Science in context, iv (1991), 51–78. On museums, see for example, Findlen Paula , Possessing nature: Museums, collecting and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994); Sheets-Pyenson Susan , Cathedrals of science: The development of colonial natural history museums during the late nineteenth century (Kingston and Montreal, 1988); and Forgan Sophie , “The architecture of display: Museums, universities and objects in nineteenth-century Britain”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 139–62. On the library, see Chartier Roger , The order of books (Cambridge, 1991). On the royal court, see Findlen above; Cormack Lesley , “Twisting the Lion's Tale: Practice and theory at the court of Henry Prince of Wales”, in Moran B. (ed.), Patronage and institutions: Science, technology, and medicine at the European court, 1500–1750 (Rochester, 1991), 17–32; Withers Charles W. J. , “Geography, royalty and empire: Scotland and the making of Great Britain, 1603–1661”, Scottish geographical magazine, cxiii (1997), 20–32. On the lecture theatre, see Bourdieu Pierre , In other words (Cambridge, 1992). On the public house, see Secord Anne , “Science in the pub: Botanists in early nineteenth century Lancashire”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 269–315. The attention given by Foucault to the idea and importance of classificatory spaces is perhaps best discussed in his The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences (London, 1970), and in his “Of other spaces”, Diacritics, xvi (1986), 22–27.

Miller David , “Joseph Banks, empire and ‘centres of calculation’ in late Hanoverian London”, in Miller D. P. Reill P. H. (eds), Visions of empire: Voyages, botany and representations of nature (Cambridge, 1996), 21–37. See also Gascoigne John , Joseph Banks and the English enlightenment: Useful knowledge and polite culture (Cambridge, 1994).

Livingstone , “The spaces of knowledge” (ref. 2), 28.

For recent work on geography's place in school education, notably in the nineteenth century, see the collection of papers in Journal of historical geography, xxii (1996), notably Ploszajska Teresa , “Constructing the subject: Geographical models in English schools, 1870–1944”, 388–98.

Powell Joe , “Putting Geography in its place”, Australian geographical studies, xxxi (1994), 251–9.

Driver Felix , “Sub-merged identities: Familiar and unfamiliar histories”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, xx (1995), 410–13.

Habermas Jürgen , The structural transformation of the public sphere: An inquiry into a category of bourgeois society, transl. by Berger T. Lawrence F. (Cambridge, Mass., 1989).

Calhoun Craig (ed.), Habermas and the public sphere (Cambridge, Mass., 1992); Wood Paul , “Science, the universities, and the public sphere in eighteenth-century Scotland”, History of the universities, xiii (1994), 99–135.

On gender and the public sphere, see Clery E. J. , “Women, publicity and the coffee-house myth”, Women: A cultural review, ii (1991), 168–77; Goodman Dena , “Public sphere and private life: Toward a synthesis of current historiographical approaches to the old regime”, History and theory, xxxi (1992), 1–20; Klein Lawrence E. , “Gender, conversation, and the public sphere in early eighteenth-century England”, in Still Judith Worton Michael (eds), Textuality and sexuality: Reading theories and practices (Manchester, 1993), 100–15, and idem, “Gender and the public/private distinction in the eighteenth century: Some questions about evidence and analytical procedure”, Eighteenth-century studies, xxix (1995), 97–109; Phillips Patricia , The scientific lady: A social history of women's scientific interest, 1520–1918 (London, 1990); Benjamin Marina (ed.), Science and sensibility: Gender and scientific enquiry, 1780–1945 (Oxford, 1991) and idem (ed.), A question of identity: Women, science, and literature (New Brunswick, 1993); Shteir Ann , Cultivating women, cultivating science: Flora's daughters and botany in England 1760–1860 (Baltimore, Maryland, 1996); Findlen Paula , “Translating the new science: Women and the circulation of knowledge in Enlightenment Italy”, Configurations, ii (1995), 167–206; Sutton Geoffrey , Science for a polite society: Gender, culture, and the demonstration of enlightenment (Boulder, Col., 1996); Barker-Benfield G. J. , The culture of sensibility: Sex and society in eighteenth-century Britain (Chicago, Ill., 1992).

