Swazey (1969). Only anonymous articles and MS sources will be cited directly in these notes. For full references to the remaining books and articles, see the following bibliography.
2.
Swazey (1969) 76.
3.
CollectionSharpey-Schafer, “British colleagues”, Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, London.
4.
For one use of such material, see French (1970a).
5.
Williams (1966) 200.
6.
Knowledge not to be confused with the collection of anecdotes which Dr Swazey wisely confines to a single chapter.
7.
Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, 183 Euston Rd., London NW1. E. Gaskell, Librarian.
8.
Library, University College, Gower St, London, WC1. J. W. Scott, Librarian; Mrs J. Percival, Archivist. I am grateful to Professor D. W. Taylor for bringing this archive to my attention.
9.
Sharpey-Schafer (1927).
10.
SandersonG. Burdon (1911).
11.
Other letters of Burdon Sanderson are in the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh, and the Sinclair Collection, Woodward Biomedical Library, University of British Columbia. Some seventy bound volumes of his collection of offprints are in the library of Magdalen College, Oxford.
12.
See Schiller (1968).
13.
The best contemporary statements of the British situation which I have come across are in the unsigned articles, “New editions of physiological works”, British and foreign medico-chirurgical review, xxxvi (1865) 51–5 and “British and foreign science”, The reader (15 July 1865) 61–2. Professor J. Byrne suggests Tyndall, Lockyer, of Spottiswoode, in that order, as possible authors of the latter article (personal communication). Michael Foster wrote to T. H. Huxley suggesting such an article in The reader (letter tentatively dated 1865, Huxley Papers, Scientific and General Correspondence, 4.155, Imperial College of Science and Technology, London). See also a letter from “Physiology”, entitled “Lectures and lecturers”, in Lancet, for 1858, ii, 358 and a letter by P. M. Braidwood (1870). Gerald L. Geison is preparing an article, “The stagnancy of British physiology 1850–1870”, for the Bulletin of the history of medicine.
14.
Ben-David extends his analysis to experimental medicine in Britain well beyond 1870. See Ben-DavidZloczower (1961, 1962) and Ben-David (1960a).
15.
Needham (1962) 121. Those who used the experimental method in physiology were of course inevitably medical men. As late as the 'eighties, the profession was a haven for would-be scientists, as W. F. Clarke wrote in 1892: “A distinguished living FRS himself a physician and a physiologist, speaking to me ten or twelve years ago of a more distinguished pupil whose leaning was towards pure science, said, ‘I advised him to take up medicine as a back door to science. Pure science does not pay in this country’.” Lancet, for 1892, ii, 1246.
16.
Sherrington (1954) 545.
17.
On medical reform, see for example, Beck (1956), Burn (1964), 202–211, Cowan (1969), Erickson (1950), Flexner (1912, 1925, 1940), Heseltine (1949), Newman (1957), Poynter (1961), Puschman (1891), SingerHolloway (1960), Walker (1956). See also notes 28, 40. The mechanisms for reform were complex and ponderous. The Home Office was involved at every turn. See for example, Home Office Paper 45/9376/40731 in the Public Record Office for correspondence between the Home Office and the Royal College of Surgeons regarding changes in examination bylaws.
18.
In the letter cited in note 13. Quoted by courtesy of Imperial College of Science and Technology, London.
19.
Sharpey-Schafer (1894) 402.
20.
ChapmanC. B. (1967).
21.
See Ockenden (1940) and Smith (1960).
22.
See CarpenterJ. E. (1888).
23.
On Beale, see FosterW. D. (1958).
24.
Beale to Acland, 7 June 1866: Acland MS d.62, ff. 55–60, Bodleian Library, Oxford. King's College, London, was admittedly having particularly serious financial difficulties, but Beale claimed that all he needed was space and the opportunity to teach as he wished. For an indication of similar difficulties in Glasgow, and their results, see Buchanan (1875), Chalmers (1875), and Humphry (1875).
