W.S. Hett's translation (with slight modification), Loeb edn (Cambridge, Mass., 1957). The same observation is made by Aristotle at De sensu 436a18ff. Even if Aristotle is referring to the contemporary state of affairs and is not expressly referring to an earlier period, his remarks would apply a fortiori to the earlier period.
2.
BurnetJohn, Early Greek philosophy (London, 1930), 201, n.4.
3.
For detailed evidence of this practice see Emma and EdelsteinLudwig, Asclepius: A collection and interpretation of the testimonies (2 vols, Baltimore, 1945).
4.
Evidence of Egyptian medical practice may be found in the Edwin Smith surgical papyrus and the Ebers and Hearst papyri. However, it has been claimed that the former is in the true sense scientific (see, for example, BreastedJ.H., The Edwin Smith surgical papyrus (Chicago, 1930), i, 14). Similarly, Henry Sigerist finds in the Ebers papyrus a rational attitude anticipating “without recourse to the gods” the “views and methods of the Presocratic philosophers of Greece” (A history of medicine, i: Primitive and archaic medicine (New York, 1951), 355). But as magic is elsewhere prevalent in the Ebers papyrus and Breasted's claim is a false impression deriving its plausibility from the fact that the afflictions dealt with in the Edwin Smith are the result of observable physical causes and thus had little or no connection with the malignant demons of disease, the standpoint of both these authors should be rejected.
5.
Decorum, Chap. 6, however (ix.235L. — where the text is corrupt) seems to suggest that though physicians are the agents, the gods are the real cause of cures in medicine and surgery, and the author of Regimen, IV (Chaps. 89 (vi.652L.) and 90 (vi.656L.)) prescribes prayers as a third remedy after exercise and diet. MansfeldJ. (“Theoretical and empirical attitudes in early Greek medicine”, Hippocratica (Paris, 1980), 371–91, p.378) believes that the resort to prayer in these passages represents only an apparent exception to the normal Hippocratic outlook and that the attitude of our author towards such matters is (otherwise) “an enlightened and critical one”. He cites Chap. 87 (vi.642L.) in support of this contention but the attitude manifested here does not seem to me to be in any way inconsistent with that revealed in Chaps. 89 and 90. R. Joly, we may note, with equal lack of conviction, is of the opinion that the author has transposed these prayers (complaisamment) from his source (Hippocrate: Du régime, Budé edition, vi, Pt i (Paris, 1967), ad loc. and Recherches sur le traité pseudo-hippocratique Du régime (Paris/Liège, 1960), 171).
6.
Euripides, it may be noted, in a famous fragment (Frag. 910 Nauck; D.K.59A30), speaks of the happiness of the man who devotes his life to the study of “the ageless order of undying nature, whence it was composed and in what way”.
7.
Aëtius records that Pythagoras himself was the first to employ this term (I, 3, 8; D.K.58B15).
8.
There is a good discussion of this background in LloydG.E.R., Magic, reason and experience (Cambridge, 1979), 264–7.
9.
Theaetetus, 155d.
10.
Metaphysics, 982b12ff.
11.
See, for example, Iliad, XIII, 43.
12.
Metaphysics, 983b17ff. (D.K.11A12).
13.
See Aristotle, De caelo, 294a28ff. (D.K.11A14); Metaphysics, 983b17ff. (D.K.11A12) and Seneca, Naturales quaestiones. III, 14 (D.K.11A15).
14.
See Aristotle, Meteorologica, 365b6ff. (D.K.13A21).
15.
See Aëtius, iii, 3, 1–2 (D.K.12A23 and 13A17).
16.
According to Sextus, Democritus held that it was in part through a mistaken inference from terrifying natural phenomena such as thunder, lightning and eclipses that men came to believe in the gods. Adversus mathematicos, IX, 24 (D.K.68A75).
17.
JaegerWerner, Paideia: The ideals of Greek culture, transl. by HighetG. (3 vols, Oxford, 1939–49), iii, Book 4, p.4.
18.
