EisensteinElizabeth, The printing press as an agent of change (2 vols, Cambridge, 1979). Although my conclusions differ from hers in certain respects, I am deeply indebted to Prof. Eisenstein's work for my understanding of the role of printing in early modern culture. Indeed, I have borrowed part of the title of my paper from her section on “Arcana disclosed”, 272ff.
2.
ibid., 573, 575. Eisenstein's analysis of the impact of printing on science occupies all of vol. ii of the work (which is continuously paginated).
3.
DrakeStillman, “Early science and the printed book: The spread of science beyond the universities”, Renaissance and Reformation, vi (1970), 43–52. Drake refers to the two scientific traditions as “university science” and “non-university science” (or “U-science” and “non-U science”). See also KuhnThomas S., “Mathematical versus experimental traditions in the development of physical science”, The essential tension: Selected studies in scientific tradition and change (Chicago, 1977), 31–65.
4.
There is a large literature on science in the medieval universities, some of which is summarized in KibrePearl and SiraisiNancy G., “The institutional setting: The universities”, in Science in the Middle Ages, ed. by LindbergDavid C. (Madison, 1978), 120–44. In addition, see SiraisiNancy G., Taddeo Alderotti and his pupils: Two generations of Italian medical learning (Princeton, 1981).
5.
Kuhn, “Mathematical versus experimental traditions”, 41–52.
6.
See BaconFrancis, The works of Francis Bacon, ed. by SpeddingJamesEllisRobert Leslie and HeathDouglas Denon (14 vols, London, 1857–74), especially Parasceve, iv, 251–71.
7.
Kuhn, “Mathematical versus experimental traditions”, 43–44.
8.
Bacon, De augmentis scientiarum, in Works (ref. 6), iv, 298.
9.
Kuhn, “Mathematical versus experimental traditions”, 52.
10.
See Westman'sRobert review of Eisenstein in Isis, lxxi (1980), 74–77.
11.
Boyle wrote, for example, that the “chemical qualities of things” were unknown to the ancients because “they have been principally introduced and taken notice of by means of chemical operations and experiments; such as are fumigation, amalgamation, cupellation, volatilization, precipitation, &c.”, The works of the Honourable Robert Boyle, ed. by BirchThomas (6 vols, London, 1772), iii, 293. On Gilbert, see ZilselEdgar, “The origins of Gilbert's scientific method”, Journal of the history of ideas, ii (1941), 1–32. See also EamonWilliam, “New light on Robert Boyle and the discovery of colour indicators”, Ambix, xxvii (1980), 204–9; ZilselEdgar, “The sociological roots of science”, American journal of sociology, xlvii (1941/42), 544–62; RossiPaolo, Philosophy, technology and the arts in the early modern era, trans. by AttansioS. (New York, 1970); and for a contrasting view, HallA.R., “The scholar and the craftsman in the scientific revolution”, Critical problems in the history of science, ed. by ClagettMarshall (Madison, 1969), 3–23.
12.
See Zilsel, “Sociological roots of science” (ref. 11); Rossi, Philosophy, technology and the arts (ref. 11); and OlschkiLeonard, Geschichte der neusprachlichen wissenschaftlichen Literatur (3 vols, Leipzig, 1922–27).
13.
Eisenstein, Printing press, 520f.
14.
See, for Italy, GrendlerPaul F., Critics of the Italian world, 1530–1560 (Madison, 1969); for England, BennettH. S., English books and readers, 1475 to 1557 (Cambridge, 1952); and WrightLouis B., Middle-class culture in Elizabethan England (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1935).
15.
HaileH. G., “Luther and literacy”, Publications of the Modern Language Association, xci (1976), 816–28.
16.
BoydWilliam, History of western education (8th edn, London, 1966), 183–97; SchmidKarl Adolf, Geschichte der Erziehung vom Anfang an bis auf unsere Zeit, Bd. 2, Abt. 2 (Stuttgart, 1889), 169–207; and DochJosef, Lehrplan des Abendlandes: Zweienhalb Jahrtausende seiner Geschichte (Ratinger, 1965), 193–8.
17.
BurkePeter, Popular culture in early modern Europe (New York, 1978), 250–2; StraussGerald, Luther's house of learning: Indoctrination of the young in the German Reformation (Baltimore, 1978), 193–202.
18.
ThomasKeith, Religion and the decline of magic (New York, 1971), 227–8, 663–6; Eisenstein, Printing press, 243–7; and Strauss, Luther's house of learning, passim.
19.
Eisenstein, Printing press, 88, 243–4. See also the examples discussed by Wright, Middle-class culture in Elizabethan England (ref. 14) and ChrismanMiriam, Lay culture, learned culture: Books and social change in Strasbourg, 1480–1599 (New Haven, 1982), 121–2.
20.
Several of these are printed in MullerJohannes, Quellenschriften und Geschichte des deutschsprachlichen Unterrichts (Gotha, 1882).
21.
The change actually becomes evident around the turn of the century, before the reform movement was in full swing. Miriam Chrisman notes, for example, that before 1500 Latin books completely dominated book production in Strasbourg; but from 1508 to 1520, vernacular books constituted about twelve percent of the total volume of printed books produced in the city (Lay culture, learned culture (ref. 19), 103).