25.
SandersonG. Burdon (1911) 31–3.
26.
See, e.g., SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1899) and Stirling (1895).
27.
See Haines (1957, 1958), Cardwell (1957), Mendelsohn (1964a); see also note 14.
28.
See Brougher (1927). Sharpey-Schafer (1927) 17–19, BellotHale (1929) esp. 166–8. Obituaries, entries in the Dictionary of national biography, and entries in the Dictionary of scientific biography will not be cited in this article, though they are of course important sources.
29.
Sharpey's most important scientific work was on ciliary motion (1830). Sir Richard Quain's notes of Sharpey's 1837–38 lectures are in the Fulton papers at Yale University's Historical and Medical Library. The Medical Society of London has deposited at the Wellcome Institute another set of lecture notes for the 1837–8 lectures and Lister's notes for Sharpey's physiology lectures 1849–52. The Sharpey-Schafer Collection also contains interesting papers and letters by Sharpey. According to Sharpey-Schafer (1927) 8n., Marshall wrote a physiology text “largely based on notes from Sharpey's lectures” see Marshall (1867).
30.
As late as 1899, W. H. Gaskell could write to Schäfer on the occasion of the latter's election to the Edinburgh Chair, “It will be quite a novelty to see some scientific work coming from Edinburgh”. Sharpey-Schafer Collection “British Colleagues”, Wellcome Institute, London. Cf. Comrie, ii (1932) 608–10, 693–5.
The Royal Institution's Fullerian Professorship of Physiology was no research post: See Waller (1897) and Sherrington (1898).
36.
Support for physiology was not new. In an unsigned review of a lecture by Roget in the Westminster review for 1827 is the following passage: “Sometime hence it will not be believed, that in the present day it should have been necessary to insist on the usefulness of this study [of the science of physiology], especially to the medical student and that its utility should have been so little felt, that until the Autumn of 1826, there should not have been a single medical school in England (perhaps with one exception), in which even an attempt was made to exhibit a general view of the science. In the University of London, it would appear, physiology is to form a separate branch of instruction. We would take leave to suggest that the lectures delivered from this chair should not be framed with a view to medical pupils exclusively, but should be adapted to the general student.” “Human and comparative physiology”, Westminster review, vii (1827) 444. For the later efforts, see HuxleyT. H. (1854, 1870), Paget (1855), and Carpenter (1847). On Huxley, see Bibby (1958, 1959).
37.
See FosterM., (1865, 1866, 1867a, 1867b, 1869a, 1869b). I am indebted to the editor of The Wellesley index to Victorian periodicals for references to Foster from as yet unpublished volumes of the Index and for the identification of Foster as author of those of the above articles which are unsigned.
38.
See Acland (1858) and Combe (1857). On Combe, see Bremner (1956).
39.
HuxleyT. H. to Sir John Lubbock, 8 April 1874. Avebury Papers, Add. 49642 ff. 63–4, British Museum.
40.
See, e.g., “Popular physiology”, Nature, ii (1870) 272; “The relation of physiology to medicine”, British medical journal for 1873, ii, 229; “The physiologist and the practitioner”, British medical journal for 1892, ii, 1014–15; “The progress of physiology during the last thirteen years”, British medical journal for 1897, ii, 477–8; and Acland (1865), Andrew (1890), Bennett (1861, 1869, 1871), Brunton (1897), SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1872, 1873a, 1883, 1892, 1900), Ferrier (1895), FosterM. (1878, 1880, 1894, 1895a, 1896a, 1898a), Greenfield (1884), Humphry (1873, 1882), Lankester (1878, 1883, 1890), McKendrick (1876), Purser (1880), Pye-Smith (1879), RollestonG. (1868), Rutherford (1873), Schäfer (1894), Simon (1868). For the sophisticated reaction to pleas for physiological research, see Watson (1868). Medical men were not the only ones discussing the study of physiology: See Kingsley (1872).