The fact that Halicarnassus, Herodotus's birthplace, was also a Dorian foundation should not be overlooked in this connection. The development of Greek historiography affords a striking parallel to that of rational medicine in Greece in that both fields of enquiry originated in Dorian settlements, both are expounded in Ionic and both owe their impetus to Ionian Natural Philosophy.
19.
Physics, 203b13ff. (D.K.12B3 and 12A15).
20.
Refutationes omnium haeresium, I, 6, 1 (D.K.12B2 and A11).
21.
Aëtius, I, 7, 13 and Cicero, De natura deorum, I, 10,26 (D.K.113A10). The dictum “all things are full of gods”, cautiously attributed to Thales by Aristotle (De anima, 411a7ff.;D.K.11A22), should also be considered within the present context. The interpretation of this assertion is highly controversial, but it could very well entail both that Thales, like his Milesian successors, considered his own first principle, water, to be divine and that he regarded all natural phenomena also as divine. Aristotle, it should be noted, connects this dictum with the belief of other thinkers that “soul is mingled in the whole” and, earlier in the De anima (405a19ff.;D.K.11A22), he tells us that Thales seems to have identified soul and life with the cause of motion if he said that the Magnesian stone possesses soul because it makes iron move.
22.
Hippolytus, Refutationes omnium haeresium, I, 7, 1 (D.K.13A7) and Augustine, De civitate dei, VIII, 2 (D.K.13A10).
23.
Aëtius, I, 3, 20 (D.K.31B6).
24.
Fragment 21.12.
25.
Fragments 21.12 and 23.8.
26.
See Aristotle, De generatione et corruptione, 333b21ff. (D.K.31A40) and Philoponus, In de generatione et corruptione, 265.11 Vitelli.
27.
See Lloyd, Magic, reason and experience (ref. 8), 25.
28.
ClarkeEdwin, “Apoplexy in the Hippocratic writings”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, xxxvii (1963), 301–14, p.303.
29.
There is a discussion and partial translation of this text by H. King in “Bound to bleed: Artemis and Greek women”, Chap. 18 in Images of women in Antiquity, ed. by CameronA. and KuhrtA. (Beckenham, 1983), 109–41.
30.
See Aëtius, I, 3, 4 (D.K.13B2) and LongriggJ., “A note on Anaximenes fragment 2”, Phronesis, ix (1964), 1–4.
31.
See, for example, Clement, Stromateis, VI, 16 (D.K.22B36). Stobaeus, Florilegium, III, 5, 7, (D.K.22B117) and ibid., III, 5, 8 (D.K.22B118).
32.
Burnet, Early Greek philosophy (ref. 2), 201, n.4.
33.
A few fragments have survived, see Diels/Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 8th edn (Berlin, 1956), i, 214ff.
34.
HeidelW.A., Hippocratic medicine (New York, 1941), 42.
35.
In addition to his medical and physiological interests there is evidence that he was interested in astronomy (Aëtius, II, 16, 2–3; II, 22, 4 and 29, 3; D.K.24A4) and the nature of the soul (Aristotle, De anima, 405a29 and Aëtius, IV, 2, 2;D.K.24A12).
36.
See LongriggJ., “Philosophy and medicine: Some early interactions”, Harvard studies in classical philology, lxvii (1963), 147–75, Appendix A 167–9.
37.
Simplicius, Physics, 24, 13 (D.K.12B1).
38.
See, for example, Origen, c.Celsum, VI, 42 (D.K.22B80).
39.
See Simplicius, Physics, 32, 3 (D.K.31B98); Aëtius, V.22, 1 (D.K.31A78); and Theophrastus, De sensibus, 10–11 (D.K.31A86).
40.
See Anonymus Londinensis, XX, 25.
41.
See Timaeus, 81e6ff.
42.
As Jaeger has pointed out, medicine exercised later another important influence upon ethics when Aristotle employed medicine as his model for the conduct of ethical enquiry (see JaegerW., “Aristotle's use of medicine as a model of method in his ethics”, Journal of Hellenic studies, lxxvii (1957), 54–61).