22.
The complex bibliography of these works is treated in Ernst Darmstaedter, Berg-, Probir-, und Kunstbüchlein, Münchener Beiträge zur Geschichte und Literatur der Naturwissenschaften und Medizin, Heft 2/3 (Munich, 1926); FergusonJohn K., “Some early treatises on technological chemistry”, Proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Glasgow, xix (1888), 126–59; xxv (1894), 224–35; xliii (1911), 232–58: Xliv (1912), 149–81; and PaiseyL., “Some sources of the ‘Kunstbüchlein’ of 1535”, Gutenberg-Jahrbuch (1980), 113–17.
23.
Rechter Gebrauch d'Alchimei/ Mitt vil biszher verborgenen/ nutzbaren unnd lustigen Künsten/ Nit allein den für witzigen Alchimismisten/ [sic] Sonder allen kunstbaren Werckleutten/ in und ausserhalb feurs. Auch sunst aller menglichen inn vil wege zugebrauchen (n.p., 1531). Although the text carries no mention of the printer or place of publication, Ferguson has established that it was printed by Christian Egenolff (“Early treatises” (ref. 22), (1888), 127).
24.
On Egenolff's career, see GrotefendH., Christian Egenolff der erste ständige Buchdrucker zu Frankfurt a.M. und seine Vorlaufer (Frankfurt a.M., 1881); MoriGustav, “Christian Egenolff, der erste ständige Buchdrucker in Frankfurt a.M.”, Archiv für Buchgewerbe, xliv (1907), 301–9; and GerberHarry, “Christian Egenolff (1512 bis 1555)”, Nassauische Lebensbilder, Bd 3 (Wiesbaden, 1948), 84–92.
25.
Egenolff's bibliography has been drawn up by BenzingJoseph, “Christian Egenolff zu Strassburg und seine Drucke (1528 bis 1530)”, Das Antiquariat, x (1954), 88–89, 92; and “Die Drucke Christian Egenolffs zu Frankfurt am Main von Ende 1530 bis 1555”, Das Antiquariat, xi (1955), 139–40; 162–4; 201–2; 232–6.
26.
On the social and cultural significance of this genre, see KortepeterCarl Max, “German Zeitung literature in the sixteenth century”, in Editing sixteenth century texts, ed. by SchoeckR. J. (Toronto, 1966), 113–29.
27.
Rechter Gebrauch, title page (see above, ref. 23).
28.
“Acht stuck volgen der Alchamei. / Rawch, äschen, vil wort, vnd untrew. / Erseufftzen tieff, vnd dürfftigkeit. / Wiltu des allen bleiben frei, / so hüt dich vor der Alchamei”, Rechter Gebrauch, sig. XXVIIv.
29.
ibid., sig. IIIr–v.
30.
BiringuccioVannoccio, Pirotechnia (1540), trans. by SmithCyril Stanley and GnudiMartha Teach (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), 363. See also VarchiBenedetto, Questione sull'Alchimia (1544), ed. by MoreniD. (Florence, 1827).
31.
Rechter Gebrauch, sig. IIIIr.
32.
Eisenstein, Printing press, 75–76, 520–43. This theme is developed further in her “The early printer as a ‘Renaissance Man’”, Printing history, iii (1981), 6–16.
33.
This point is developed by KingdomRobert M., “Patronage, piety and printing in sixteenth century Europe”, Festschrift for Frederick B. Artz, ed. by PinckneyDavid H. and RoppTheodore (Durham, N.C., 1964), 19–36. See also HirschRudolf, Printing, selling and reading, 1450–1550 (Wiesbaden, 1967).
34.
BenzingJosef, Buchdruckerlexikon des 16. Jahrhunderts (deutsches Sprachgebiet) (Frankfurt a.M., 1952), 51; Grotefend, Christian Egenolff (ref. 24), 1–9.
35.
On the Frankfurt book fairs, see DietzAlexander, Zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Buchermesse (Frankfurt a.M., 1921); and KappFriedrich, Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels bis in das siebzehnte Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1886), 448–521.
36.
RichterGunther, “Christian Egenolffs Erben 1555–1667”, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, vii (1967), 449–1130.
37.
Grotefend, Christian Egenolff (ref. 24); Benzing, “Drucke Christian Egenolffs, 1530–1555” (ref. 25), nos. 98, 159, 160, 191a, 309, 157, 158, 92, 115, 150, 189, 255, 306, 313. There are good sections on Fischart, the “German Rabelais”, in Chrisman, Lay culture (ref. 19), 265–7, 278–80.
38.
BenzingJoseph, “Walthar H. Ryff und sein litterarisches Werk: Eine Bibliographie”, Philobiblion, ii (1958), 126–54; 203–26. For popular medical literature in sixteenth century Germany, see ZimmermanBirgit, Das Hausarzneibuch. Ein Beitrag zur Untersuchung laienmedizinischer Fachliteratur des 16. Jahrhunderts unter besonderer Berücksichtigung ihres humanmedizinischen-pharmazeutischen Inhalts, Dissertation, Philipps-Universität Marburg/Lahn, 1975.