See Hohendahl Paul , “The public sphere: Models and boundaries”, in Calhoun , Habermas and the public sphere (ref. 10), 99–108; Eley Geoff , “Nations, publics, and political cultures: Placing Habermas in the nineteenth century”, in Calhoun , op. cit. (ref. 10), 189–240; Landes Joan , Women and the public sphere in the age of the French revolution (New York, 1988). Habermas's responses, particularly to Eley on the place of the public sphere in the nineteenth century, suggest an accommodation of some of the criticisms: Habermas Jürgen , “Further reflections on the public sphere”, in Calhoun , op. cit. (ref. 10), 421–61.

Wood , op. cit. (ref. 10); Bell David A. , “The ‘Public Sphere’, the state, and the world of law in eighteenth-century France”, French historical studies, cvii (1992), 912–34.

Cooter Roger Pumfrey Stephen , “Separate spheres and public spaces: Reflections on the history of science popularization and science in popular culture”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 237–67.

Shapin Steven , A social history of truth: Civility and science in seventeenth-century England (Chicago, 1994); Shapin Steven Schaffer Simon , Leviathan and the air-pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the experimental life (New Haven, 1985); Shapin Steven , “The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England”, Isis, lxxix (1988), 373–404; idem, ‘“The mind is its own place’: Science and solitude in seventeenth-century England”, Science in context, iv (1991), 191–218.

Stewart Larry , “Public lectures and private patronage in Newtonian England”, Isis, lxxv (1986), 47–58.

On the crucial roles of trust and warranted credibility, see Shapin , op. cit. (ref. 15, 1994), and, in the context of the public sphere, Zaret D. , “Religion, science and printing in the public spheres in seventeenth-century England”, in Calhoun , op. cit. (ref. 10), 212–35.

Millburn J. R. , Benjamin Martin, author, instrument maker and ‘country showman’ (Leyden, 1976), 41.

Porter Roy , “Science, provincial culture and public opinion in Enlightenment England”, British journal for eighteenth-century studies, iii (1980), 22–46; idem, “The Enlightenment in England”, in Porter Roy Teich Mikulás (eds), The Enlightenment in national context (Cambridge, 1981), 1–18; Porter Roy Teich Mikulás (eds), The scientific revolution in national context (Cambridge, 1992).

The quote is from Simon Schaffer, “Natural philosophy and public spectacle in the eighteenth century”, History of science, xxi (1983), 1–43; on demonstration and lecturing, see also idem, “Machine philosophy: Demonstration devices in Georgian mechanics”, Osiris, n.s., ix (1994), 157–82, and Porter , op. cit. (ref. 19), 26–30; Inkster I. , “The public lecture as an instrument of science education for adults — The case of Great Britain c. 1750–1850”, Paedogogica historica: International journal for the history of education, xx (1980), 80–107; Stewart , op. cit. (ref. 16); Golinski Jan , “Peter Shaw: Chemistry and communication in Augustan England”, Ambix, xxx (1983), 19–29; Millburn John , “The London evening courses of Benjamin Martin and James Ferguson, eighteenth-century lecturers on experimental philosophy”, Annals of science, xl (1983), 437–55; Secord James , “Newton in the nursery: Tom Telescope and the philosophy of tops and balls, 1761–1838”, History of science, xxiii (1985), 127–51; Golinski Jan , “Science in the Enlightenment”, History of science, xxiv (1986), 411–24; Pumfrey Stephen , “Who did the work?: Experimental philosophers in Augustan England”, The British journal for the history of science, xxviii (1995), 131–56. For a review of science lecturing in the eighteenth century, see the special issue of The British journal for the history of science, xxviii/1 (1995).

On this point, see particularly Schaffer , op. cit. (ref. 20, 1983); see also Fara Patricia , ‘“A treasure of hidden vermes’: The attraction of magnetic marketing”, The British journal for the history of science, xxviii (1995), 5–36; Morton Alan Q. , “Concepts of power: Natural philosophy and the uses of machines in mid-eighteenth-century London”, The British journal for the history of science, xxviii (1995), 63–78.

Stafford Barbara , Artful science: Enlightenment entertainment and the eclipse of visual education (Cambridge, Mass., 1994).

Stewart Larry , The rise of public science: Rhetoric, technology, and natural philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660–1750 (Cambridge, 1992); Golinski Jan , Science as public culture: Chemistry and enlightenment in Britain 1760–1820 (Cambridge, 1992).

