GoldsteinJan, “Psychiatry”, in BynumW. F.PorterRoy (eds), Companion encyclopedia of the history of medicine (2 vols, London, 1993), ii, 1350–72. See also GoldsteinJan, Console and classify: The French psychiatric profession in the nineteenth century (Cambridge, 1987); ScullAndrew, The most solitary of afflictions: Madness and society in Britain, 1700–1900 (New Haven, 1993).
2.
The most powerful proponent of this ‘continuity’ view is Roy Porter, Mind-forg'd manacles: A history of madness in England from the Restoration to the Regency (London, 1987), espec. pp. 1–15. See also important works by WeinerDora B., “The origins of psychiatry: Pinel or the Zeitgeist?” in BauerOttoGlandienOtto (eds), Zusammenhang Festschrift für Marielene Putscher (Cologne, 1984), 617–31; idem, “Mind and body in the clinic: Philippe Pinel, Alexander Crichton, Dominique Esquirol, and the birth of psychiatry”, in RousseauG. S. (ed.), The languages of psyche: Mind and body in Enlightenment thought (Los Angeles, 1990), 331–402.
3.
The inspiration to the now ongoing research was provided by FoucaultMichel, Histoire de la folie à l'âge classique, 2nd edn (Paris, 1972). For a useful assessment of the field, see SmithRoger, “The background of physiological psychology in natural philosophy”, History of science, xi (1973), 75–123; RousseauG. S., “Psychology”, in RousseauG. S.PorterRoy (eds), The ferment of knowledge (Cambridge, 1980), 143–210; papers in Rousseau (ed.), The languages of psyche (ref. 2); FoxChristopher, “Introduction: Defining eighteenth-century psychology: Some problems and perspectives”, in FoxChristopher (ed.), Psychology and literature in the eighteenth century (New York, 1987), 1–22; RichardsGraham, Mental machinery: The origins and consequences of psychological ideas, Part I: 1600–1850 (Baltimore, 1992).
4.
Good overviews of the scholarship on early moral treatment and psychiatric institutions are given in Scull, op. cit. (ref. 1), 1–114; PorterRoy, “Madness and its institutions”, in WearAndrew (ed.), Medicine in society (Cambridge, 1992), 277–301. For the importance of the new institutional basis of the asylum and the therapeutic breakthrough of moral treatment, see also Goldstein, “Psychiatry” (ref. 1).
5.
Porter, op. cit. (ref. 2), 136–160, 206–28; idem, “The shaping of psychiatric knowledge: The role of the asylum”, in PorterRoy (ed.), Medicine and the Enlightenment (Amsterdam, 1995), 256–73. See also AckerknechtErwin H., “Private institutions in the genesis of psychiatry”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, lx (1986), 387–95.
6.
Parry-JonesWilliam Li., The trade in lunacy (London, 1972); CarpenterPeter K., “Thomas Arnold: A provincial psychiatrist in Georgian England”, Medical history, xxxiii (1989), 199–216; WinstonMark, “The Bethel at Norwich: An eighteenth-century hospital for lunatics”, Medical history, xxxviii (1994), 27–51.
7.
AndrewsJonathan, “Bedlam revisited: A history of Bethlem Hospital c. 1634–c. 1770”, University of London Ph.D. dissertation, 1991; idem, “‘Hardly a hospital, but a charity for pauper lunatics’?: Therapeutics at Bethlem in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries”, in BarryJonathanJonesColin (eds), Medicine and charity before the welfare state (London, 1991), 63–81; idem, “A respectable mad-doctor?: The career of Dr. Richard Hale (1670–1728), F.R.S., F.R.C.P. Physician to Bethlehem Hospital”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, xliv (1990), 169–203.
8.
See, however, ScullAndrew, “The domestication of madness”, in Scull, Social order/Mental disorder (London, 1989), 54–79; idem, op. cit. (ref. 1), 61–64.
9.
In this sense, this paper is an attempt to reply to a strategically important article, BerriosG. E., “Historiography of mental systems and diseases”, History of psychiatry, v (1994), 175–90. Despite its vituperative overstatements, the article reminds those whom Berrios calls “professional historians” of the danger of history of psychiatry without psychiatric concepts.