Artliche künste mancherley weise dinten vnd aller hand Farben zubereiten. Auch Gold vnd Silber sampt allen Metallen, aus der Fedder zu schreiben. Mit viel andern neulzlichen Künstlin, Schreibfeddern vnd Pergamenen allerley farben, zu ferben. Auch wie man schrifft vn gemelde auff Steheline, Eysenne waffen, vnd des gleichen Etzen sol. Allen Schreibern, Brieff malern, sampt andern solcher Künsten liebhabern, ganz lustig vnd fruchtbarlich zu wissen (Erfurt: M. Sachs, 1531), repr. Mainz, 1531, 1532; Nuremberg, 1531; Zwickau, 1532; Augusburg, 1533; Tübingen, 1533.
41.
RothF. W. E., “Der Mainzer Buchdrucker Peter Jordan 1531–1535, Bibliographie desselben”, Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, vi (1889), 198–206; Benzing, Buchdruckerlexikon (ref. 34), 118.
42.
von HaseMartin, “Bibliographie der Erfurter Drucker von 1501–1550”, Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, viii (1966), 880–945; Benzing, Buchdruckerlexikon (ref. 34), 48.
43.
A long medieval tradition stands behind these recipes; the recipes in Artliche Kunst are technologically similar to (though not duplicates of) these earlier recipes. For examples of medieval texts, see BergerErnst, Quellen und Technik der Fresko-, Oel-, und Tempera-Malerei des Mittelalters, Beiträge zur Entwicklungs-Geschichte der Maltechnik, iii (Munich, 1897); MerrifieldMary P., Original treatises dating from the XIIth to XVIIIth centuries on the arts of painting in oil, miniature, mosaic and on glass (2 vols, London, 1849); and Viola and BorradaileRosamund (trans.). The Strasburg manuscript: A medieval painters' handbook (New York, 1966).
44.
Eisenstein, Printing press (ref. 1), 50–51; Hirsch, Printing, selling and reading (ref. 33), 48–49; and BuhlerCurt F., The fifteenth-century book: The scribes, the printers, the decorators (Philadelphia, 1960), 69–70, 87.
45.
See BoberHarry, rev. of The Göttingen model book, ed. by Lehman-HauptH., Speculum, xlix (1974), 354–8.
46.
Lehmann-HauptHelmut (ed.). The Göttingen model book (2nd printing, rev.; Columbia, Mo., 1978).
47.
Buhler, The fifteenth-century book (ref. 44), 75. In his 1518 edition of the Bergbüchlein, Peter Schofer wrote: “If somebody, in order to make the mountains stand out more clearly and plainly, should like to have the figures brushed or painted, the veins might be shown yellow, the mist and shimmering smoke-coloured, and the water blue” (Bergwerk- und Probierbüchlein, trans. by SiscoAnnaliese Grunhaldt and SmithCyril Stanley (New York, 1949), 48).
48.
BoltzValentin, Illuminierbuch. Wie man Allerlei Farben bereiten, Mischen und auftragen soll (1549), ed. by BenzigerC. J. (Munich, 1913), 31–36.
49.
This text is reprinted in Ferguson, “Early treatises” (ref. 22), (1912), 159–80.
50.
Allerley Mackel vnd flecken aus gewant, Samnmath, Seyden, Guldinen stucken, Kleydern &c. zu bringen. Es seven schmatz flecken, öl odder wein flecken, odder wie die mögen genent werden. Vnd das alles leichtlich on schaden, mit wassern odder laugen, wie es dann ynn diesem Büchlein gelert wird, zu volbringen. Dazu auch wie einem yglichen Gewant sein verlorne farb widder zu bringen sey, Desgleichen wie man garn vnd leinwat, auch holtz vnd beyn, mancherley farben febern sol (Erfurt: M. Sachs, 1532), repr. Mainz, 1532; Zwickau, 1532; Nuremberg, 1532; Mainz, 1534. A facsimile and English translation of the Mainz, 1532 edition of this work has been published by EdelsteinSidney M., “The Allerley Matkel (1532): Facsimile text, translation, and critical study of the earliest printed book on spot removing and dyeing”, Technology and culture, v (1964), 297–321. Edelstein was not aware of the Erfurt, 1532 edition, which is located in the Göttingen University Library; see von Hase, “Bibliographie der Erfurter Drucker” (ref. 42), 906.
51.
Examples include: PlossEmil, “Die Färberei in der germanischen Hauswirtschaft”, Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie, lxxv (1956), 1–22; ReinkingKarl, “Über die Färberei der Pflanzenfasern im Mittelalter”, Melliands Textilberichte, xix (1938), 198–200; WisweHans, “Mittelalterliche Rezepte zur Färberei sowie zur Herstellung von Farben und Fleckenwasser”, Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch, lxxxi (1958), 49–58; JeitelesAdalbert, “Färbemittel und andere Recepte”, Germania, xxix (1884), 338–40; and TelleJoachim, “Medizinische und handwerkliche Aufzeichnungen von Willibald Pirckheimer und Nürnberger Zeitgenossen”, Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, lvii (1970), 189–200. A Dutch work, printed in 1513 and containing recipes similar to those in Artliche Kunst, has been edited by GerardHermanFrenckenTheodoor, T. Bouck va Wondre 1513 (Roermond, 1934).
