Scientific Practice for Technology: Hermann Aron's Development of the Storage Battery

On Bell and Gray see e.g. Hounshell David A. , “Elisha Gray and the telephone: On the disadvantages of being an expert”, Technology and culture, xvi (1975), 133–61; On Eastman-Walker and Houston see e.g. Jenkins Reese V. , “Technology and the market: George Eastman and the origins of mass amateur photography”, Technology and culture, xvi (1975), 1975–19; For a short discussion of Swan's, Edison's and other inventors' incandescent light see e.g. Robert Friedel and Paul Israel, Edison's electric light: Biography of an invention (New Brunswick, 1988), 90–91, 115–17 and on the historical memory of their contributions Broad William J. , “Rival centennial casts new light on Edison”, Science (4 June 1979), cciv, no. 4388:, 32–33, 35–36.

Kuhn Thomas S. , “Energy conservation as an example of simultaneous discovery”, in The essential tension: Selected studies in scientific tradition and change (Chicago, 1977), 66–104. Another classical discussion is Merton Robert , “Singletons and multiplies in science”, in The sociology of science: Theoretical and empirical investigation (Chicago, 1973), 343–70. The concept of simultaneous discovery has also been harshly criticized, e.g. in Schaffer Simon , “Making up discovery”, in Boden Margaret A. (ed.), Dimensions of creativity (Cambridge MA, 1994). Nevertheless, for recent uses of the notion of simultaneous discovery see for example Burnham John C. , “Accident proneness (Unfallneigung): A classic case of simultaneous discovery/construction in psychology”, Science in context, xxi (2008), 2008–118. Buhm Soon Park, ” The contexts of simultaneous discovery: Slater, Pauling, and the origins of hybridisation”, Studies in history and philosophy of modern physics, xxxi (2000), 2000–74.

Recent historiography examines the role of the concept of simultaneous invention in past thought. Christine MacLeod, for example, discusses the mid-nineteenth-century British use of simultaneous invention in the controversy over patent law, in Heroes of invention: Technology, liberalism and british identity, 1750–1914 (Cambridge, 2007), 267–74.

Susskind Charles , “Radar as a case study in simultaneous invention”, in Blumtritt Oskar Petzold Hartmut Aspray William (eds), Tracking the history of radar (Piscataway, N.J., 1994), 243.

Harrison Arthur P. , “Single—control tuning: An analysis of an innovation”, Technology and culture, xx (1979), 296–321, sees in “parallel” (i.e. simultaneous) invention indication for a concrete demand. He does not, however, employ the notion to study the motives or the sources of particular inventors.

Schallenberg Richard H. , Bottled energy: Electrical engineering and the evolution of chemical energy storage (Philadelphia, 1982), 48–57, quotations on pp. 53, 56.

Hughes Thomas P. , Networks of power: Electrification in western society, 1880–1930 (Baltimore, 1983).

Israel Paul , Edison: A life of invention (New York, 1998).

Hong Sungook , “Forging scientific electrical engineering: John Ambrose Fleming and the Ferranti effect”, Isis, lxxxvi (1995), 30–51.

Graeme Gooday has examined the discussion about engineering training, finding the origins of British academic electrical engineering in experiential physics (“Teaching telegraphy and electrotechnics in the physics laboratory: William Ayrton and the creation of an academic space for electrical engineering 1873–84”, History of technology, xiii (1991), 73–114); Fox Robert Guagnini Anna , Laboratories, workshops and sites: Concepts and practices of applied research in industrial Europe, 1800–1914 (Berkeley, 1999), 110–20; Hunt Bruce J. , Pursuing power and light: Technology and physics from James Watt to Albert Einstein (Baltimore, 2010), 137–41; König Wolfgang , Technikwissenschaften: Die Entstehung der Elektrotechnik aus Industrie und Wissenschaft zwischen 1880 und 1914 (Chur, 1995).

Combining theoretical optics with the methodology of precise measurement acquired is his scientific training and research on the practical device, Ernst Abbe improved the microscopes produced by Carl Zeiss. Further research, directed by the chemist Otto Schott, led to the production of a glass according to (scientific) optical specifications, not only for special instruments but to a mass market of lenses to camera objectives, spy-glasses etc. Feffer Stuart M. , Microscopes to munitions: Ernst Abbe, Carl Zeiss, and the transformation of technical optics, 1850–1914 (PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1994); idem, “Ernst Abbe, Carl Zeiss, and the transformation of microscopical optics”, in Buchwald Jed (ed.), Scientific credibility and technical standards in 19th and early 20th century Germany and Britain (Dordrecht, 1996), 23–66; Cahan David , “The Zeiss Werke and the ultramicroscope: The creation of a scientific instrument in context”, in Ibid., 67–117.