10.
MoraGeorge, “French ideology at the dawn of the American nation: Cabanis and Jefferson on psychology and mental health care”, in RieseHertha (ed.), Historical explorations in medicine and psychiatry (New York, 1978), 109–41. For a more detailed study of Cabanis, see StaumMartin S., Cabanis: Enlightenment and medical philosophy in the French Revolution (Princeton, 1980).
11.
BynumWilliam F., “Rationales for therapy in British psychiatry, 1780–1835”, in ScullAndrew (ed.), Madhouses, mad-doctors, and madmen: The social history of psychiatry in the Victorian era (London, 1981), 35–57; CooterRoger, “Phrenology and British alienists, ca. 1825–1845”, ibid., 58–104; JacynaL. S., “Somatic theories of mind and the interests of medicine in Britain, 1850–1879”, Medical history, xxvi (1982), 233–58.
12.
Especially I owe a debt to two papers by John P. Wright on the different versions of dualism of Boerhaave and Cullen: John P. Wright, “Boerhaave on minds, human beings, and mental diseases”, Studies in eighteenth-century culture, xx (1990), 289–302; idem, “Metaphysics and physiology: Mind, body, and the animal economy in eighteenth-century Scotland”, in StewartM. A. (ed.), Studies in the philosophy of the Scottish Enlightenment (Oxford, 1990), 251–301.
13.
For the process of the transformation of institution into a site for producing a new type of knowledge, see PickstoneJohn V., “Museological science? The place of the analytical/comparative in nineteenth-century science, technology and medicine”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 111–38.
14.
For the medico-philosophical questions over psychiatry in eighteenth-century Germany, see DoernerKlaus, Madman and the bourgeoisie: A social history of insanity and psychiatry (Oxford, 1981), 164–226; VerweyG., Psychiatry in an anthropological and biomedical context (Dordrecht, 1984); Geyer-KordeschJohanna, “Passions and the ghost in the machine: Or what not ask about science in seventeenth- and eighteenth century Germany”, in FrenchRogerWearAndrew (eds), The medical revolution of the seventeenth century (Cambridge, 1989), 145–63.
15.
For popular or non-regular healing of madness, see MacDonaldMichael, Mystical Bedlam: Madness, anxiety, and healing in seventeenth-century England (Cambridge, 1981); idem, “Religion, social change, and psychological healing in England, 1600–1800”, in SheilsW. J. (ed.), The church and healing (Oxford, 1982), 101–25.
16.
For sixteenth- and seventeenth-century debate on immortality, see MichaelEmilyMichaelFred S., “Two early modern concepts of mind: Reflecting substance vs. thinking substance”, Journal of the history of philosophy, xxvii (1989), 29–48.
17.
YoltonJohn W., Thinking matter: Materialism in eighteenth century Britain (Oxford, 1983); JacobMargaret C., The radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, freemasons and republicans (London, 1981).
18.
Lucretius, De rerum natura libri sex, ed. and transl. by BaileyCyril (3 vols, Oxford, 1947), i, 325–29; HenryJohn, “The matter of souls: Medical theory and theology in seventeenth-century England”, in FrenchWear (eds), op. cit. (ref. 14), 87–113.
19.
BaxterAndrew, An enquiry into the nature of the human soul, 2nd edn (2 vols, London, 1737), i, 382–3, 386. See Yolton, op. cit. (ref. 17).
20.
BrightTimothy, A treatise of melancholie (London, 1586), “Epistle dedicatory” and 188.
21.
Bright, A treatise of melancholie, 36–38. For discussion of popular perceptions of doctors as atheists, see Henry, “The matter of souls” (ref. 18).
22.
du LaurensAndré, A discourse of the preservation of the sight: Of melancholike diseases; of rheumes, and of old age, transl. by SurphletRichard (London, 1599), 81–82. For the similar concern to refute atheistic polemical use of madness in the eighteenth century, see SuzukiAkihito, “Anti-Lockean enlightenment?: Mind and body in early eighteenth-century England”, in Porter (ed.), Medicine in the Enlightenment (ref. 5), 336–59.
23.