43.
Diogenes Laërtius, VIII, 83 (D.K.24B1). The text of this fragment is highly controversial and almost certainly corrupt. I follow J. Wachtler's suggestion here (De Alcmaeone Crotoniata (Diss., Leipzig, 1896), 34–38). See app. crit. to Diels/Kranz for other suggestions. The contrast, however, between divine and human knowledge is not affected.
44.
For Xenophanes, however, see below.
45.
GuthrieW.K.C., A history of Greek philosophy, i (Cambridge, 1962), 344.
46.
In addition to these enquiries later physicists share his interest in such topics as the nature of the semen, the reason for the sterility of mules, the cause of sleep and the mode of nourishment of the embyro.
47.
See Fragment 112.
48.
WellmannM., Fragmentsammlung der griechischen Ärzte, i: Die Fragmente der Sikelischen Ärzte (Berlin, 1901), 68ff.
49.
Burnet, Early Greek philosophy (ref. 2), 200.
50.
For Philistion's views and the influence of Empedocles upon them see especially WellmanM., op. cit. (ref. 48), 69ff.
51.
See Fragments 84, 96, and 98; Aëtius, V,22, 1 (D.K.31A78); Theophrastus, De sensibus, and 10–11 (D.K.31A86).
52.
Theophrastus, De sensibus, 43 (D.K.64A19).
53.
Galen tells us that while almost all the doctors agreed that the male was not only formed before the female but was also the first to move, Rufus said that Diogenes alone disagreed with this (Galen, In Hippocratis Epidemiarum libros vi, commentarius ii (xvii A. 1006, 8 Kühn; D.K.64B9). This passage is not conclusive evidence in itself that Diogenes was a doctor. Rufus's assertion is inconsistent with Censorinus's statement at De die natali, 9, 2 (D.K.64A26). We learn from Theophrastus (De sensibus, 43; D.K.64A19) and from the anonymous author of a medical treatise ([Galen], De humoribus, xix.495K.;D.K.64A29a) that Diogenes believed in the possibility of diagnosis by the tongue and the colour of the patient. Again, the Diogenes cited by Galen as the author of a medical treatise on diseases, their causes and remedies, may have been the Apolloniate (On medical experience, XXII, 3, translated from the Arabic by R. Walzer).
54.
See Theophrastus, De sensibus, 43 (D.K.64A19).
55.
The date of Ancient medicine has aroused considerable controversy and the treatise has been assigned to periods ranging from as early as around the middle of the fifth century to as late as the period between the late Plato and Aristotle. A.J. Festugière argued for a date between 440 and 420 b.c. (Hippocrate: L'Ancienne médicine (Paris, 1948), n.74, pp.62ff., and the present writer has pressed for a slightly earlier date around the middle of the fifth century (op. cit. (ref. 36), and “[Hippocrates] Ancient medicine and its intellectual context”, in Formes de pensée dans la Collection Hippocratique: Actes du IV' Colloque International Hippocratique, ed. by LasserreF. and MudryP. (Geneva, 1983), 249-56). The later dating advocated by DillerH. (“Hippokratische Medizin und attische Philosophie”, Hermes, lxxx (1952), 385–409) was attacked by J.H. Kühn (System- und Methodenprobleme im Corpus Hippocraticum, Hermes Einzelschriften, xi (1956)) and by HeinimannF., “Eine vorplatonische Theorie der , Museum heleticum, xviii (1961), 105–30, p.112, n.32. G.E.R. Lloyd, however, takes Diller's points sufficiently seriously to insist that a fourth century date is far more likely than a fifth century one and suggests that the author of Ancient medicine is mounting his attack specifically against the Pythagorean Philolaus whom, he believes, could be thought of as a pivotal figure in the relationship between philosophy and medicine (“Who is attacked in On ancient medicine?”, Phronesis, viii (1963), 108–26). [Diller, it may be noted, subsequently retracted his attribution of so late a date for Ancient medicine in “Das Selbstverständnis der Griechischen Medizin in der Zeit der Hippokrates”, La collection hippocratique et son rôle dans l'histoire de la médecine: Colloque de Strasbourg (Leiden, 1975), 77–93.] While our evidence certainly reveals some affinities between Philolaus's biological theory (cf. Anonymus Londinensis, XVIII, 8; D.K.44A27) and Pythagorean cosmogony generally (cf. e.g. Aristotle, Physics, 213b22ff. and Stobaeus, Eclogae, 1, 18, lc; D.K. 58B30), it is not easy to determine which influenced which. Moreover, if Lloyd is identifying Philolaus as the prime object of Ancient medicine's polemic, is it not odd that the medical author should, in that case, have made Empedocles the representative of this objectionable influence of philosophy and not Philolaus? Pace Lloyd there does not seem to be sufficient evidence to sustain the ascription of a pivotal role to Philolaus and place him in the same rank with Empedocles and Diogenes as influential figures in the history of early Greek medicine.