52.
Cf. a professional dyer's handbook, The Plictho of Gioanventura Rosetti, trans. by EdelsteinS. M. and BorghettyH. C. (Cambridge, Mass., 1969). Early modern European literature on dyeing is discussed by BrunelloFranco, The art of dyeing in the history of mankind, trans. by HickeyB. (Venice, 1973), 175–220.
53.
On the technology of dyeing in the late Middle Ages, see PlossEmil Ernst, Ein Buch von alten Farben: Technologie der Textilfarben im Mittelalter mit einem Ausblick auf die festen Farben (Heidelberg and Berlin, 1962); and LeggettWilliam F., Ancient and medieval dyes (Brooklyn, N.Y., 1944).
54.
Von Stahel vnd Eysen, Wie man dieselbigen künstlich weych vnd hert machen sol. Allen Waffen schmiden, Gold schmiden, Gürtlern. Sigil un Stempffel schneidern, sampt allen andern kunstbaren werckleuten, so mit Stahel vnd Eysen, ire arbeyts vbung treyben, Eynem yeden nach gelegenheyt zu geprauchen, fast nutzlich zu wissen. Mit vil andern kunstlin: Wie man Gold vnd Silber farben, auff ein yedes Metall, mancherley weise machen sol. Darzu auch wie man in Stahel vnd Eysen oder auff Waffen etzen sol. Dessgleychen auch mancherley art, warm und kalt Eysen vnd Messing &c. zu lothen (Nuremberg: K. Hergotin, 1532), repr. Erfurt, 1532; Mainz, 1532, 1534; Strassburg, 1539. This booklet was translated by WilliamsHermann W.Jr, “A sixteenth-century German treatise, Von Stahel und Eysen, translated with explanatory notes”, Technical studies in the field of fine arts, iv (1935), 63–92; and by SmithCyril Stanley, Sources for the history of the science of steel (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 2–19. A facsimile of the Jordan, 1532 edition was recently published by the Verlag Stahleisen (Dusseldorf, 1981).
55.
Von Stahel vnd Eysen (Nuremberg, 1532), “Vorrhede”, sig. Iv; trans. by Smith, Sources (ref. 54), 8.
56.
WertimeTheodore A., The coming of the age of steel (Chicago, 1962), 8.
57.
Smith, Sources (ref. 54), 5.
58.
ibid., 6.
59.
FriedrichsChristopher R., “Capitalism, mobility, and class formation in the early modern German city”, Past and present, lxix (1975), 24–49. See also The Cambridge economic history of Europe, v, ed. by RichE. E. and WilsonC. H. (Cambridge, 1977), 464–88; and RenardG., Guilds in the Middle Ages (London, 1918), 73–106.
60.
AubinHermann, “Formen und Verbreitung des Verlagswesens in der Altnürnberger Wirtschaft”, Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Nürnbergs, Bd ii (Nürnberg, 1967), 635–41.
61.
Friedrichs, “Capitalism, mobility, and class formation” (ref. 59), 33.
62.
BraudelFernand, The wheels of commerce, civilization and capitalism, ii, trans. by ReynoldsS. (New York, 1982), 329–33.
63.
Friedrichs, “Capitalism, mobility, and class formation” (ref. 59), 34.
64.
These are among those listed as having become printers by BuhlerCurt, The fifteenth-century book (ref. 44), 49. For other examples, see Hirsch, Printing, selling and reading (ref. 33), 18. The remarkable and checkered career of Leonhard Turneysser zum Thurn, though untypical, illustrates the openness of the printing profession to men of varied backgrounds. Before becoming a printer in Berlin in 1547, he had been a soldier, arms-blazoner, goldsmith and mine overseer (Benzing, Buchdruckerlexikon (ref. 34), 33).
65.
Recent studies that shed light on literacy in early modern Europe include StoneLawrence, “Literacy and education in England, 1640–1900”, Past and present, xlii (1969), 69–139; ClarkPeter, “The ownership of books in England, 1560–1640: The example of some Kentish townfolk”, Schooling and society: Studies in the history of education, ed. by StoneLawrence (Baltimore, 1976), 311–25; CipollaCarlo, Literacy and development in the West (Baltimore, 1969); VannRichard T., “Literacy in seventeenth-century England: Some hearth-tax evidence”, Journal of interdisciplinary history, v (1974), 287–93; CressyDavid, Literacy and the social order: Reading and writing in Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1980); and the important series of studies on “Alfabetismo e cultura scritta” in Quaderni storici, xxxviii (1978). See, however, the cautionary note by ParkerGeoffrey, “An educational revolution? The growth of literacy and schooling in early modern Europe”, Tijdschrit voor geschiedenis, xciii (1980), 210–20.
66.
The following observations are based primarily on the discussion in Strauss, Luther's house of learning (ref. 17), 197–202.
67.
Qu. in ibid., 195–6.
68.
ibid., 200.
69.
Strauss (ibid., 200–2) summarizes some of this evidence.
70.