For the distinction between interactive and purely spiritual faculties in the seventeenth century, see CottinghamJohn, “Cartesian trialism”, Mind, xciv (1985), 218–30.
24.
SennertDaniel, The institutions or fundamental of the whole art, both of physick and chiurgery, transl. by N. D. B. P. (London, 1656), 29; for different opinions on this issue held by ancient and medieval medical writers, see BurtonRobert, The anatomy of melancholy, ed. with an introduction by JacksonHolbrook (New York, 1977), Part I, 171–2.
25.
RivièreLazare, The practice of physick, in several books … by Nicholas Culpeper, Abdiah Cole and William Rowland. Being chiefly a translation of the works of … Lazarus Riverius (London, 1655), 49. See also Laurens, op. cit. (ref. 22), 91.
26.
Bright, op. cit. (ref. 21), 103. For the complex concept of melancholy and its metaphorical role, see CéardJean, “Folie et démonologie au XVIe siècle”, GerloA. (ed.), Folie et déraison à la Renaissance (Brussels, 1976), 129–48.
27.
DescartesRené, Optics, in The philosophical writings of Descartes, ed. by CottinghamJohn (3 vols, Cambridge, 1984–91), i, 153. For the medical use of the theory of intentional species, see, for example, Anthropologie abstracted: Or the idea of humane nature (London, 1655), 102.
28.
Descartes, op. cit. (ref. 27), 167–8.
29.
Ibid., 172.
30.
Foucault, op. cit. (ref. 3), 56–59.
31.
BoyleRobert, Robert Boyle on natural philosophy: An essay with selections from his writings, ed. by HallMarie Boas (Bloomington, 1965), 255–6; WillisThomas, Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes, transl. by PortageSydney (London, 1683), 188–90; idem, Thomas Willis's Oxford lectures, transl. and ed. by DewhurstKenneth (Oxford, 1980), 54 and 65–66.
32.
There is now a debate over the place of Descartes in the history of psychiatry. See McMahonC. E., “The role of imagination in the disease process: Pre-cartesian history (the role of imagination in the disease process)”, Psychological medicine, vi (1976), 179–84; BrownTheodore M., “Descartes, dualism, and psychosomatic medicine”, in BynumW. F. (eds), The anatomy of madness: Essays in the history of psychiatry (3 vols, London, 1985–88), i, 40–62; Wright, “Boerhaave on minds” (ref. 12), 302.
33.
For detailed study of the school of Pitcairn, see GuerriniAnita, “Archibald Pitcairn and Newtonian medicine”, Medical history, xxxi (1987), 70–83; idem, “The Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne and their circle”, Journal of British studies, xxv (1986), 288–311.
34.
MeadRichard, A mechanical account of poisons in several essays (London, 1702), 64. See also PitcairnArchibald, The philosophical and mathematical elements of physick in two books (London, 1718), 186. As for Descartes's and Willis's concepts of involuntary and ‘reflex’ motion, see CanguilhemGeorges, La formation du concept du réflex aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Paris, 1977), 27–78.
35.
StrotherEdward, Criticon febrium (London, 1718), 20. There is no sign that Strother was joking here.
36.
Mead, op. cit. (ref. 34), 82 and 64.
37.
LockeJohn, An essay concerning human understanding, ed. with an introduction by NidditchPeter H. (Oxford, 1975), 2.11.13; John Locke 1632–1704: Physician and philosopher, ed. by DewhurstKenneth (London, 1963), 70, 71 and 89–90. Dewhurst's crucial mistranslation of a relevant passage is pointed out in WrightJohn P., “Association, madness, and the measures of probability in Locke and Hume”, in Fox (ed.), Psychology and literature in the eighteenth century (ref. 3), 103–27. For expressions of a similar view to Locke's, see EtmuellerMichael, Etmullerus abridg'd: Or a compleat system of the theory and practice of physick (London, 1699), 532.
38.
