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187.
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188.
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189.
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192.
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194.
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195.
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EngelsF., “Letter to P. L. Lavrov”, 12 November 1875, in Marx and Engels, op. cit. (ref. 181), 283–5.
200.
See refs 65, 77, 86 and 107. Writing in 1959 (ref. 46), the Ukrainian, E. M. Kondratiuk, maintained that the nineteenth century natural sciences developed as a result of the combined productive output of the advanced capitalist countries. This was associated with colonial expansion; and so Darwin's Beagle voyage, with its intellectual product, the transmutation theory, was intimately associated with capitalist expansion. However, S. I. Sobol (ref. 45), also writing in 1959, wished to deny that Malthus provided Darwin with anything of significance for the construction of his theory. Sir Gavin de Beer has pointed out that some Russians have been unwilling to credit the achievement of Darwin (of whom they approved) to Malthus (whom they regarded as a reactionary). See de BeerG., “200 years of Malthus: The gloomy cleric's gift to Darwin”, New scientist, xxix (1966), 423–4.
201.
BloorD., Knowledge and social imagery (London, 1976).
202.
Crombie, op. cit. (ref. 41).
203.
Feibleman, op. cit. (ref. 42).
204.
This had previously exercised the attention of C. Zirkle in his very thorough survey of possible precursors, published in 1941 (see ref. 26).
205.
Eiseley, op. cit. (ref. 39).
206.
Darlington, op. cit. (ref. 37).
207.
SpencerH., “Art. IV. — A theory of population, deduced from the general law of animal fertility”, Westminster review, lvii (1852), 468–501. (This has sometimes been represented as an anticipation of Darwinian natural selection theory, but of limited scope, being propounded in terms of human population pressures. But Spencer seems to have been supposing that population pressure would be a stimulus to self-help, and so to intellectual progress. He envisaged an eventual cessation of the whole process, when man was fully adapted to his new civilized condition, and limited his own fertility.).
208.
See McKinneyH. L., Wallace and natural selection (New Haven and London, 1972), 342.
209.
L. C. Eiseley's several papers on this matter were published posthumously as Darwin and the mysterious Mr. X: New light on the evolutionists (New York, 1979).
210.
See, for example, the review of SchwartzJ. S., Isis, lxxi (1980), 517; also refs 93 and 111.
211.
Mayr, op. cit. (ref. 44).
212.
See refs 126 and 172.
213.
For example, by Fleeming Jenkin, in his celebrated review of The origin, which is known to have caused Darwin to think deeply about the matter. See [Jenkin]F., “The origin of species”, North British review, xlvi (1867), 277–318.
214.
HullD. L., “The metaphysics of evolution”, The British journal for the history of science, iii (1967), 309–37; idem, Darwin and his critics: The reception of Darwin's theory of evolution by the scientific community (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), 67–77.
215.
Hodge, op. cit. (ref. 174), 94.
216.
Stauffer, op. cit. (ref. 54).
217.
Vorzimmer, op. cit. (ref. 70).
218.
Egerton, op. cit. (ref. 76).
219.
I.e., the subsequently published material referred to in refs 55 to 58 above.
220.
Smith, op. cit. (ref. 52).
221.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 60). (De Beer had previously discussed the matter in a lecture on Darwin at the British Academy (ref. 34).).
222.
As is well known, Darwin used to cut out the most important bits and use them for writing up his major published work.
223.
The ‘wedge’ metaphor was of great importance to Darwin. It persisted until the sixth edition of On the origin of species. On the wedging metaphor, see Colp, op. cit. (ref. 138).
224.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 66), 218.
225.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 67), 308.
226.
Ibid., 309.
227.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 66), 218.
228.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 67), 321.
229.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 60), 329.
230.
KeynesJ. M., The collected writings…, x: Essays in biography (London, 1972), 100–1.
231.
Eiseley, op. cit. (ref. 36), 183.
232.
Théodoridès, op. cit. (ref. 68).
233.
Cf. ref. 344.
234.
Egerton, op. cit. (ref. 83).
235.
CannonS. F., Science in the early Victorian period (New York, 1978), ch. 3.
236.
Smith, op. cit. (ref. 83).
237.