Ibid., 202. Similarly Miriam Chrisman, on the basis of an analysis of book ownership and production in sixteenth century Strassburg, concludes that “it is clear that reading was not limited to the scholars and the educated. There was probably a fairly high literacy rate among the urban population, and these readers seem to have read a surprising variety of books” (Lay culture, learned culture (ref. 19), 75).
71.
For the impact of printing on literacy, see Eisenstein, Printing press (ref. 1), 60–63; Hirsch, Printing, selling, and reading (ref. 33), 41–42; and DavisNatalie Zemon, “Printing and the people”, Society and culture in early modern France (Stanford, 1975), 189–226.
72.
See Davis, “Printing and the people” (ref. 71), 194–209.
73.
See ScribnerR. W., For the sake of simple folk: Popular propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge, 1981), ch. I, esp. 3–7.
74.
Drey schoner künstreicher büchlein, das erste von Mackel un Flecken, die selben aus allerley gewandt, on schaden zu bringen. Das ander von Stahel und Eysen, und allerley Metall, hart und weich zu machen. Das dritte, von mancherley Farben zu bereyten. Welcher titel du yn wendig an diesem blat flerlicher finden wirst (Leipzig: Michael Blum, 1532). On Blum, see Benzing, Buchdruckerlexikon (ref. 34), 104.
75.
Künstbüchlin, gerechten gründtlichen gebrauchs aller kunstbaren Werckleüt. Von Ertzarbeit, in un ausserhald feurs, auss Alchimistischem und naturlichem grund, nemlich, Härten, Weychen. Schmeltzen, Schaiden, Schaiden. Abtreyben, Probiern. Löten. Etzen. Abformen, Abgiessen &c. Jede farben zubereyten, erhalten, Bessern un widerbringern, als zum Malen, Schreyben. Illuminiern, Vergulden. Sticken, Edelgestain, &c. (Augsburg: Heinrich Steyner, 1535). For Steiner, see Benzing, Buchdruckerlexikon (ref. 34), 14.
76.
Kunstbüchlin, gerechten grundtlich gebrauchs aller kunstbaren Werckleut. Von Ertzarbeyt, in vn ausserhalb feurs, auss Alchimistischen vnd natürlichem grund: Nemlich, Härten, Weychen. Schmeltzen, Scheyden. Abtreiben, Probirn. Loten, Etzen. Abformen, Abgiessen &c. Jede farben zubereyten, erhalten, bessern vnd widerbrigen: Als zum Malen, Schreiben. Illuminiern, Vergulden. Sticken, Edelgesteyn &c. (Frankfurt a.M.: Christian Egenolff, [1535]). Aside from normal orthographic and typographical differences, these editions are identical; they have almost identical woodcuts, depicting the tools of various crafts, on the title pages.
77.
Mangmeistery. Von mancherlei farben auff garn, leinwadt holtz, beyn, leder &c. Auch wie man eim jeglichen gewandt sein verloren farb wider bringen soll. Item schmaltz, ölflecken, oder was nur für flecken seind, auss gewand, Sammat, seiden, guldenstucken, kleidern &c. Leichtlich mit wassern oder laugen, darzu bereit, on schaden zuvertreiben. Gold vnd farben, auff ein jedes metal mancherley weise, ein kurtze anzeigung (Strassburg: Jacob Cammerlander, 1539). On Cammerlander's career and bibliography, see RitterFrancois, Histoire de l'imprimerie alsacienne aux XVe et XVle siècles (Strasbourg-Paris, 1955), 288–94; BenzingJosef, Die Drucke Jacob Cammerlanders zu Strassburg 1531–1548 (Vienna, 1963); and idem, “Zum Leben und Werk des Strassburger Druckers Jacob Cammerlander”, Festschrift für Claus Nissen, ed. by GeckElisabeth and PresslerGuido (Wiesbaden. 1963), 25–35. The word Mangmeister in sixteenth century German referred to the operator or overseer of a Mange, a large machine used for smoothing fabrics in the dyeing industry. By extension, it also meant a master dyer. See Jacob and GrimmWilhelm, Deutsches Wörterbuch, ed. by HeyneMoriz, vi (Leipzig, 1885), col. 1550; and LexerMatthias, Mittelhochdeutsches Handwörterbuch, i (1872; repr. Stuttgart, 1974), col. 2031.
78.
Cammerlander later reprinted the work under a different title, Alchimia (1538 and 1539). On these works, see Darmstaedter, Berg-, Probier-, und Kunstbüchlein (ref. 22), 74–78; Ferguson, “Early treatises on technological chemistry” (ref. 22), 141–4; and DuveenDenis, “Notes on some alchemical books”, The library, 5th ser., i (1946), 56–61. The identity of Petrus Kertzenmacher has not been established.
79.
Indeed, Egenolff's heirs reprinted Cammerlander's Alchimia, parts of which Cammerlander had stolen from the Egenolff press, in 1570, 1574, and 1589.
80.