Wright, “Boerhaave on minds” (ref. 12). Boerhaave, Haller and Jerome Gaub (another disciple of Boerhaave who succeeded his mentor to the chair at Leiden) were worried at the new onslaught of materialism, all the more because they themselves were sometimes associated with Spinoza and La Mettrie. See VartanianAram, La Mettrie's L'homme machine: A study in the origins of an idea (Princeton, 1960), 201; GaubJerome, Mind and body in eighteenth century medicine: A study of Jerome Gaub's De regime mentis, ed. by RatherL. J. (London, 1965), 115–22.
39.
BoerhaaveHerman, Dr. Boerhaave's academical lectures on the theory of physic (6 vols, London, 1742–46), iv, 239. The passage cited is Haller's commentary on Boerhaave's lecture.
40.
“Preface” by Samuel-August Tissot to Albrecht von Haller, A dissertation on the sensible and irritable parts of animals (London, 1755), p. xxix.
41.
Boerhaave, op. cit. (ref. 39), iv, 258–9. See also von HallerAlbrecht, First lines of physiology, reprint of 1786 edn, with an introduction by Lester King (New York, 1966), ii, 35–37.
42.
The essential continuity in the disease concepts of melancholia of Laurens, Willis, and Boerhaave is discussed in JobeThomas Harmon, “Medical theories of melancholia in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries”, Clio medica, xi (1976), 217–31.
43.
ArnoldThomas, Observations on the nature, kinds, causes and prevention of insanity, 2nd edn (2 vols, London, 1806), i, 30–43.
44.
Boerhaave, op. cit. (ref. 39), v, 270. See also his exclusion of the problem of the mind itself from the entire realm of medicine at the beginning of the work, which says that physiology should study man as the body, “not as a metaphysical entity, not as a mind … for consideration of the two do not at all come under the province of the physicians”. Ibid., i, 53.
45.
In Hunter and Macalpine's Three hundred years of psychiatry, there is an entry from Locke's own Essay published in 1690. The next time that Locke's name appears in the book is in the entry for David Hartley's Observations on man, published more than half a century after. HunterRichardMacalpineIda, Three hundred years of psychiatry (London, 1963), 236–39 and 379–82. As far as I am able to find, HollingsJohn, The state of human nature delineated, as delivered in a Latin oration before the President and Fellows of the College of Physicians 1734 (London, 1734), 10, is the only favourable reference to Locke in the context of medical psychology, and it is but a passing remark. See Suzuki, op. cit., (ref. 22).
46.
Boerhaave, op. cit. (ref. 39), v, 273.
47.
Locke, Essay (ref. 37), 1.1.2.
48.
For a general account of the theories of perception in the eighteenth century, see YoltonJohn, Perceptual acquaintance from Descartes to Reid (Oxford, 1984).
49.
Locke, Essay (ref. 37), 2.9.8. As for philosophical interpretations of this passage, see AaronRichard I., John Locke, 3rd edn (Oxford, 1971), 133–6; YoltonJohn, Locke: An introduction (Oxford, 1985), chap. 5. As for the philosophical problem of perception, see Yolton, op. cit. (ref. 48).
50.
Locke, Essay (ref. 37), 2.9.8. See MorganMichel J., Molyneux's question: Vision, touch, and the philosophy of perception (Cambridge, 1977); CassirerErnst, The philosophy of enlightenment (Princeton, 1979), 108–18.
51.
BerkeleyGeorge, Philosophical works, ed. and intro. by AyersM. R. (London, 1975), 161; HumeDavid, A treatise of human nature, ed. by NidditchP. H. (Oxford, 1978), 112. See Morgan, op. cit. (ref. 50); Yolton, op. cit. (ref. 48).
52.
Voltaire, Philosophical dictionary, ed. and transl. by BestermanTheodore (Harmondsworth, 1972), 210. See Foucault, op. cit. (ref. 3), 227–31.
53.
Voltaire, op. cit. (ref. 52), 210.
54.
Ibid., 211.
55.
For the interpretation of Battie as a progressive theoretician and Monro as a reactionary, see especially HunterMacalpine, op. cit. (ref. 45), 402–16.
56.
BattieWilliam, A treatise on madness (London, 1758), 6 and 43.
57.
For a similar account of madness apparently inspired by mid-century experiments on nervous sensibility of animals, see UvedaleChristian, The construction of the nerves, and the causes of nervous disorders (London, 1758), 11–13. See SuzukiAkihito, “Mind and its disease in Enlightenment British medicine”, University of London Ph.D. dissertation, 1992, 228–45.