41.
See Foster's notice of Trotter, FosterM. (1887). Huxley had strongly recommended Foster.
42.
See the open letter to the Master of Trinity, written on the occasion of Foster's promotion to the Chair of Physiology, FosterM. (1883). See also Dale (1964), FosterM. (1900), Garrison (1915), Geison (1970), Langdon-Brown (1946) 88–9, Robson (1965), RollestonH. D. (1932) 79–97, Sharpey-Schafer (1927) 3–4. 24–7, Thistelton-Dyer (1907), and “Evolution of the [Cambridge] medical school”, British medical journal for 1920, i, 651–3. The extensive offprint collections of Foster and W. H. Gaskell are in the library of the Physiological Laboratory at Cambridge.
43.
Foster's success seems to have left his counterpart at London and Oxford, Burdon Sanderson, feeling quite overshadowed. In discussing Burdon Sanderson's suitability to succeed Sir Henry Acland, Sir William Church wrote to the latter in September 1894: “I am convinced in my own mind that if Sanderson would take it [the Regius Chair of Medicine], he would be conferring a great benefit on the University and that he would fill the post well. Once free from the feeling that has always haunted him, that he has not as large a class as he deserves, or as Michael Foster has, he would take a much wider view of Medicine than we have been accustomed to hear from him. He would I doubt not throw his energy into the pathological and bacteriological work which it would interest him to develop, and would be a more successful head of these departments than he has been of physiology.” Acland MS d. 63, ff. 105–6, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
44.
See “The Brown Institution”, Nature, v (1871) 138–40 and Lancet, for 1871, ii, 654.
45.
See Bowditch (1870) and SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1871). For the rise of research laboratories in Britain, see the bibliography in Blake (1957) 42, 59–60.
46.
The recommendation took a considerable period of time to be implemented. See Cope (1959) 143.
47.
See for example British medical journal for 1871, i, 103, 362; for 1877, ii, 643; for 1887, ii, 419; for 1888, ii, 820; for 1889, ii, 892–3; for 1891, i, 709; for 1894, i, 220, 283; for 1897, i, 668–70, 753; Nature, xxxv (1887) 409–10; Haycraft (1886).
48.
For general accounts see British medical journal for 1897, i, 1575–77, Bretschneider (1962) 16–24, Ozer (1966), Ryan (1963), and the anti-vivisectionist Westacott (1949).
49.
See “Report of the Royal Commission on the practice of subjecting live animals to experiments for scientific purposes; with minutes of evidence and appendix”, Parliamentary papers1876, xli, 277–733; “General analytical index [to the above]”, Parliamentary papers 1877, xxvii, 663–86.
50.
There was a second Royal Commission early in this century.
51.
Guide to the contents of the Public Record Office, ii (London, 1963) 189–90.
52.
General alphabetical index (to Parliamentary papers). House of Commons 1852–1899 Part 2 (Ann Arbor and London, n.d.) 1492; and succeeding indexes.
53.
Hansard, 3rd series, from 1875, passim.
54.
There is no point in giving even a partial bibliography of the subject here. For statements by leaders in each camp, see Cobbe, ii (1894) pp. 239–316 and FosterM. (1874).
55.
Stevenson (1955, 1956).
56.
Stevenson (1956) 147.
57.
See Jesse (1885).
58.
See for example “Physiological teaching at Trinity College Dublin”, British medical journal for 1878, i, 453, 495–6, 499, 510, 551, 615, 667; “The new physiological laboratory at Trinity College Dublin”, British medical journal for 1880, ii, 755.
59.
See Risdon (1967) 10–50.
60.
See The law reports. Public general statutes39 and 40 Victoria 1876, C. 77.
61.
See, e.g., FosterM. (1881) 588, Pye-Smith (1879) 410–13, Sharpey-Schafer (1927) 64–5, 75. Correspondence concerning the granting of licenses can be found in the Acland Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford, as well as in the Public Record Office.