Hong Sungook , Wireless: From Marconi's black box to the audion (Cambridge, MA, 2001).

E.g., Marsden Ben Smith Crosbie , Engineering empires: A cultural history of technology in nineteenth-century Britain (New York, 2005), especially 235–45. For the alleged dependence of theory on engineering practice in Germany see König Wolfgang , “Science-based industry or industry-based science? Electrical engineering in Germany before World War I”, Technology and culture, xxxvii (1996), 1996–101. A similar approach about the creation of electrical engineering as a science at a later period is presented in Ronald R. Kline, Steinmetz: Engineer and socialist (Baltimore, 1992).

Fox and Guagnini argue “that the growth of physics laboratories in the later nineteenth century owed much to their perceived value for industry and to the utilitarian air that … pervaded most of them”, op. cit. (ref. 10), 2–3. Hunt agrees ( Hunt Bruce , “Electrical theory and practice in the nineteenth century”, in Nye Mary Jo (ed.), Cambridge history of science, v: Modern physical and mathematical sciences (Cambridge, 2003), 311–27, on p. 321). He further argues that the cause for the divergence between British field and continental action-at-a-distance theories of electromagnetism “in large part is the unique demands and opportunities presented by Britain's global system of submarine telegraph cables”. Hunt Bruce , “Doing science in a global empire: Cable telegraphy and electrical physics in Victorian Britain”, in Lightman Bernard (ed.), Victorian science in context (Chicago, 1997), 312–33, on p. 315. The tendency to concentrate on the effect of technology is evident also in Gooday's work on education and on practical electrical measurements, which “enables us to see how Cambridge graduates had at least as much to learn about electrical engineering from artisan-engineers as vice versa”, “Fear, shunning, and valuelessness: Controversy over the use of ‘Cambridge’ mathematics in late Victorian electro-technology”, in Kaiser David (ed.), Pedagogy and the practice of science: Historical and contemporary perspectives (Cambridge, MA, 2005), 111–49, on p. 112; see also Gooday Graeme , The morals of measurement: Accuracy, irony, and trust in late Victorian electrical practice (Cambridge, 2004).

For the tendency of historians of technology, which is manifested among others in their neglect of science, see Forman Paul , “The primacy of science in modernity, of technology in post modernity, and of ideology in the history of technology”, History and technology, xxiii (2007), 1–152, and the (critical) “Responses” of Martin Collins, Ronald Kline, Chunglin Kwa and Philip Mirowski, Ibid., 153–88.

That practice is emphasized even in histories of theoretical physics and well exemplifies its central place in historiography, see e.g. Warwick Andrew , Masters of theory: Cambridge and the rise of mathematical physics (Chicago, 2003); Kaiser David , Drawing theories apart: The dispersion of Feynman diagrams in postwar physics (Chicago, 2005).

Katzir Shaul , “Hermann Aron's electricity meters: Physics and invention in late nineteenth-century Germany”, Historical studies in the natural sciences, xxxix (2009), 444–81.

Fox Guagnini , op. cit. (ref. 10), 69. A preexistent interest of a large group of experts was necessary for the construction of the exhibition. Fabienne Cardot, “L'exposition de 1881”, in Caron François Cardot Fabienne (eds), Histoire générale de l'électricité en France (Paris, 1991), ii, 18–33; von Weiher Sigfrid , Berlins Weg zur Elektropolis: Technik- und Industriegeschichte an der Spree, 2nd edn (Gottingen, 1987), 82–83; Hughes , op. cit. (ref. 7), 31–37.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), especially, 48–51, 124–39, 221–43, quote on p. 59.

His 1876 habilitation also included an experimental part.

Katzir , op. cit. (ref. 17), 449–54. For more details about his biography, Katzir Shaul , “From academic physics to technology and industry: The course of Hermann Aron's (1845–1913) career”, Max Planck Institute for the History of Science preprint, ccclxx (2009) (online at http://www.mpiwgberlin.mpg.de/Preprints/P370.pdf; accessed on 21 Aug 2009).

Vincenti Walter G. , What engineers know and how they know it: Analytical studies from aeronautical history (Baltimore, 1990); Layton Edwin T. Jr , “Mirror-image twins: The communities of science and technology in 19th-century America”, Technology and culture, xii (1971), 1971–80; Kline, op. cit. (ref. 13).