58.
[SmollettTobias], “Review of Monro's Remarks”, Critical review, v (1757), 224, observed that Monro was motivated to publish the tract because of Battie's attack to Bethlem and its former physician James Monro, John's father.
59.
MonroJohn, Remarks on Dr. Battie's Treatise on madness (London, 1758), 9.
60.
Ibid., 4.
61.
Ibid.
62.
“To Dr. Battie”, Gentleman's magazine, xxxiii (1763), 20–21. The article is signed “T.I”. There is no clue to its authorship. Internal evidence seems to suggest that the author is competent in the philosophy of Scottish Common Sense school.
63.
Ibid., 20.
64.
Ibid., 21. The author rendered the contrast clearer by twisting the example of an optical illusion: “Suppose a man, through a disorder in the optic organs, perceiveth that phenomenon which is called lightening; this man, if he consideres the species as connected with a distemper in the eye, is not thought mad; but if he take it to be a sign of thunder, rain, etc., we do not hesitate him fit for Bedlam.”.
65.
The best study of Sauvages's nosology is MartinJulian, “Sauvages's nosology: Medical enlightenment in Montpellier”, in CunninghamAndrewWearAndrew (eds), The medical enlightenment of the eighteenth century (Cambridge, 1990), 111–37.
66.
de SauvagesFrançois Boissier, Nouvelles classes de maladies (Avignon, [1732]), 288–322.
67.
Ibid., 291. Understandably, this explanatory model did not explain the section of diseases of will, and Sauvages left it rather isolated from the other two sections.
68.
de SauvagesFrançois Boissier, Nosologie méthodique, dans laquelle les maladies sont rangées par classes… (3 vols, Paris, 1770–71), ii, 587–759, “Huitième classe, des folies”. von LinnéCarl, Genera morborum (Upsala, 1763); SagarJ. B. M., Systema morborum symptomaticum (Vienna, 1771); Diderotd'Alembert (eds), L'Encyclopédie (Paris, 1751–80), article, “maladie”, adopted the tripartite classificatory scheme.
69.
Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 68), ii, 593. Likewise, a drunken man sees two candles and believes there are two when there is actually one, while a sober person suffering from a disorder of sight sees two but can tell there is one.
70.
Ibid., ii, 601.
71.
Ibid., ii, 593.
72.
Sauvages had been sympathetic to Stahl since the 1730s (Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 66), pp. ii–iii). Sauvages's debt to Wolff was most evident in Sauvages, Ouvres diverses (2 vols, Paris, 1776), i, 12–13.
73.
Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 68), ii, 592. As for the background of the Montpellier Medical School, see JonesColin, “Montpellier medical students and the medicalization of eighteenth-century France”, in PorterRoyWearAndrew (eds), Problems and methods in the history of medicine (London, 1987), 57–80.
74.
Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 68), ii, 601.
75.
Ibid., ii, 602. Here again, Sauvages repudiating his own earlier idea of the division of labour between moralists and doctors, according to whether the mental disturbance was spiritual or corporeal. Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 66), 289.
76.
The young Sauvages had believed that a clear distinction line should be drawn between the medical and moral realms, according to whether the undesirable behaviour had organic cause or not. See Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 66), 289, and Foucault, op. cit. (ref. 3), 267–8.
77.
ReyRosélyne, unpublished paper read at the Second European Congress on the History of Psychiatry and Mental Health Care, held at London in August 1993.
78.
FrenchRoger K., “Sickness and the soul: Stahl, Hoffmann and Sauvages on pathology”, in CunninghamFrench (eds), The medical enlightenment of the eighteenth century (ref. 65), 88–110, p. 103.
79.
CullenWilliam, Nosology, or a systematic arrangement of diseases (Edinburgh, 1800), 130; idem, The works of William Cullen, M.D. containing his physiology, nosology, and first lines of the practice of physic (2 vols, Edinburgh and London, 1827), ii, 509 and 518. See also GaubJerome, The institutions of medical pathology, transl. by ErskineCharles (Edinburgh, 1778), 271; CullenWilliam, “Lectures on the Comment on Gaubius' Pathology (1767)”, Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, Western MS, 1927, 159.