McLeayW. S., Horae entomologicae: Or essays on the annulose animals (London, 1819–21).
238.
See ref. 344.
239.
Vorzimmer, op. cit. (ref. 79).
240.
Young, op. cit. (ref. 77).
241.
Vorzimmer drew particular attention to a letter written to Otto Zacharias in 1877 in which Darwin stated that: “I did not become convinced that species were mutable until, I think, two or three years had elapsed [since the opening of the “Transmutation notebooks” in July, 1837]” (DarwinF.Seward (eds), op. cit. (ref. 11), i, 367). But this letter, of Darwin's old age, is of doubtful historical significance. Maybe, at that late date, Darwin didn't regard himself as a ‘convinced’ transmutationist until his theory was well established on the principle of natural selection. That is to say, biological transmutation was not a ‘fact’ for Darwin until it was satisfactorily situated within a biological theory.
242.
One must comment, however, that Darwin himself demonstrated no ‘eureka’ effect in the (excized portions of the) “Transmutation notebooks”. And it is now known that Darwin had a fair idea of the contents of Malthus's book before he read it. It was, after all, common knowledge in Darwin's day. However, this does not prove that Darwin received no essential stimulus from Malthus.
243.
Young, op. cit. (ref. 77).
244.
Ibid., 130.
245.
Young, op. cit. (ref. 96).
246.
We have seen above that Engels, long before, saw a two-way traffic of ideas here between natural history and the social world.
247.
Limoges, op. cit. (ref. 81).
248.
Ibid., 13.
249.
Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 144). See also below.
250.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 88).
251.
Gale, op. cit. (ref. 95).
252.
“Notebook A” is concerned with geological matters and at the time of writing (1983) is still unpublished, though its publication has been announced by Sandra Herbert.
253.
GruberBarrett, op. cit. (ref. 112), 236–381.
254.
Ibid., 136. (The idea had some analogy to the doctrines of Lamarck. See OldroydD. R., Darwinian impacts: An introduction to the Darwinian Revolution (Kensington, Milton Keynes and Atlantic Highlands, 1980), 34.).
255.
Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 144). However, other commentators such as Kleiner (ref. 154) and Hodge (ref. 174) have found merit in Gruber's emphasis on the importance of Darwin's “monad theory”.
256.
GruberBarrett, op. cit. (ref. 112), 117.
257.
Later investigators of Darwin's work on divergence have been inclined to see significant differences between the fully-fledged principle and the early idea of branching. See ref. 344.
258.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 109).
259.
This has now been published by Herbert. See ref. 143.
260.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 143), 17.
261.
See ref. 186.
262.
Oldroyd, op. cit. (ref. 254), 45.
263.
Grinnell, op. cit. (ref. 110).
264.
Vorzimmer, op. cit. (ref. 113).
265.
Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 171).
266.
Ruse, op. cit. (ref. 114).
267.
See, for example, LoseeJ., An introduction to the philosophy of science (London, 1972), 115–20.
268.
HerschelJ. F. W., Preliminary discourse on the study of natural philosophy (London, 1830).
269.
Ruse, op. cit. (ref. 114), 171.
270.
Ruse, op. cit. (ref. 115).
271.
Cannon, op. cit. (ref. 115).
272.
Young, op. cit. (ref. 77).
273.
Bowler, op. cit. (ref. 120).
274.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 88), 217.
275.
Neither Young nor Gale put the matter in quite such simplistic terms. It has, however, been a widely-held view amongst writers of the Left. For example, J. D. Bernal, in his Science in history (3rd edn, 1965), described Darwin's theory of natural selection as a “reflection of the free competition of the full capitalist era” (iv, 1233). As we saw above, such a view was proposed by Marx soon after the publication of The origin. It has attracted many adherents since.
276.
Bowler, op. cit. (ref. 120), 649.
277.
Gale, op. cit. (ref. 95), 338.
278.
Manier, op. cit. (ref. 133), 82.
279.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 129).
280.
He did so more, however, in geology than in zoology. His professional standing was higher in geology. See also Rudwick, op. cit. (ref. 164).
281.
[DarwinC. R.], op. cit. (ref. 55), 101.
282.
For my didactic exposition of this, see my op. cit. (ref. 254), 184–5.
283.