62.
See British medical journal for 1882, i, 465–6, 476–8, 635, 677.
63.
The minute books may be examined upon application to the Hon. Secretary of the Society, GillespieJ. S.Prof., Department of Pharmacology, The University, Glasgow, W.2.
64.
See “The Brown Institution”, Nature, xix (1878), 151–2. For a sample of the anti-vivisectionist line, dating from a later period, see Man's injustice to animals. The Brown Animal Sanatory Institution (London, The Society for the Abolition of Vivisection, 1888).
65.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1873b).
66.
There are eleven letters from Burdon Sanderson to Acland, dating 1881–96, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Acland MS d. 65, ff. 34–59. See also Acland's diaries.
67.
On science on the English universities during the nineteenth century, see Ashby (1958) and Taylor (1952). For physiology in Oxford before 1882, see Franklin (1936), GuntherA. E. (1967) 25, and GuntherR. T. (1904) 21–23. See also Lankester-Huxley correspondence in the Huxley papers, Imperial College of Science and Technology, London, for an interesting discussion of biological teaching in Oxford in the seventies.
68.
See British medical journal for 1884, i, 290; for 1885, ii, 548–9, 567–8 and Atlay (1903) 420–30, SandersonG. Burdon (1911), ChapmanE. (1883).
69.
Sharpey-Schafer (1927) 5–8.
70.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1871) 189.
71.
“Physiology at Cambridge”, Nature, ix (1874) 297–8.
72.
Loewi (1961) 10–11.
73.
This generation has attracted fairly considerable attention, of mixed quality. For Sherrington see the bibliography in Swazey (1969). For Starling, see ChapmanC. B. (1962), ChapmanMitchell (1965), Colp (1952), Pickering (1960), Verney (1956), and Wilson (1968). For Bayliss see Bayliss (1961) and Evans (1964). For Barcroft see Franklin (1953) and Holmes (1969). For Haldane, see Allen (1967) and Haldane (1960). For Victor Horsley, see Bond (1939), Lyons (1966), and Paget (1919).
74.
See Franklin (1938), HillL. (1899).
75.
See RothschuhSchäfer (1955).
76.
ToddBowman (1866). On textbooks in general at this time, see “The students library—physiology”, British medical journal for 1869, ii, 349–50.
77.
Kirkes (1863). See also British medical journal for 1867, ii, 501–2.
78.
CarpenterW. B. (1864).
79.
Reviewed by M. F.[oster], Nature, ii (1870) 139.
80.
Reviewed in Nature, xiii (1875) 22–3 and British medical journal for 1878, ii, 879; Hermann (1875).
81.
Reviewed in British medical journal for 1873, i, 464, 490–1, 537–8.
82.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1873b) vii.
83.
SandersonG. Burdon (1911) 97.
84.
See Nature, x (1874) 261–2; British medical journal for 1878, ii, 364–5 and for 1889, ii, 821–2; Schäfer (1877).
85.
Schäfer (1877) 79.
86.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon to SchäferE. A., 4 September, 1879. Sharpey-Schafer Collection, Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine.
87.
Sharpey-Schafer, (1927) 26.
88.
Reviewed British medical journal for 1888, ii, 820 and for 1890, i, 364–5; Nature, xxxviii (1888) 489–90 and xlii (1890) 50–1. McKendrick (1888).
89.
Reviewed British medical journal for 1885, i, 235–6. Landois (1884–85).
90.
British medical journal for 1890, i, 279; see also for 1895, ii, 1011.
91.
Huxley (1866); see Schäfer (1900).
92.
Reviewed Nature, xv (1876) 53–4. FosterM. (1876).
93.
FosterM. (1880).
94.