80.
Unlike Sauvages who insisted that nosological classification should be based only on the symptom of a disease, Cullen took its anatomical site into consideration. Sauvages, op. cit. (ref. 66), pp. ix–x; Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 424.
81.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), ii, 518.
82.
LawrenceChristopher, “The nervous system and society in the Scottish Enlightenment”, in BarnsBarryShapinSteven (eds), Natural order: Historical studies of scientific culture (Beverly Hills, 1979), 19–40.
83.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 131–2 and ii, 519.
84.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), ii, 524; “Lectures by Dr. William Cullen on the practice of physick, c. 1770”, Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, Western MS, 1968, “Ordo IV Vesaniae”. James Gregory, his successor in the chair of the practice of physic, lectured that he knew the case of a madman in St Petersburg, who was cured by staying out at “59 degree below the freezing point”. GregoryJames, “Lectures on the practice of physic, c. 1795”, WIHM, Western MS, 2606, 8–9.
85.
“Lectures by Dr. William Cullen”, ibid. The somatic justification of psychological treatment had a long history. See, for instance, BurtonRobert, op. cit. (ref. 24), Part II, 103, and Willis, Two discourses (ref. 31), 193–4 and 206.
86.
Hume and Cullen were intellectual allies as well as close friends since Cullen supported Hume's application for the chair of logic at the University of Glasgow, formerly occupied by Adam Smith (1723–90) in 1751. See LawrenceChristopher, “Medicine as culture: Edinburgh and the Scottish Enlightenment”, University College London Ph.D. dissertation, 1984, 312–14.
87.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), ii, 510. See Hume, op. cit. (ref. 51), 98–106, 130–42, and 155–76. See also HumeDavid, An abstract of a book lately published; Entitled, a Treatise of human nature (London, 1740), in Hume, op. cit. (ref. 51), 649–55. Another example of Hume's influence on Cullen was the effect of the custom on sensation, which is discussed in Lawrence, op. cit. (ref. 86), 325–36 and 340–7.
88.
HumeDavid, Enquiries concerning human understanding and concerning the principles of morals, ed. by NidditchP. H. (Oxford, 1975), 45.
89.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 44. See also the following: “[judgement] is nothing but [my emphasis] pursuing our ordinary train of associations … that constitute what is called a sensible man” (ibid.).
90.
Ibid., 144.
91.
As for the problem of virtue and propriety, see PhillipsonNicholas, “The Scottish Enlightenment”, in PorterRoyTeichMikuláš (eds), Enlightenment in national context (Cambridge, 1981), 19–40. Cullen raised the issue of the subtle distinction between madness and moral failure, and Arnold wrote that madness is a severe form of moral folly, almost identifying them. See Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 145; Arnold, op. cit. (ref. 43), i, pp. viii, 54–77.
92.
Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 145.
93.
The individualistic understanding of madness seems to have existed since the Classical medicine. JamesRobert, A medicinal dictionary (London, 1743–45), art. “delirium”, cited the definition of delirium by Celsus which says that “when any thing is done by the patient contrary to custom, and without a cause, as when he talks much or little, contrary to his usual custome … [my emphasis]”, he is mad.
94.
For his somatic etiology, see Cullen, Works (ref. 79), ii, 513, where he wrote “although [vesania] seems to be chiefly, and sometimes solely an affection of the mind … yet these affections of the mind must be dependent upon a certain state of our corporeal part”.
95.
Ibid., i, 5–6. For a perceptive discussion of Cullen's move toward “functional dualism”, see Wright, “Metaphysics and physiology” (ref. 12), 292–301.
96.
Lawrence, op. cit. (ref. 86), 325–36; Wright, “Metaphysics and physiology” (ref. 12), 300. Cullen was familiar with Lockean argument as well. See Cullen, Works (ref. 79), i, 35 and 49; Locke, Essay (ref. 37), 2.1.1–2 and 2.8.21.
97.