56.
De natura hominis, I (vi.34L. and D.K.30A6).
57.
Plutarch, Pericles, 26ff. (D.K.30A3).
58.
Diogenes Laërtius, IX, 24 (D.K.10A1).
59.
See, for example, Simplicius, Physics, 23, 22 (D.K.38A4).
60.
Simplicius, Physics, 151, 28ff. (D.K.64B2–7).
61.
His views are parodied in the Clouds of Aristophanes (227ff.) produced in 423 b.c. (see, too, Frogs, 892–4 and Euripides, Troades, 884–8.
62.
JouannaJacques, “Rapports entre Mélissos de Samos et Diogène d'Apollonie à la lumière du traité hippocratique De natura hominis”, Revue des études anciennes, lxvii (1965), 306–23.
63.
ibid., 309.
64.
For these see further Jouanna, op. cit., 310.
65.
Aëtius, IV, 9, 15 and 28 (D.K.31A95).
66.
DillerH., “Die philosophiegeschichtliche Stellung des Diogenes von Apollonia”, Hermes, lxxvi (1941), 359–81, p.366.
67.
Jouanna, op. cit. (ref. 62), 321ff.
68.
JouannaWith, ibid., 322.
69.
De natura hominis, Chap. 1.
70.
ibid., Chap. 4.
71.
For the influence of Empedocles upon De natura hominis see FredrichC.J., Hippokratische Untersuchungen (Berlin, 1899), 28–32; DiepgenP., Geschichte der Medizin, i (Berlin, 1949), 81ff., and the editions of O. Villaret (Hippocratis De natura hominis liber ad codicum fidem recensitus (Diss., Göttingen and Berlin, 1911), 65ff., and JouannaJ. (Hippocrate: La nature de l'homme (Berlin, 1975), 43ff.
72.
See p.13 above.
73.
Chaps. 7ff.
74.
See SchönerE., Das Viererschema in der antiken Humoralpathologie (Wiesbaden, 1964), 100.
75.
As does Fredrich, Untersuchungen (ref. 71), 45ff.
76.
See LonieI.M., The Hippocratic treatises “On generation”, “On the nature of the child” and “Diseases iv” (Berlin/New York, 1981), 60.
77.
The influence of Diogenes may also be detected in the account of the venous system outlined in Sacred diseases, Chap. 6. Aristotle preserves Diogenes's own account (Historia animalium, 511b30ff.; D.K.64B6) and there are close similarities between them.
78.
For these philosophical influences see especially Joly, Recherches sur le traité pseudo-hippocratique Du régime (ref. 5), 23ff., 89 and 205; KucharskiP., “Anaxagore et les idées biologiques de son siècle”, Revue philosophique, cliv (1964), 137–66, pp. 153–61, and PeckA.L., “Anaxagoras and the parts”, Classical quarterly, xx (1926), 57–71, p.69.
79.
On the relationship between Empedocles and Diogenes see my article “A seminal ‘debate’ in the fifth century b.c.?”, in Aristotle on nature and living things, ed. by GotthelfA. (Pittsburgh, 1985), 277–87, pp.279ff.