See, e.g., Nature, xix (1878) 51; xxxviii (1888) 99–100; xlix (1894) 431–2; and British medical journal for 1894, i, 1248. Rapid changes in the content and purview of physiology coincided with the introduction of these examinations, causing considerable confusion. See “The examination in physiology at the London University”, Lancet for 1878, ii, 205.
95.
British medical journal for 1890, i, 485. For a more virtuous but no less inaccurate rendering of ‘physiology’ see Fothergill (1879).
96.
There were other difficulties in publishing with the Royal Society. Its editorial decisions were sometimes uneven and inconsistent: See French (1970a).
97.
In a letter to Schäfer on 25 March, 1877, Foster wrote, “I am very much disconcerted in every way with the Journ. of Anat. and Phys.”: Sharpey-Schafer Collection, Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine.
98.
See Nature, ix (1874) 297; xix (1878) 145; and Fulton (1931) 93n-94n. There were three issues of Studies from the physiological laboratory of the University of Cambridge (1873, 1876, 1877).
99.
See Nature, xviii (1878) 377–8; British medical journal for 1884, ii, 763–4.
100.
See Langley (1899) 562, Sherrington (1922–30) 479, HillA. V. (1965) 3–5.
101.
Schäfer (1898, 1900). These two volumes have excellent bibliographies.
102.
Sporadic reports in these journals cover 1836–1877.
103.
A year-book of medicine, surgery, and their allied sciences (London, 1859–64); A biennial retrospect of medicine, surgery and their allied sciences (London, 1865–74).
104.
See esp. Ben-DavidCollins (1966); also Ben-DavidZloczower (1961, 1962) and Ben-David (1960).
105.
See e.g., SandersonJ. S. Burdon (1900). Physiologists were constantly alluding to the importance of physiology for pathology. See note 40.
106.
See e.g., French (1970b).
107.
See Shideman (1967).
108.
Drabkin (1958) 117–27 contains interesting material on Gamgee.
109.
See YoungF. G. (1937) 64–70.
110.
See the excellent studies of early nineteenth century British physiology by Goodfield-Toulmin (1969) and Temkin (1963).
111.
See French (1970b).
112.
Holmes (1969); Allen (1967).
113.
A good start has been made by YoungR. M. (1970) 150–203.
114.
See Kuhn (1968).
115.
AclandH. W., Note on teaching physiology in the higher schools (Oxford, 1858).
116.
AclandH. W., Relations of physiology and medicine (Oxford and London, 1865).
117.
AdamiM., J. G. Adami: A memoir (London, 1930).
118.
AdrianE. D., “The analysis of the nervous system: Sherrington Memorial Lecture”, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, i, (1957) 991–8.
119.
AllenG. E., “J. S. Haldane: The development of the idea of control mechanisms in respiration”, Journal of the history of medicine, xxii (1967) 392–412.
120.
AndrewJ., “The Harveian Oration on the conditions of the pulmonary circulation”, British medical journal for 1890, ii, 939–43.
121.
AsbbyE., Technology and the academics: An essay on the universities and the scientific revolution (London, 1958).
122.
AtlayJ. B., Sir Henry Wentworth Acland, Bart.: A memoir (London, 1903).
123.
AmacherM. P., “Thomas Laycock, I. M. Sechenov, and the reflex arc concept”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, xxxviii (1964) 168–83.
124.
BaylissL. E., “William Maddock Bayliss, 1860–1924: Life and scientific work”, Perspectives in biology and medicine, iv (1961) 460–79.
125.
BeckA., “The British Medical Council and British medical education in the nineteenth century”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, xxx (1956) 150–62.
126.
BennettJ. H., Physiology as a branch of general education (Edinburgh, 1861).
127.
BennettJ. H., “Address …”, British medical journal for 1869, ii, 237–8.
128.
BennettJ. H., “Physiology for women”, Nature, v (1871) 73–4. Ben-DavidJ., “Scientific productivity and academic organization in nineteenth-century medicine”, American sociological review, xv (1960a) 828–43.
129.