WoodP. B., “The natural history of man in the Scottish Enlightenment”, History of science, xxvii (1989), 89–123; RendallJane, The origins of the Scottish Enlightenment (London, 1978), 20; DuncanAndrew, “Lectures on the practice and theory of physic”, WIHM, Western MSS 2238–40, i, 386–9.
98.
GregoryJames, A conspectus or brief view of the theory of medicine (Edinburgh, 1823); idem, “Theory of medicine: Notes of lectures”, WIHM, Western MS 2597, 377. See his definition of insanity: “The mind is deranged, when one confounds the objects of memory, or imagination, with the perceptions of the external senses, and thus ascribes existence to things which never did nor do exist; or when one's judgment of things is perverted, and foreign from the common sense of mankind. But this seldom or never happens. A deranged person usually judges rationally, though from false premises” (Gregory, Conspectus, 82). See also the Gregory-inspired third edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, art. “delirium”.
99.
Arnold, op. cit. (ref. 43), i, 84. As for the active aspect of reflection, see ibid., 51.
100.
Ibid., 51–52.
101.
MakittrickJames Adair, A philosophical and medical sketch of the natural history of the human body and mind (Bath, 1787), 54–96 and 83.
102.
CrichtonAlexander, An inquiry into the nature and origin of mental derangement (2 vols, London, 1798), i, pp. ix–x. For Crichton and Pinel, see the detailed study in Weiner, “Mind and body in the clinic” (ref. 2).
103.
Crichton, op. cit. (ref. 102), p. xxvii; PinelPhilippe, A treatise on insanity, transl. by DavisD. D. (Sheffield, 1806), 135.
104.
Battie, op. cit. (ref. 56), 3–4.
105.
Ibid., 4.
106.
PerryCharles, A treatise of diseases in general (2 vols, London, 1741), i, 53; BuchanWilliam, Domestic medicine: Or the family physician (Edinburgh, 1769), 516. See also TruslerJohn, The physical friend: Pointing out the symptoms of every distemper incident to man (London, 1776), 51.
107.
Weiner, “Mind and the body in the clinic” (ref. 2), 334.
108.
For clinical observation of madness, see Weiner, “Mind and body in the clinic” (ref. 2). HaslamJohn, Illustrations of madness: Exhibiting a singular case of insanity… (London, 1810; facsimile reprint, with introduction by Roy Porter, London, 1989); PerfectWilliam, Annals of insanity (London, 1809; facsimile reprint, New York, 1976).
LoudonIrvine, Medical care and the general practitioner 1750–1850 (Oxford, 1986); MacAlpineIdaHunterRichard, George III and the mad-business (London, 1969); Porter, op. cit. (ref. 2), 169–228.
112.
Porter, op. cit. (ref. 2), 228.
113.
Scull, “The domestication of madness” (ref. 8).
114.
The best example of contrasting attitude in the same author is that of Nicholas Robinson, A new system of spleen, vapours, and hypochondriack melancholy (London, 1729), 33–40 and 241–3.
115.
WienerMartin J., Reconstructing the criminal: Culture, law, and policy in England, 1830–1914 (Cambridge, 1990), 26–28; BrowneJanet, “Darwin and the face of madness”, in Bynum (eds), The anatomy of madness (ref. 32), i, 152–65.
116.
The place of the passions and emotions in the history of psychiatry remains to be written. For a general overview, see BerriosG. E., “The psychopathology of affectivity: Conceptual and historical aspects”, Psychological medicine, xv (1985), 745–58; HilgardErnest R., “The trilogy of mind: Cognition, affection, and conation”, Journal of the history of behavioral sciences, xvi (1980), 107–17. For the eighteenth century, see Weiner, “Mind and body in clinic” (ref. 2).
Goldstein, Console and classify (ref. 1), 64–119. For Pinel's fundamentally anti-anatomical viewpoint, see BrownEdward M., “French psychiatry's initial reception of Bayle's discovery of general paresis of the insane”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, lxviii (1994), 235–53.
120.
FoucaultMichel, Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison, transl. by SheridanAlan (Harmondsworth, 1979); SchafferSimon, “States of mind: Enlightenment and natural philosophy”, in Rousseau (ed.), The languages of psyche (ref. 3), 233–90.