80.
Jaeger has adduced persuasive reasons for believing that Aristotle derived his theory of pneuma with other related doctrines from the (so-called) Sicilian school of physicians (JaegerW.W., “Das Pneuma im Lykeion”, Hermes, xlviii (1913), 29–74, esp. pp. 51–55). Other scholars, however, have identified Diogenes as the originator of this doctrine (see especially PohlenzM., Hippokrates (Berlin, 1938), 39ff. and LeskyE., Die Zeugungs- und Vererbungslehren der Antike (Wiesbaden, 1951), 121ff.). If we are correct in our assessment (ref. 79) that Diogenes was much influenced by Empedoclean biology, then these apparently conflicting standpoints are easily reconciled. For the development of the doctrine of the pneuma generally see especially VerbekeG., L'évolution de la doctrine du pneuma (Paris/Louvain, 1945).
81.
The concept of innate heat seems to have been developed by Empedocles, who gave a wider physiological significance to Parmenides's correlation of cold with death and warmth with life (see Theophrastus, De sensibus, 3; D.K.28A46). For Empedocles's use of this concept see especially Aëtius, IV,22, 1 (D.K.31A74); V, 27, 1 (D.K.31A77); V, 24,2 and V,25,4 (D.K.31A85). This theory became widely prevalent among Presocratic philosophers immediately subsequent to Empedocles (see, for example, Philolaus (Anonymus Londinensis, XVIII,8; D.K.44A27), Hippon (Aristotle, De anima, 405b24ff. and Philoponus, De anima, 92,2; D.K.38A10) and Diogenes (Aëtius, V,15.4; D.K.64A28) and also throughout the Hippocratic Corpus (see, for example, De natura hominis, 12; De victu, 2, 60–62; De carne, 2ff. and 6; De corde, 6). It is adopted by Philistion (Galen, De usu respirationis, I,1; iv.471K), by Plato (Timaeus, 78b-79c) and by Aristotle (see, for example, De partibus animalium, 650a3ff.; De anima, 416b28ff.; De iuv., 470a19ff.; De generatione animalium, 732b31ff. and 733a34ff.). See, generally, SolmsenF., “The vital heat, the inborn pneuma and the aether”, Journal of Hellenic studies, lxxvii (1957), 119–23.
82.
The belief that the purpose of respiration was to cool the innate heat also seems to have originated as part of the ‘Sicilian tradition’ in Greek medicine and derived thence by Aristotle (for the latter's adoption of this concept see, for example, De partibus animalium, 668b34ff.; De respiratione, 475b17ff.). At any rate, it is adopted by Plato in the Timaeus (70d, 78e and 79e), who probably derived it himself from Philistion (Galen, De usu respirationis, I,1; iv.471K). Although Aristotle has criticized Empedocles for not having explained the purpose of respiration (De respiratione, 473a15ff.), this criticism is of doubtful validity. It seems likely that Philistion derived from Empedocles not only his four-element theory and the doctrine of innate heat but also his views of the purpose of respiration. Several Presocratic philosophers immediately subsequent to Empedocles, who have clearly taken into account certain of the latter's biological theories, also subscribe to the view that respiration serves to moderate the innate heat (viz Philolaus, Hippon and Diogenes: For references see ref. 81 above). While it remains a possibility that this theory represents a later development upon the basis of Empedoclean biology, it should be borne in mind that these Presocratic thinkers are all influenced by Empedocles and are not all of them obviously interrelated (see my article “Empedocles's fiery fish”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxviii (1965), 314–15).
83.