Sutton , op. cit. (ref. 11); Walters Alice N. , “Conversation pieces: Science and politeness in eighteenth-century England”, History of science, xxxv (1997), 121–54. Klein , op. cit. (ref. 11, 1993) makes the point that “Politeness was not a form of nostalgia but a program for modernity” (p. 109).

Golinski , op. cit. (ref. 23), 4; for a useful review of Stewart and Golinski in relation to other works on the public place of science, in which some attention is given to science and the Habermasian public sphere, see Money John , “From Leviathan's air-pump to Britannia's voltaic pile: Science, public life and the forging of Britain, 1660–1820”, Canadian journal of history/ Annates Canadiennes d'histoire, xxviii (1993), 521–44.

Stafford , op. cit. (ref. 22), 190.

Francis Sitwell has offered a detailed analysis of the numbers and editions of texts of what he calls ‘Special geography’ since about 1450, that is, works purporting to be general descriptions of the world or of individual countries in his Four centuries of special geography (Vancouver, 1993), but there is little we can say about how the books were used.

Stafford , op. cit. (ref. 22), 56, 233; Morton Alan Q. Wess Jane , Public and private science: The King George III collection (Oxford, 1993), see esp. chaps. 2 and 3; Walters , op. cit. (ref. 24).

This is taken from a letter from Burns to Hill Peter , 17 January 1791, printed in Roy George Ross (ed.), The letters of Robert Burns (2 vols, Oxford, 1985), ii, 66.

Somerville Mary , Personal recollections, from early life to old age of Mary Somerville, with selections from her correspondence (London, 1873), 29, 30, 249.

Dunbar Gary S. , “Geographic education in early Charleston”, Journal of geography, lxix (1970), 348–50.

Sitwell , op. cit. (ref. 27), 1–21.

Withers Charles W. J. , “Geography in its time: Geography and historical geography in Diderot and d'Alembert's Encyclopédie”, Journal of historical geography, xix (1993), 255–64; and idem, “Encyclopaedism, modernism and the classification of geographical knowledge”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, xxi (1996), 275–98.

Money John , “Teaching in the market-place: Or ‘Caesar adsum jam forte: Pompey aderat’. The retailing of knowledge in provincial England during the eighteenth century”, in Brewer John Porter Roy (eds), Consumption and the world of goods (London, 1993), 355–80; John Brewer has shown how geography texts were very numerous in the holdings of subscription libraries in the eighteenth century in his The pleasures of the imagination: English culture in the eighteenth century (London, 1997), 171–2, 177, 181. On the marketing of the Encyclopédie as an expression of the geography of publishing in the Enlightenment, see Darnton Robert , The business of enlightenment: A publishing history of the Encyclopédie, 1775–1800 (Cambridge. Mass., 1979). For a general perspective on books and their readers, see Rivers Isabel (ed.), Books and their readers in eighteenth-century England (Leicester, 1982).

Sorrenson Richard , “Towards a history of the Royal Society in the eighteenth century”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, 1 (1996), 29–46.

Mayhew Robert , “Geography and literature in historical context: Samuel Johnson and eighteenth-century English conceptions of geography”, University of Oxford School of Geography research papers , no. 54 (1997); idem, “Early modern English geography: A contradiction in terms”, Journal of historical geography (forthcoming); Abbatista Guido , “Establishing ‘The order of time and place’: ‘Rational geography’, French erudition and the emplacement of history in Gibbon's mind”, Studies in Voltaire and the eighteenth century (forthcoming).

Martin Benjamin , The young gentleman and lady's philosophy, in a continual survey of the works of nature and art; by way of dialogue , 2nd edn (2 vols, London, 1772), ii, 127.

There is a large literature on this topic: For an excellent review, see Wood , op. cit. (ref. 10); see also Phillipson Nicholas , “The Scottish Enlightenment” in Porter Teich (eds), op. cit. (ref. 19), 19–40; Wood Paul , “The scientific revolution in Scotland”, ibid., 263–87.

Money , op. cit. (ref. 25), 531.

Withers Charles W. J. , “William Cullen's agricultural lectures and writings and the development of agricultural science in eighteenth-century Scotland”, Agricultural history review, xxxvii (1989), 144–56; idem, “Natural knowledge as cultural property: Disputes over the ‘ownership’ of natural history in late eighteenth-century Edinburgh”, Archives of natural history, xix (1992), 289–303; idem, “How Scotland came to know itself: Geography, national identity and the making of a nation, 1680–1790”, Journal of historical geography, xxi (1995), 373–98.