Ben-DavidJ., “Roles and innovation in medicine”, American journal of sociology, lxv (1960b) 557–68.
130.
Ben-DavidJ.CollinsR., “Social factors in the origins of a new science: The case of psychology”, American sociological review, xxxi (1966) 451–65.
131.
Ben-DavidJ.ZloczowerA., “The idea of a university and the academic market place”, European journal of sociology, ii (1961) 303–14.
132.
Ben-DavidJ.ZloczowerA., “Universities and academic systems in modern societies”, ibid., iii (1962) 45–84.
133.
BestA. E., “Reflections on Joseph Lister's Edinburgh experiments on vaso-motor control,”Medical history, xiv (1970) 10–30.
134.
BettW. R., “Some thyroid pioneers II. Walter Holbrook Gaskell 1847–1914”, Medical bookman and historian, i [12] (1947).
135.
BettW. R., “A. D. Waller 1856–1922”, Medical press, ccxxxvi (1956) 80.
136.
BettanyG. T., Eminent doctors: Their lives and work, 2 vols (London, 1885).
137.
BibbyC., “Thomas Henry Huxley and university development”, Victorian studies, ii (1958) 97–116.
138.
BibbyC., Thomas Henry Huxley: Scientist, humanist and educator (London, 1959).
139.
Bibliography of history of medicine (National Library of Medicine. Bethesda, Maryland, 1965–).
140.
BiedermannW., Electro-Physiology, trs. WelbyF. A., i and ii (London, 1896 and 1898).
141.
BlakeJ. B., “Scientific institutions since the renaissance: Their role in medical research”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, ci (1957) 31–622.
142.
BondC. J., Recollections of student life and later days. A tribute to the memory of the late Sir Victor Horsley, FRS (London, 1939).
143.
BowditchH. P., “The physiological laboratory at Leipzig”, Nature, iii (1870) 142–3.
144.
BraidwoodP. M., “English physiology”, Nature, ii (1870) 413–14.
145.
BrazierM. A. B., “The rise of neurophysiology in the nineteenth century”, Journal of neurophysiology, xx (1957) 212–26.
146.
BrazierM. A. B., “The historical development of neurophysiology”, in FieldJ. (ed.) Handbook of physiology, Section 1: “Neurophysiology”, i (Washington, 1959) 1–58.
147.
BrazierM. A. B., “The history of the electrical activity of the brain as a method for localizing sensory function”, Medical history, vii (1963) 199–211.
148.
BreathnachC. S., “Henry Newell Martin (1848–1893): A pioneer physiologist”, Medical history, xiii (1969) 271–9.
149.
BremnerJ. P., “George Combe (1788–1858)—the pioneer of physiology teaching in British schools”, School science review, xxxviii (1956) 48–52.
150.
BretschneiderH., Der streit um die Vivisektion im 19 Jahundert (Stuttgart, 1962).
151.
British medical journal “Physiology during the Queen's reign”, British medical journal for 1897, i, 1538–43.
152.
BrooksC. McC.“The development of physiology in the last fifty years”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, xxxiii (1959) 249–62.
153.
BrooksC. McC.CranefieldP. F. (eds.) The historical development of physiological thought (New York, 1959).
154.
BrooksC. McC.GilbertJ. L.LeveyH. A.CurtisD. R.Humors, hormones and neurosecretions (New York, 1961).
155.
BrooksC. McC.LeveyH. A., “Humorally transported integrators of body functions and the development of endocrinology”, in BrooksCranefield (1959) 183–238.
156.
BrougherJ. C., “William Sharpey (1802–1880)”, Annals of medical history, ix (1927) 124–8.
157.
BrownG. H. (ed.) Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London 1826–1925, Munk's Roll, iv (London, 1955).
158.
BruntonT. L., “The relationship of physiology, pharmacology, pathology and practical medicine”, Nature, lvi (1897) 473–5.
159.