This conception that the blood serves as the agent of nutrition is rightly described by SolmsenF. (“Tissues and the soul”, Philosophical review, lix (1950), 435–68, p. 454) as “one of the fundamental discoveries of ancient physiology”. Solmsen, however, believes that this theory was first formulated “by fourth century physicians who kept up the tradition of Empedocles” (ibid., 455–6) although “Empedocles is not likely to have known it” (ibid., 454). But Solmsen has overlooked evidence proving that Diogenes subscribed to this theory (see Aristotle, Historia animalium, 512b9ff. (D.K.64B6)) and sufficient evidence has survived to suggest that it is highly likely that Empedocles believed that the blood served as the agent of nutrition (see, especially, Simplicius, In physicis, 371.33 (D.K.31B61) and Aristotle, De generatione animalium, 777a7ff. (D.K.31B68)) and thus was ultimately responsible for the theory of digestion/nutrition which became the accepted doctrine in Europe until the seventeenth century a.d. (see my “A seminal ‘debate’ in the fifth century b.c.?” (ref. 79), 285, n.21).
84.
This conception of the semen as a form of surplus nutriment became the dominant one in the ancient world and was adopted, for example, by Aristotle, the Alexandrians, Herophilus and Erasistratus, the Stoics and Galen. It seems probable that this belief, too had its origin in the fifth century and should be traced back via Diogenes to Empedocles (see my “A seminal ‘debate’ …”, 280).
85.
Celsus, De mediana, Proem, Chap. 8.
86.
Heidel, Hippocratic medicine (ref. 34), 18.
87.
With Mansfeld, op. cit. (ref. 5), who observes “it is the enlightened theoretical attitude which makes the enlightened empirical attitude possible” (p. 381).
88.
See, for example, Plato, Apology, 18bff. and Aristophanes, Clouds, 187ff.
See Guthrie who is here paraphrasing Cornford (A history of Greek philosophy (ref. 45), 344).
91.
Sextus, incidentally, is only one of several authors to record this fragment. He himself quotes these lines in whole or part no less than four times (Adversus mathematicos, VII, 49 and 110; VIII, 326; Pyrrhoniae hypotyposes, II, 18). They are also quoted by Plutarch, Galen, Proclus, Diogenes Laërtius, Epiphanius and Origen. For full references see KarstenS., Xenophanes Colophonii carminum reliquiae (Amsterdam, 1830). H. Fränkel analyses these sources in his article “Xenophanesstudien i and ii”, Hermes, lx (1925), 174–92.
92.
See Sextus, Adversus mathematicos, VII, 49.
93.
ibid., 110.
94.
See ReinhardtK., Parmenides und die Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie (Bonn, 1916), 118, and Fränkel, op. cit. (ref. 91), 190.
95.
As J. Barnes persuasively suggests (The Presocratic philosophers, rev. edn (London, 1982), 138).
96.
Ibid., 139. These affinities between Xenophanes, Alcmaeon and Ancient medicine were earlier pointed out by Hermann Fränkel in Part ii of his “Xenophanesstudien” (ref. 91) and in “Xenophanes's empiricism and his critique of knowledge (B34), in The Presocratics, ed. by MourelatosA.P.D. (New York, 1974), 118–31).
97.
Prometheus bound, 442–68 and 478–506.
98.
Antigone, 332–71.
99.
Supplices, 201–13.
100.
Sextus, Adversus mathematicos, IX, 54 (D.K.88B25).
101.
GuthrieW.K.C., A history of Greek philosophy, iii (Cambridge, 1969), 62.
102.
CornfordF.M., Principium sapientiae (Cambridge, 1952), 42. “First formulated in medicine by Alcmaeon” might be nearer the truth!.
1901BlassF., “Die Ps.-Hippokratische Schrift und der Anonymus Londinensis”, Hermes, xxxvi, 405–10.
109.
1901WellmannM., Fragmentsammlung der griechischen Ärzte, i: Die Fragmente der Sikelischen Ärzte (Berlin).
110.
1901von Wilamowitz-MoellendorffU., “Die hippokratische Schrift , Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2–23.
111.
1906HeidelW. A., “Qualitative change in Presocratic philosophy”, Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, xix, 333–79.
112.
1909LovejoyA. O., “The meaning of in the Greek physiologers”, Philosophical review, xviii, 369–83.
113.