Withers Charles W. J. , “Notes toward a historical geography of geography in early modern Scotland”, Scotlands, iii (1996), 111–24. Abstract of Some Statutes and Orders of King's College in Old Aberdeen M.DCC.LIII. With Additions M.DCC.LIV (Aberdeen, 1754), Article XXVII 13; see also Aberdeen University Library Special Collections MS M.41 f. 42r, Minute Book of Marischal College 1729–1790, 11 January 1753, and MS 2131/8/V/I, Thomas Reid's Course Outline of 1752. Paul Wood notes that Reid's curriculum is the only evidence we have for the teaching of geography in Aberdeen at this time: Wood Paul , The Aberdeen enlightenment: The arts curriculum in the eighteenth century (Aberdeen, 1993), 222, n. 185.

This evidence, particularly that presented in Table 1 here, denies the claims that popular science lecturing begins in Scotland in the 1740s with itinerant lecturers from England: Cable John A. “The early history of Scottish popular science”, Studies in adult education, iv (1972), 34–45; Reid John S. , “Late eighteenth-century adult education in the sciences at Aberdeen: The natural philosophy classes of Professor Patrick Copland”, in Carter J. J. Pittock J. H. (eds), Aberdeen and the enlightenment (Aberdeen, 1987), 168–79. For the claim that geography begins only in academic sites in Scotland in the nineteenth century, see Lochhead Elspeth N. , “Scotland as the cradle of modern academic geography in Britain”, Scottish geographical magazine, xcviii (1981), 98–109.

Wood Michael (ed.), Extracts from the records of the Burgh of Edinburgh (London, 1940), 93.

Edinburgh courant, 31 March-2 April 1708. Smart receives only brief attention in Law A. , Teachers in Edinburgh in the eighteenth century (London 1965), 170–1.

Morrell John , “The University of Edinburgh in the late eighteenth century: Its scientific eminence and academic structure”, Isis, lxii (1971), 158–71.

Edinburgh courant , 3–6 September 1707; 4–6 October 1708; Mr MackGregory's Advertisement to Gentlemen and Ladies (London 1713) [and 1715]; The postman, 20 October 1715.

MackGregory's advertisement to Gentlemen and Ladies (London, 1715). In a letter of 12 March 1722 to Sir Hans Sloane, MackGregory seeks in a rather desperate rhetoric Sloane's patronage: “… being now returned to London in a very poor … way begs… to apply to your generosity that you may please to give him what you think proper to [support ?] him in his present necessity”: British Library Sloane MS 4046, f. 213. A later letter of 23 October 1722 uses almost exactly the same phrasing in seeking support from a patron in Cambridge: British Library MSS Add 22,911, f. 256. It would thus appear that the only certain thing we can say of MackGregory is that his geography did not sufficiently reward him.

Heilbron John A. , Electricity in the 17th and 18th centuries: A study of early modern physics (Berkeley, Calif., 1979), 158.

Withers , op. cit. (ref. 41), 115; Gavine David , “Navigation and astronomy teachers in Scotland outside the universities”, Marriner's mirror, lxxvi (1990), 5–12.

This mathematical basis, what contemporaries understood as a “geometric impulse” underlying improvement and public science in eighteenth-century Scotland, found its most evident expression in the landscapes of agricultural enclosure and improvement and in mapping: Withers , op. cit. (ref. 40). The idea of eighteenth-century British geography as a practical enquiry but with little theoretical innovation is discussed in Bowen Margarita , Empiricism and geographical thought: From Francis Bacon to Alexander von Humboldt (Cambridge, 1981). For a more general view of these ideas in eighteenth-century science, see Frängsmyr Tore Heilbron John Rider Richard (eds), The quantifying spirit in the eighteenth century (Berkeley, Calif., 1990).

Caledonian Mercury, 1 June 1776, la.

Ophir Shapin , op. cit. (ref. 2), 11–13.

Edinburgh evening courant, 20 January 1783.

Wood , op. cit. (ref. 43), 93; Clifton G. , Directory of British scientific instrument makers 1550–1851 (London, 1995); Simpson Allan D. C. , “Globe production in Scotland in the period 1770–1830”, Der Globusfreund, xxxv-xxxvii (1987), 21–36.