Hong , op. cit. (ref. 9).

Smith Crosbie Wise M. Norton , Energy and empire: A biographical study of Lord Kelvin, (Cambridge, 1989), 712–15.

Aron Hermann , “Die sekundären Elemente und ihre Anwendung”, Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift, iii (1882), 222–28, on p. 222. Aron's emphasis on energy efficiency seems to fit the thinking of a scientist more than that of a technologist, who, as ideal type, would prefer financial to energetic considerations. Edison expressed such a priority in his concise objection to the batteries: “I have never yet been able to learn of a 1000 horsepower of storage [batteries] than can be bought as cheap as 1000 hp of boiler and dynamos” (italics added). The quotation of Edison from Schallenberg, op. cit. (ref. 6), 174. Edison's view, which was shared by other “electricians” was grounded, among other reasons, in severe technical problems in the performance of storage batteries, Ibid., 67–69.

See for example the papers of the two British chemists John H. Gladstone and Alfred Tribe collected in The chemistry of the secondary batteries of Planté and Faure (London, 1883).

Thomas Hughes referred to this kind of problem resulting in a weak part in a system as “reverse salients”, Hughes, op. cit. (ref. 7), 79–81. Aron Hermann , ” Theorie der Akkumulatoren und Erfahrungen mit denselben”, Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift, iv (1883), 58–60, 100–107, on p. 58.

On Planté's work and motivation, Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 24–46.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 51–59, and here below.

Reynier E. , “Sur la pile secondaire de M. C. Faure”, Comptes-rendus hebdomadaires des séances de l'Académie des sciences, xcii (1881), 951–3.

The aim of these methods was to enlarge the operational surface of the plates as the capacity is proportional to it. Materials that hang to the surface block the lead and its useful products on the plates from taking part in the chemical reactions of charging and discharging.

Aron , ” Theorie der Akkumulatoren”, op. cit. (ref. 27), 58–60; Aron Hermann , “Herstellung eines neuen Stoffes aus Metall und Cellulose für elektrotechnische Zwecke”, Germany patent DE21957, filed 22-6-1882, issued 1883.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 51–59, quote on 57. Brush Charles F. , “Secondary Battery”, US Patent US337299, filed 13.6.1881.

Kalischer Salomon informed Aron that etching forms a crystalline layer in materials, so Aron tried to chemically etch the lead electrode using nitric acid, and then to remove the acid by oxidizer. This attempt led to a useful technique, whose results, however, were inferior to the metal-collodion technique. Aron, ” Theorie der Akkumulatoren”, op. cit. (ref. 27), 59–60.

Ibid., 59. Although this is a recollection, it seems to be quite reliable for three main reasons. First it was made close to the events. Second, Aron's interest in making it was not very strong, as it neither provided Aron priority, nor showed his advantage as a man of science. Third, the audience included Aron's colleagues who probably had known about his earlier work.

Aron was far from the only one encouraged by Faure's invention. Edmund Hoppe provides a list of more than 50 patents related to the storage battery filed between 1880 and 1883, Die Accumulatoren für Elektricität (Berlin, 1882), 143–4. It is possible that a few additional inventors suggested a pasting method independently of the others. For the interest of inventors in the designs of others see, Hughes Thomas P. , American genesis: A century of invention and technological enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 53–74.

Paalzow A. , “Ueber die elektromotorische Kraft von Flüssigkeitsketten”, Annalen der Physik und Chemie (1874), Jubelbandes, 643–9.

Goldstein Eugen , “Aus vergangenen Tagen der Berliner Physikalischen Gesellschaft”, Naturwissenschaften, xiii (1925), 39–45, on p. 40. Aron's laboratory was at Dortheenstraße near the physical institute. Among others he researched on artificial production of graphite for use in incandescence lamps, on a gas incandescent mantle, and allegedly on wireless communication (probably not by electromagnetic waves). His few contemporary theoretical papers were closer to Kirchhoff's interests. Katzir , “Academic physics to technology” (ref. 21), 9–10, 20.

Aron examined an example of a particular low velocity (10 km/h). From the deduction that a tram at that velocity would fail to carry even its own weight, he concluded that any battery-tram would be impractical. Faster trams would be able to carry even less weight and much slower cars would be of no use. As he later realized, his assumption about the weight to capacity ratio of batteries was too pessimistic even for his own time, Aron, ” Theorie der Akkumulatoren” (ref. 27), and Aron, “sekundären Elemente”, op. cit. (ref. 25), the calculation on 227–8.