YoungR. M. has regarded associationist psychology as an essential background assumption to the participants in the nineteenth century evolutionary debate. See YoungR. M., “The role of psychology in the nineteenth-century evolutionary debate”, in HenleM.JaynesJ.SullivanJ. J. (eds). Historical conceptions of psychology (New York, 1973), 180–204.
284.
Schweber, op. cit. (ref. 127).
285.
Manier, op. cit. (ref. 133).
286.
Gould, op. cit. (ref. 141).
287.
Manier, op. cit. (ref. 133).
288.
This included men such as Lamarck or Adam Smith who were dead at the time that Darwin was notetaking; and also men such as Lyell, who became Darwin's intimate friend.
289.
DarwinF. (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 7), i, 69.
290.
Manier, op. cit. (ref. 133), citing Wordsworth's The excursion, Book VII, ll. 999–1005.
291.
Manier, op. cit. (ref. 133), 82–83.
292.
Kottler, op. cit. (ref. 130).
293.
Grinnell, op. cit. (ref. 110).
294.
Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 144).
295.
LyellC., Principles of geology, being an attempt to explain the former changes of the Earth's surface by reference to causes now in operation…, ii (London, 1832), 129. (While stating Brocchi's hypothesis, Lyell himself rejected it.).
296.
[DarwinC. R.], op. cit. (ref. 55), 44, 46.
297.
See above at ref. 250.
298.
Sulloway, op. cit. (ref. 169). See also 162 and 170.
299.
Barlow, op. cit. (ref. 23).
300.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 109).
301.
[DarwinC. R.], op. cit. (ref. 63), 262.
302.
See Sulloway, op. cit. (ref. 162), and op. cit. (ref. 170).
303.
Lack, op. cit. (ref. 30), 115. (However, Lack did state that “observations on… [the finches] were obscured by his [Darwin's] unfortunate mixing of specimens…”.).
304.
Indeed, since some of the type specimens in the British Museum were given wrong Galapagos locations, there was at one time some argument amongst zoologists as to whether a little evolutionary change had occurred since Darwin's visit to the islands!.
305.
The career of Darwin, on his return to London, in relation to the city's scientific ‘experts’, is most ably represented graphically by Rudwick, op. cit. (ref. 164).
306.
De Beer, op. cit. (ref. 43), 7.
307.
When discussing the ostriches of the Pampas, see above.
308.
Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 143), 66.
309.
Ibid., 7.
310.
The significance of biogeography was reaffirmed by R. A. Richardson in his 1981 paper (op. cit., ref. 155).
311.
Hodge, op. cit. (ref. 174).
312.
Ibid., 5.
313.
See also ref. 194.
314.
See OspovatD., “Lyell's theory of climate”, Journal of the history of biology, x (1977), 317–39.
315.
This point had been adumbrated by Kohn, but without such detailed consideration of Darwin's field evidence.
316.
This can happen where chimeras are formed between the host and the grafted plant tissue; and over several generations the host plant tissue may gradually ‘swamp’ that of the grafted buds.
317.
Barlow (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 63), 262.
318.
Hodge, op. cit. (ref. 174), 60.
319.
Ibid., 70. (Hodge, it should be noted, did not regard the opening of “Notebook B” — Which is headed ZOONOMIA — As a “Transmutation notebook”, but as a “Zoonomical sketch”, i.e. one seeking to determine the “laws of life”.).
320.
[DarwinC. R.], op. cit. (ref. 55), 44.
321.
Ibid., 46.
322.
McKinney, op. cit. (ref. 208), 141. The case against Darwin has been stated more forthrightly in BrackmanA. C., A delicate arrangement: The strange case of Charles Darwin and Alfred Wallace (New York, 1980). But Brackman's case seems to have been effectively demolished. Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 159).
323.
DarwinF. (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 7), i, 84.
324.
Ospovat, op. cit. (ref. 160).
325.
See CookR., The tree of life: Symbol of the centre (London, 1974).
326.
[ChambersR.], Vestiges of the natural history of creation (London, 1844).
327.
DarwinC. R., The variation of animals and plants under domestication (2 vols, London, 1868), ii, 75–80.
328.
StaufferR. C. (ed.), Charles Darwin's Natural selection, being the second part of his big species book written from 1856 to 1858 (Cambridge, 1975), 233–4.