A point reinforced by other work on scientific lecturing in this period; see ref. 20 and Porter Roy , “Medical lecturing in Georgian London”, The British journal for the history of science, xxviii (1995), 91–100.

Law , op. cit. (ref. 44), 172 notes that Ewing was in his early days a teacher of writing, arithmetic and book-keeping, and that he wrote a popular textbook on arithmetic for schools. By 1759 Ewing was concentrating more on surveying, navigation and the use of an orrery, globes and maps; Caledonian Mercury, 15 October 1759, 17 December 1768; Edinburgh evening courant, 3 May 1783. That this is so raises more general questions about how these self-styled “teachers” and “lecturers” of geography in the public sphere either taught themselves or were taught the geography they taught others. On this point more generally in relation to the popularization of science, see Whitley Richard , “Knowledge producers and knowledge acquirers: Popularisation as a relation between scientific fields and their publics”, in Shinn Terry Whitley Richard (eds), Expository science: Forms and functions of popularisation (Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook, ix; Dordrecht and Boston, 1985), 3–28.

Marwick dates the establishment in Scotland of Mechanics' Institutes to the early 1820s with the establishment of the Edinburgh School of Arts (1821) and the Glasgow Mechanics' Institution in 1823, with the originator being Thomas Dick, Master of the Session School at Methven in Perth, himself a popular writer on astronomy and philosophy: Marwick William H. “Mechanics' Institutes in Scotland”, Journal of adult education, vi (1932–34), 292–309. A contrary opinion dates the movement to the early nineteenth century and for the stimulus to have come from George Birkbeck, Professor of Natural History in Glasgow 1799–1804: See Jessop J. C. , Education in Angus (London, 1931), 296–7. Limited surviving evidence from the 1820s favours Marwick's interpretation: The 1827–28 Third Report of the Dunbar Mechanics' Institution printed and published by James Miller in Haddington in 1828 shows that a class for geography was opened in Dunbar in October 1827 and was still operating a year later. For a broader review of the place of mechanics' institutions and the popularization of natural knowledge, see also Inkster Ian , “The social context of an educational movement: A revisionist approach to the English mechanics' institutes, 1820–50”, Oxford review of education, ii (1976), 277–307; and see also Cooter Pumfrey , op. cit. (ref. 14), 241.

Steven Shapin , “The audience for science in eighteenth century Edinburgh”, History of science, xii (1974), 95–121.

Walters , op. cit. (ref. 24), 122.

Monro P. A. G. , “Introduction, and The Professor's Daughter”, Proceedings of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, xxvi (1996), 1–189, p. 19. In a note in the original manuscript account, Alexander Monro records that on Friday 16 January 1741, John Monro, Margaret's eldest brother, “gave an oration on Geography to the youthful ‘Latin Society’ which met each evening in the Professor's room: The written account was corrected by his father” ( Monro P. A. G. , op. cit., 185, n. 37).

Shapin , op. cit. (ref. 15, 1988); Hannaway Owen , “Laboratory design and the aim of science: Andreas Libavius versus Tycho Brahe”, Isis, lxxvii (1986), 585–610.

Glasgow herald, 1 April and 5 August 1825.

Edinburgh courant, 31 March to 2 April 1708.

Dumfries weekly journal, 11 November 1777, 4A.

Caledonian Mercury, 13 June 1778, 2 January 1779.

Dumfries telegraph, 16 April 1834.

Sanders L. C. (ed.), Celebrities of the century (London, 1890), 45. Ainsworth wrote or edited a number of works, of which three are relevant here: Researches in Assyria forming the labours of the Euphrates expedition (London, 1838); All round the world: An illustrated record of voyages, travels, and adventures in all parts of the globe (London, 1860) which he edited, as he also did the Illustrated universal gazeteer (London, 1860). The quote describing him as the “Young Strabo” is from Guest John S. , The Euphrates expedition (London, 1992), 43.

Edinburgh journal of natural and geographical science [hereafter EJ], i (1829), Preface.

This phrasing does not appear in the printed Preface to the first number of the EJ, but appears in a separately printed and scarce Prospectus advertising the EJ and bound in with the first full volume. The quote is from p. 4 of this Prospectus, contained with the copies of the EJ held by the Library of the Royal Botanic Gardens in Edinburgh: I am grateful to the Librarian of the Royal Botanic Gardens Edinburgh for bringing this to my attention.