1909NelsonA. H., Die hippokratische Schrift : Text und Studien (Diss., Uppsala).
114.
1910GomperzT., Die Apologie der Heilkunst (2nd edn, Leipzig).
115.
1910HeidelW. A., “: A study of the conception of nature among the Presocratics”, Proceedings of the American Academy of arts and sciences, xlv, 77–133.
116.
1911VillaretO., Hippocratis De natura hominis liber ad codicum fidem recensitus (Diss., Göttingen and Berlin).
117.
1912GillespieC. M., “The use of and in Hippocrates”, Classical quarterly, vi, 179–203.
118.
1913JaegerW. W., “Das Pneuma im Lykeion”, Hermes, xlviii, 29–74 (reprinted in his Scripta minora (Rome, 1960), 57–102).
119.
1914KeusA., Über philosophische Begriffe und Theorien in den hippokratischen Schriften (Diss., Bonn-Köln).
120.
1914WillerdingG. K. F., Studio Hippocratica (Diss., Göttingen).
121.
1920WrightJ., “The origin of Hippocratic theory in some of the science of nature philosophers”, Scientific monthly, xi, 127–40.
122.
1921SingerC., Studies in the history and method of science (Oxford).
123.
1922SingerC., Greek biology and Greek medicine (Oxford).
124.
1923–31JonesW. H. S., Hippocrates (Loeb edn, 4 vols, London and Cambridge, Mass.).
125.
1923MoonR. O., Hippocrates and his successors in relation to the philosophy of their time (Fitzpatrick Lectures, London, 1922).
126.
1925BaumannE. D., “Die Heilige Krankheit”, Janus, xxix, 7–32.
127.
1925FrankelH., “Xenophanesstudien i and ii”, Hermes, lx, 174–92 (reprinted in Wege und Formen fruhgriechischen Denkens (Munich, 1960), 335–49).
128.
1925TheilerW., Zur Geschichte der teleologischen Naturbetrachtung bis auf Aristoteles (Zürich and Leipzig).
129.
1926JacobyF., “Griechische Geschichtsschreibung”, Die Antike, ii, 1–29 (reprinted in Abhandlungen zur griechischen Geschichtsschreibung, ed. by BlochH. (Leiden, 1956), 73–99).
130.
1926PeckA. L., “Anaxagoras and the parts”, Classical quarterly, xx, 57–71.
131.
1929BrockA. J., Greek medicine (London).
132.
1929SennG., “Über Herkunft und Stil der Beschreibungen von Experimenten im Corpus Hippocraticum”, Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, xxii, 217–89.
133.
1929WellmannM., “Spuren Demokrits von Abdera im Corpus Hippocraticum”, Archeion, xi, 297–330.
134.
1929WellmannM., “Die Schrift des Corpus Hippocraticum”, Sudhoffs Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, xxii, 290–312.
135.
1930BurnetJ., Early Greek philosophy, 4th edn (London).
136.
1930DeichgräberK., Die griechische Empirikerschule: Sammlung und Darstellung der Lehre (Berlin).
137.
1930RegenbogenO., “Eine Forschungsmethode antiker Naturwissenschaft”, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik, Astronomie und Physik, B, i, 2 (1930; Berlin, 1931), 131–82 (reprinted in his Kleine Schriften (Munich, 1961), 141–94).
138.
1930WellmanM., “Die pseudohippokratische Schrift ”, Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, xxiii, 299–305.
139.
1931EdelsteinL., und die Sammlung der hippokratischen Schriften (Berlin).
140.
1931HerzogR., Die Wunderheilungen von Epidauros (Philologus Supplementum, xxii/3; Leipzig).
141.
1932DillerH., “”, Hermes, lxvii, 14–42 (reprinted in his Kleine Schriften zur antiken Literatur (Munich, 1971), 119–43).
1933DeichgräberK., Die Epidemien und das Corpus Hippocraticum (Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Jahrgang 33, Phil. Hist. Kl.; Berlin).
144.
1933HeidelW. A., The heroic age of science (Baltimore).
145.
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