329.
Ospovat, op. cit. (ref. 160), 176 (citing a manuscript from the Cambridge Darwin archives).
330.
It has recently been shown (Parshall, op. cit. (ref. 166)) that the data that Darwin collected did not provide a satisfactory warrant for his conclusions. But he thought that they did.
331.
Stauffer (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 328), 229.
332.
Ospovat, op. cit. (ref. 160), 180–1.
333.
Ibid., 181.
334.
Stauffer (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 326), 233.
335.
Schweber, op. cit. (ref. 149).
336.
EdwardsH. Milne, Introduction à la zoologie générale (Paris, 1851).
337.
Schweber, op. cit. (ref. 149), 250–1, translating from the article “Organisation” in Milne Edwards's Dictionnaire.
338.
McCullochJ. R., The principles of political economy with a sketch of the rise and progress of the science (2nd edn, London, 1830).
339.
de SismondiJ. C. L., Political economy and the philosophy of government (London, 1847).
340.
Schweber, op. cit. (ref. 149), 286.
341.
Ibid. See also de CandolleA. P.“Géographie botanique”, Dictionnaire des sciences naturelles, xviii (Paris, 1820), 359–422, p. 384.
342.
Ospovat, op. cit. (ref. 160), 267. (Ospovat made the same comment in relation to the work of Limoges, who had also written on the relationship between Darwin's thought and that of Milne Edwards.).
343.
PoincaréJ. H., Science and method (New York, n.d.), 46–63.
344.
This paper has concerned itself with the secondary literature to 1982. But we may notice here an important subsequent publication: BrowneJ., The secular ark: Studies in the history of biogeography (New Haven and London, 1983). Following Ospovat, Browne has argued that a substantial change occurred in Darwin's theory between the Essay of 1844 and the Origin. In the earlier text, Darwin supposed that variation was largely a product of changing environmental circumstances, which, according to Lyellian geology, could also supposedly account for geographical distributions through hypothetical land bridges, etc. But his lengthy study of barnacles convinced him of the widespread occurrence of intraspecies variation. Responding to this, he engaged in his studies on “botanical arithmetic”, which led to the “principle of divergence proper”. This would give a plausible account of the significance of the barnacle work for Darwin's thinking. His later theorizing and experimentation involved consideration of mechanisms for the dispersal of living organisms other than along pathways provided by land bridges, etc. Browne has emphasized that from the first construction of his theory Wallace always assumed the ubiquity of spontaneous variation. It was only brought home to Darwin by his barnacle work. (Earlier, Ghiselin (op. cit. (ref. 80), ch. 5) laid emphasis on Darwin testing his ‘evolutionary’ theory by means of the barnacle work. The observed gradations of form would certainly have offered evidence favourable to the theory.).
345.
See ref. 241.
346.
DarwinF., op. cit. (ref. 7), i, 83.
347.
Tallmage, op. cit. (ref. 148).
348.
DarwinC. R., op. cit. (ref. 2), 9–10.
349.
Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 144), 149–54.
350.
See, for example, refs 104 and 154.
351.
On this, see the remarks of Hodge, op. cit. (ref. 174), 94.
352.
See, for example, Kohn, op. cit. (ref. 171).
353.
British Museum (Natural History) book catalogue 1984 (London, n.d.), 18–19. (The editors are announced as: BarrettP. H.GautreyP. J.HerbertS.KohnD.SmithS.,).
354.
See Herbert, op. cit. (ref. 143), 29. (The editors are stated to be: BurkhardtF.SmithS.KohnD.MontgomeryW.,).
355.
RichardsE., “Darwin and the descent of woman”, in OldroydD.LanghamI. (eds), The wider domain of evolutionary thought (Dordrecht, London and Boston, 1983), 57–111.
356.
See ColpR., To be an invalid: The illness of Charles Darwin (Chicago and London, 1977).
357.
FranzosaJ., “Darwin and Melville: Why a tortoise?”, American imago, xxxiii (1976), 361–79.
358.
KohnD. (ed.), The Darwinian heritage (forthcoming, Princeton University Press).
359.
CarrE. H., What is history? (Harmondsworth, 1964), 30.