Shapin Steven , ‘“Nibbling at the teats of science’: Edinburgh and the diffusion of science in the 1830s”, in Inkster Morrell (eds), op. cit. (ref. 2), 151–78.

Edinburgh observer , October 1829; Edinburgh literary journal, 6 March 1830.

EJ, May 1830, 158–9.

EJ, August 1830, 433.

On the origins of the RGS, see Mill Hugh R. , The record of the Royal Geographical Society (London, 1930); Stoddart David R. , “The growth and structure of geography”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, xli (1967), 1–19.

See also the lectures by Thomas Kemp, lecturer in chemistry: EJ , December 1829, Article IV, Experiments on exciting Galvanism, with compound and simple substances, at high temperature 183–186; Kemp had further adverts in EJ, 2 April 1830.

EJ, December 1829, 169, 271.

Ainsworth's distinctly anti-Wernerian views, his opposition to the Wernerian Natural History Society and his anti-Jamesonian views are made clear in EJ , February 1830, 352–5, and in two articles under the general heading of the “Present state of science in Great Britain” in EJ, July 1830, 269–74.

EJ, December 1829, 275.

EJ, December 1829, 161.

EJ, June 1830, 234.

EJ, November 1829, 81–91; August 1830, 259–62, 329–40, 416–24.

Wallace Robert (ed.), The Scots mechanics' magazine (Glasgow, 1825) [James Bell on Physical Geography, 258–64, 305–10 and 409–13; James Bell on mathematics and the use of the globes, 299–304].

Livingstone , op. cit. (ref. 2, 1995), 29.

Quoted in Shapin , op. cit. (ref. 70), 154.

Turner Frank M. , “Public science in Britain, 1880–1919”, Isis, lxxi (1980), 589–608, p. 591.

Shapin Steven , “Science and the public”, in Olby Robert C. Cantor Geoffrey N. Christie John R. R. Hodge Martin J. S. (eds), Companion to the history of modern science (London, 1990), 990–1007; on this point and the ‘shaping’ of a particular public, see Goldstein Daniel , ‘“Yours for science’: The Smithsonian Institution's correspondents and the shape of the scientific community in nineteenth-century America”, Isis, lxxxv (1994), 573–99.

Habermas , op. cit. (ref. 9), 39.

On these issues of public space and the public sphere, and on attempts to reconstruct a geography of lecturing for Chartism, see Howell Philip , “Public space and the public sphere: Political theory and the historical geography of modernity”, Environment and planning D: Society and space, xi (1993), 303–22; idem, “The aspiration towards universality in political theory and political geography”, Geoforum, xxv (1994), 413–27; idem, ‘“Diffusing the light of liberty’: The geography of political lecturing in the Chartist movement”, Journal of historical geography, xxi (1995), 23–38; Ogborn Miles , Spaces of modernity: London's geographies, 1680–1780 (New York, 1998).

Goodman Dena , “Introduction: The public and the nation”, Eighteenth-century studies, xxix (1995), 1–2; La Vopa Anthony , “Conceiving a public: Ideas and society in eighteenth-century Europe”, Journal of modern history, lxiv (1992), 79–116; Porter Roy , “The new eighteenth-century social history”, in Black Jeremy (ed.), Culture and society in Britain, 1660–1800 (Manchester, 1997), 29–50.

The issue of Eighteenth-century studies cited in ref. 89 has a strongly literary perspective on the public sphere: For two papers that do more than gesture towards the public sphere as geographically different, although only at the national scale, see La Vopa Anthony J. , “Herder's Publikum: Language, print, and sociability in eighteenth-century Germany”, 5–24, and Wilson Kathleen , “Citizenship, empire, and modernity in the English provinces, c. 1720–1790”, 69–96. Wilson takes her ideas further in her Sense of the people: Politics, culture, and imperialism in England, 1715–1785 (Cambridge, 1995). For an overview of the public sphere as an issue suggestive of geographical differences, though the piece closely associates the public sphere with the Enlightenment, see Jacob Margaret , “The mental landscape of the public sphere: A European perspective”, Eighteenth-century studies, xxviii (1994), 95–113.

Goodman , op. cit. (ref. 89), 4.

Eley , op. cit. (ref. 12), 296.