BryanB. (ed.), The vivisectors' directory: Being a list of licensed vivisectors in the United Kingdom together with leading physiologists in foreign laboratories (London, 1884).
160.
BuchananA., “Examinations in physiology in the University of Glasgow”, Lancet for 1875, i, 661.
161.
BullochW., The history of bacteriology (London, 1938).
162.
BurchG. E.De PasqualeN. T., A history of electrocardiography (Chicago, 1964).
163.
SandersonG. Burdon, Sir John Burdon Sanderson—a memoir.HaldaneJ. S.HaldaneE. S., eds (Oxford, 1911).
164.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Physiological laboratories in Great Britain”, Nature, iii (1871) 189.
165.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Address….”, Nature, vi (1872) 338–41.
166.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Address….”, British medical journal for 1873a, ii, 152–7.
167.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon (ed.), Handbook for the physiological laboratory (London, 1873b).
168.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, On the study of physiology: Its relation to other studies and its use as a preparation for that of medicine. A public lecture by the Waynflete Professor o (Oxford and London, 1883).
169.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Address…. [elementary problems in physiology]”, Nature, xl (1889) 521–6.
170.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, The study of medical science in Oxford (Oxford, 1892).
171.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Address….”, Nature, xlviii (1893) 464–72.
172.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “Ludwig and modern physiology”, Proceedings of the Royal Institution, xv (1899) 11–26.
173.
SandersonJ. S. Burdon, “The relation between science and medicine”, Nature, lxi (1900) 254–5.
174.
BurnW. L., The age of equipoise (London1964).
175.
CardwellD. S. L., The organisation of science in England (London, 1957).
176.
CarpenterJ. E., “Memorial Sketch”, in CarpenterW. B., Nature and man. Essays scientific and philosophical (London, 1888) 4–152.
177.
CarpenterW. B., Principles of human physiology (1st ed., London, 1842; 6th ed. 1864).
178.
CarpenterW. B., “Physiology for the people”, Howitt's journal, i (1847) 100–2.
179.
Catalogue of scientific papers, Royal Society of London (London, 1867–1925). Covers 1800–1900.
180.
CastiglioniA., A history of medicine, trans. KrumbhaarE. B., (2nd ed. rev. New York, 1958).
181.
ChalmersJ., “Examinations in physiology in the University of Glasgow”, Lancet for 1875, i. 705.
182.
ChapmanC. B., “Ernest Henry Starling. The clinician's physiologist”, Annals of internal medicine, lvii (1962) Suppl. 2.
183.
ChapmanC. B., “Edward Smith (?1818–1874) physiologist, human ecologist, reformer”, Journal of the history of medicine, xxii (1967) 1–26.
184.
ChapmanC. B.MitchellJ. H. (ed). Starling on the heart (London, 1965).
185.
ChapmanE., “Physiology in Oxford”, Nature, xxix (1883) 76.
186.
ClarkeE.O'MalleyC. D., (eds), The human brain and spinal cord (London, 1968).
187.
CobbeF. P., Life of Frances Power Cobbe, 2 vols (London, 1894).
188.
Lord Cohen of Birkenhead, Sherrington: Physiologist, philosopher and poet (Liverpool, 1958).
189.
Lord Cohen of Birkenhead, “Richard Caton (1842–1926): Pioneer electrophysiologist”, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, ii (1959) 645–51.
190.
CollierW., The growth and development of the Oxford Medical School (London, 1904).
191.
ColpR.Jr., “Ernest H. Starling: His contribution to medicine”, Journal of the history of medicine, vii (1952) 280–94.
192.
CombeG., On the teaching of physiology and its applications to common schools (Edinburgh, 1857).
193.
ComrieJ. D., History of Scottish medicine, 2 vols (2nd ed.London, 1932).
194.
ConantJ. B., Pasteur's and Tyndall's study of spontaneous generation (Cambridge, Mass., 1953).
195.
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