Kunst Boeck. Nyeulijck wten Alchemistichschen grout vergadert, Tracterende van alien groutlijcke gebruyekinghen der cunsten (Amsterdam, 1549). This work is described by Ferguson, “Early treatises on technological chemistry” (ref. 22), (1888), 137–40. The recipes, with some new ones added, are divided into six books instead of four. In 1581 part of tract six of this booklet, with new recipes added, was reprinted at Amsterdam by Willem van Santen under the title, Een schoon Tractat van sommighe werckingen der Alchemistische dinghen… (Ferguson, “Early treatises” (1888), 146).
81.
PiemonteseAlessio, Secrets ou receptes souvraines, bien experimentées et approuvees par divers auteurs (Antwerp, 1559). The Kunstbüchlein recipes are on sigs 41–67. For editions of this work, see FergusonJohn, “The secrets of Alexis: A sixteenth century collection of medical and technical receipts”, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, section on the history of medicine, xxiv (1931), 225–46.
82.
MulthaufRobert P., The origins of chemistry (New York, 1967), 160.
83.
See also Chrisman, Lay culture, learned culture (ref. 19), 105–6.
84.
Smith and Sisco (trans.), Bergwerk- und Probierbüchlein (ref. 47), 159. See also HuffinesMarion Lois, “Sixteenth century printers and the standardization of new high German”, Journal of English and Germanic philology, lxxiii (1974), 60–72; and JohnsonFrancis R., “Latin versus English: The sixteenth century debate over scientific terminology”, Studies in philology, xli (1944), 109–35.
85.
Printers, of course, acted as mediators between several layers of culture, for they also popularized the work of academic scientists, humanists and reformers. Scientific popularizations have been disparaged for the shameless plagiarism that was often involved, but it should be remembered that as a result of the efforts of individuals like Ryff and Egenolff, the latest advances in medicine, anatomy, astronomy and physics were made comprehensible to laymen. The secrets of nature were becoming a little less secret, at least insofar as they were no longer hidden behind the barrier of an inaccessible (to the people) language, Latin. See Chrisman, Lay culture, learned culture (ref. 19), chap. 8, pp. 170–91.
86.
For the general significance of the mechanical arts to experimental science, see Rossi, Philosophy, technology and the arts (ref. 11). Rossi, however, does not discuss the books of secrets tradition.
87.
See SchmittCharles B., “Experience and experiment: A comparison of Zabarella's view with Galileo's in De motu”, Studies in the Renaissance, xvi (1969), 80–138; and WallaceWilliam A., “The philosophical setting of medieval science”, Science in the Middle Ages, ed. by Lindberg (ref. 4), 78–79.
88.
Schmitt, op. cit., 85–88.
89.
E.g., McAllisterJ. B. (ed.), The letter of Saint Thomas Aquinas De occultis operibus naturae (Washington, 1939), 20–23. See also HutchisonKeith, “What happened to occult qualities in the Scientific Revolution?”, Isis, lxxiii (1982), 233–53.
90.
McVaughMichael, “The Experimenta of Arnald of Villanova”, Journal of medieval and Renaissance studies, i (1971), 107–18.
91.
DijksterhuisE. J., The mechanization of the world picture, trans. by DikshoornC. (Oxford, 1961), 138; Schmitt, “Experiment and experience” (ref. 87), 86–87.
92.
For collections of medieval ‘secrets’, see ThorndikeLynn, History of magic and experimental science, ii (New York, 1923), 751–812; and BraekmanWilly (ed.). Magische experimenten en toverpraktijken uit een middlenederlands handschrift, Uitgave van het Seminarie voor Volkskunde (Gent, 1966).
93.
The most valuable recent study of the Secretum secretorum is by ManzalaouiMahmoud, “The pseudo-Aristotelian ‘Kitab Sirr al-Asrar’”, Bulletin of the faculty of arts, Alexandria University, xv (1961), 83–106; ForsterR., “Handschriften und Ausgaben des pseudo-Aristotelischen Secretum Secretorum”, Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen, vi (1889), 1–22, 57–76; and HirthWolfgang, “Zu den deutschen Bearbeitungen der Secreta Secretorum”, Leuvense Bijdragen, lv (1966), 40–70.
94.
On this, which exists in scores of manuscripts, see Thorndike, History of magic and experimental science (ref. 92), ii, 720–50; and idem, “Further consideration of the Experimenta, Speculum astronomiae, and De secretis ascribed to Albertus Magnus”, Speculum, xxx (1955), 413–33.
95.
A useful essay bringing out this distinction is HansenBert, “Science and magic”, Science in the Middle Ages, ed. by Lindberg (ref. 4), 483–506.
96.
A very large literature has appeared on this subject in recent years. Particularly valuable are GarinEugenio, Medioevo e rinascimento: Studi e ricerche (Bari, 1961); YatesFrances A., Giordano Bruno and the hermetic tradition (Chicago, 1964); WalkerD. P., Spiritual and demonic magic from Ficino to Campanella (1969; repr. Notre Dame, 1975); and NauertCharles, Agrippa and the crisis of Renaissance thought, Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, no. 55 (Urbana, 1965).
97.
See the literature cited in ref. 12.
98.
The following considerations have benefited from my reading of GoodyJack, The domestication of the savage mind (Cambridge, 1977); in particular chap. 7, “The recipe, the prescription and the experiment”, 129–45.
99.
ibid., 140.
100.
The concept of science as venatio is suggested, but not elaborated, by Rossi, Philosophy, technology and the arts (ref. 11), 42. See also MuraroLuisa, Giambattista Della Porta mago e scienziato (Milan, 1978), 29.
101.
GarzoniTomaso, La piazza universale di tutte le professioni del mondo (Venice, 1585), 183–85. There is very little literature on Garzoni, but see CroceBenedetto, “Pagine di Tomaso Garzoni”, La critica, xlii (1944), 251–9; and TucciUgo, “I mestieri nella Piazza universal del Garzoni”, Studi in memoria di Luigi del Pane (Bologna, 1982), 319–31.
102.
PiemonteseAlessio, Secreti del reverendo donno Alessio piemontese. Novamente posti in luce. Opera utile, et necessaria universalmente a ciascuno (Venice, 1555), “I Lettori”. The translation is that of WardeWilliam, The secrets of the reverende maister Alexis of Piedmont (London, 1558). On this text, see EamonWilliam, “The Secreti of Alexis of Piedmont, 1555”, Res publica litterarum, ii (1979), 43–55.
103.
The secretes, “To the reader”.
104.
RuscelliGirolamo, Secreti nuovi di maravigliosa virtu (Venice, 1567), “Proemio”, sig. 1–7. See also Sansovino's dedication, sig. a2; and GhiliniGirolamo, Teatro d'huomini litterati (Venice, 1647), 127.
105.
For details concerning the origins and significance of this academy, see EamonWilliam and PaheauFran&çoise, “The Accademia Segreta of Girolamo Ruscelli: A sixteenth century Italian scientific society”, forthcoming in Isis (June, 1984).
106.
Ruscelli, Secreti nuovi, sig. 7t–v “In questo luogo … io raccolsi tutti i secreti seguenti & gli anteriori ancora ch'io publicai pochi anni sono di Donno Alessio Piemontese, li quali nel vero tutti furono raccolti nella predetta Academia, & prouati, & trouati dalla nosta felice Compagna”.
107.
Ibid., 3v–4r: “L'intention nostra era stata primieramente di studiare & imparar stessi, non essendo studio ne altro essercitio alcuno, che più sia uero della Filosofia naturale, che questo di far diligentissima inquisitione, & come una uera anatomia delle cose & dell'operationi della Natura, in se stessa…. Et insieme con questa dilettatione & utilità nostra, noi aueuamo parimente caro di far beneficio al mondo in generale & in particolare, con ridurre à certezza & à notitia uera tanti utilissimi & importantissimi secreti d'ogni sorte, & per ogni qualita di persona, coši ricca, & pouera, dotta, & indotta, & maschio, & femina, gioueni ò vecchi che essi sieno. Et però primieramente in tutti questi anni attendemmo di continuo à fare esperienze di tutte le sorte di secreti, che in libri à stampa, ò à penna coši antichi, come moderni potessimo ritrouare. Et nel far tale esperienze abbiamo tenuto, & tenemmo un'ordine & un modo, che non si puo forse trouare, nè imaginare il migliore, come appresso si narrerà. Et di tutti quei secreti & experimenti, che abbiamo trauati esser ueri, con farne di ciascuno tre esperienze, … facemmo scelta d'una parte, cioè di quelli che sono più facili da farse da ciascheduno, di minore spesa, & più da esser cari ad ogni sorte di persone generalmente, & coši gli mando hora in luce a beneficio et dilettatione commune d'ogni bello ingegno che se ne diletti, & che per auergli cari”.
108.
ibid., 2v: “non mancando ancor'essi soprastanti di metter le mani lietamente, & d'adoperarsi doue bisognaua”.
109.
On Galileo's experimental method, see SettleThomas B., “Galileo's use of experiment as a tool of investigation”, Galileo: Man of science, ed. by McMullinErnan (New York, 1967), 315–37.
110.
For examples, see EisGerhard, Mittelalterliche Fachliteratur (zweite Auflage, Stuttgart, 1967).
Although devoted to the English tradition, still the best study of the movement is HoughtonWalter E.Jr, “The English virtuoso in the seventeenth century”, Journal of the history of ideas, iii (1942), 51–73, 190–219. Also useful is HolmeJames W., “Italian courtesy-books of the sixteenth century”, Modern language review, v (1910), 145–66.
115.
The thyrde and last parte of the secretes of the reverend Maister Alexis of Piedmont, trans. by WardeWilliam (London, 1566), 22.
116.
In chap. 20 of the Magia naturalis (Frankfurt, 1591), for example, Giambattista della Porta describes parlour tricks, illusions, and other entertainments, while chap. 12 contains recipes for various artificial fireworks.
117.
CorteseIsabella, I secreti … ne' quali si contengono cose minerali, medicinali, arteficiose, & alchimiche, & molte de l'arte profumatoria, appartenenti a ogni gran signora (Venice, 1574).
118.
FioravantiLeonardo, Del compendio de i secreti rationali (Venice, 1581), “Proemio”, sig. 1r: “e tutto pieno di bellisimi secreti che si possono approbare con la ragione, e con l'esperienza”.
119.
ibid., sig. 1v: “… tutte l'arti, & esercitij, che si fanno, assegnando le ragioni a detti secreti, che ognuno che li leggerà sarà capacissimo ad intenderli: Percioche io scriuerò gli ingredienti di tutti i Secreti, & le uirtù, & qualità loro, col modo di fare le compositioni, & altre cose simili”.
120.
Book II of the Compendio, on surgery, illustrates this best. Here Fioravanti insists that his methods are not merely theoretically sound, but are backed up by his many years of experience as a military surgeon in diverse campaigns.
121.
CorneliusHeinrichvon NettesheimAgrippa, Of the vanitie and uncertaintie of artes and sciences (London, 1575), sig. 55r–v. On Agrippa, see Nauert, Agrippa (ref. 96 above); ZambelliPaolo, “Agrippa von Nettesheim”, Archivio di filosofia, i (1955), 108–62; idem, “Cornelio Agrippa nelle fonte e negli studi recenti”, Rinascimento, viii (1968), 169–99; and Müller-JahnckeWolf-Dieter, Magie als Wissenschaft im frühen 16. Jahrhundert. Die Beziehungen zwischen Magie, Medizin und Pharmazie im Werk Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535), Dissertation, Philipps-Universität Marburg/ Lahn, 1973.
122.
CorteseIsabella, I secreti, dedication. I have used the Venice, 1574 edition: “non solamente l'huomo si contenta della investigatione, ma certa intutto & per tutto mettendo in opera, di farsi scimia della natura, anzi che superarla, mentre tenta di fare quello, che alla natura è impossibile, & ciò sia vero, si puo cavare de'Secreti, che tutto giorno si odono & veggono mettere in essecutione”.
123.
MondolfoRodolfo, “Lavoro manuale e lavoro intellettuale dall' antichita al Rinascimento”, Alle origini della filosofia della cultura (Bologna, 1956), 148.
124.
della PortaGiambattista, Magiae naturalis libri viginti (Frankfurt, 1591). All citations are to this edition. An English translation of this work was made in 1658 and was reprinted with an introduction by Derek J. Price in Natural magick (New York, 1957).
125.
“Haec noscens Magus, vt agricola vlmos vitibus, sic ipse coelo terram, vel, apertius loquar, inferna haec superiorum dotibus, mirificisque virtutibus maritat, & inde arcana Naturae gremio penitus latentia, veluti minister in publicum promit, quaeque assidua exploratione vera noverit”, Magia naturalis, 6.
126.
GliozziMario, “Sulla natura dell' ‘Accademia de’ Secreti’ di Giovan Battista Porta”, Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, xii (1950), 536–41. ArmytageW. G. H., “Giambattista della Porta and the ‘Segreti’”, British medical journal, i (1960), 1129–30, is a brief and undocumented, but useful, summary. This academy appears to have had no connection with Ruscelli's Academia Segreta.
127.
In the preface to his Magia naturalis, della Porta wrote: “Neque domi meae defuit unquam curiosorum hominum Academia, qui in his vestigandi experiendisque collato acre strenuam alacremque operam novarent, quique hoc opere concinnando augendoque maximo mihi fuere adjumento”.
128.
Gliozzi, “Sulla natura dell' ‘Accademia de’ Secreti’” (ref. 126), 539.
129.
For della Porta's relationship with Italian artisans, see CamporiGiuseppe, “Gio. Battista della Porta e il Cardinale Luigi d'Este”, At tie memorie della Regia Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Provincie Modena e Parma, vi (1872), 165–90.
130.
Magia naturalis, 121.
131.
ibid., 224.
132.
“Utilia & nota aliqua apposuimus, quia verissima. Ex notissimis aliquando & utilissimis ad utilia & excelsa pervenitur, & quae vix mens percipere potest. Intellectus noster nisi verissimis principiis innitatur, non potests alta, & sublimia speculari…. Unde vera potius & utilia, quam falsa, & magna scribere visum est. Vera quantulacunque fuerint, ansam maiora excogitandi praebent” (ibid., “Praefatio”).
133.
The research of Paolo Rossi, in particular Philosophy, technology and the arts (ref. 11), is fundamental in this context.
CardanoGirolamo, De secretis, in Opera (Leiden, 1663), ii, 537–50.
136.
ibid., 537–8.
137.
WeckerJohann Jacob, De secretis libri XVII (Basel, 1582).
138.
BaconFrancis, De augmentis scientiarum, in Works (ref. 6), iv, 343.
139.
ibid., 366–7.
140.
ibid., 297.
141.
Novum Organum, in Works (ref. 6), iv, 106.
142.
ibid., 70.
143.
“When I speak of Forms, I mean nothing more than those laws and determinations of absolute actuality, which govern and constitute any simple nature, as heat, light, weight, in every kind of matter and subject that is susceptible of them” (ibid., 146). See also RossiPaolo, Francis Bacon: From magic to science, trans. by RabinovitchS. (Chicago, 1968), 201–7.
144.
Works, iv, 96.
145.
PaparelliGioacchino, “Giambattista della Porta: (1) Della taumatologia; (2) 'Liber medicus”, Rivista di storia della scienze mediche e naturali, xlvii (1956), 1–47, p. 12.