In this way Aron supported the assumption of Gladstone and Tribe that lead-sulphate (PbSO₄), is formed in the process. Gladstone John Tribe Alfred , “The chemistry of the Planté and Faure accumulators”, Nature, xxv (1882), 221–3, 461–3, Aron, ” Theorie der Akkumulatoren” (ref. 27), 101–2.

Aron displayed command of novel theoretical approaches. He remarked that in cases like this Hermann von Helmholtz's very recent thermodynamic theory of chemical reactions based on the concept of free energy agrees with the claims of the earlier thermochemistry. This suggests a closer connection between Helmholtz's thermodynamics and the older thermochemistry than allowed for by some advocates of the thermodynamic approach (notably Pierre Duhem). Aron, Ibid., 102, on the relations between the two see Dolby R. G. A. , ” Thermochemistry versus thermodynamics: The nineteenth century controversy”, History of science, xxii (1984), 374–400.

Paalzow , op. cit. (ref. 37).

Gladstone Tribe , op. cit. (ref. 26), 463.

In his more detailed experiment Hallwachs examined the influence of variables like the batteries' inner resistance, the manner by which they were charged and discharged etc. Aron and Hallwachs continued to debate on insignificant points. Hallwachs Wilhelm , “Über die elektromotorische Kraft, den Widerstand und den Nutzeffekt von Ladungssäulen (Akkumulatoren)”, Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift, iv (1883), 200–8; Hallwachs Wilhelm , “Bemerkung über die Berechnung des Nutzeffektes von Ladungssäulen”, ibid., 301–2; Aron Hermann , “Zur Berechnung des Nutzeffektes von Akkumulatoren”, ibid., 342–4.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 52.

Eisenman Harry , Charles F. Brush: Pioneer innovator in electrical technology (PhD diss., Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, 1967), 8–30, 77–92; Wise George , “Brush, Charles Francis”, American national biography (Oxford, Online 2000, http://www.anb.org/articles/13/13-00214.html; accessed on 3 Sep 2010), and Schallenberg, op. cit. (ref. 6), 53–54.

O'Leary James , “Nathaniel Shepard Keith”, in The builders of a great city: San Francisco's representative men, the city, its history and commerce: Pregnant facts regarding the growth of the leading branches of trade, industries and products of the state and coast, i (San Francisco, 1891), 229–30. Keith Nathaniel , “Application for transfer from associate to full membership”, in American Institute of Electrical Engineers, June 1893, Keith Papers, IEEE, online http://www.ieeeghn.org/wiki/images/4/42/Keith_-_application_for_admission.pdf, Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 56–57. Unlike Schallenberg's claim (which follows mistaken contemporary sources), Keith did not study medicine.

Hughes , op. cit. (ref. 36), 65.

Zetzsche K. Ed., “Unser Ziel”, Elektrotechnische Zeitschrift, i (1880), 1–2, on 1. On Aron, the Verein and his work on technology see Katzir, “Academic physics to technology” (ref. 21), 14–17, and Katzir , op. cit. (ref. 17), 453–8 and passim on the move to industry. Quotation from Schallenberg op. cit. (ref. 6), 56.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 52–55, quote on 53.

Paalzow , op. cit. (ref. 37).

Differently than for fluids, Paalzow's findings suggested that contact electricity explains the operating voltage of batteries (but with agreement with Helmholtz, not their energy), while chemical reactions are responsible only for undesired secondary currents. This conclusion was potentially instrumental for designing batteries. This, however, was only one among a few aims of Paazlow's research, ibid. On Paalzow's earlier research see Rubens A. , “A. Paalzow”, Verhandlungen der deutschen physikalischen Gesellschaft, x (1908), 451–62. On the controversy between the contact and chemical theories see Ostwald Wilhelm , Electrochemistry: History and theory, trans. Date N. P. (New Delhi, 1980), 909–13; Darrigol Olivier , Electrodynamics from Ampère to Einstein (Oxford, 2000), 271–3; Kragh Helge , “Confusion and controversy: Nineteenth-century theories of the voltaic pile”, in Bevilacqua Fabio Fregonese Lucio (eds), Nuova Voltiana: Studies on Volta and his times, i (Pavia, 2000), 133–157.

The benefit of scientific research to technology and economy was a central theme in the foundation of these two different institutes. Cahan David , An institute for an empire: The Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt, 1871–1918 (Cambridge, 1989), 29–39; Katzir , op. cit. (ref. 17), 454–6.

Katzir , op. cit. (ref. 17), on the connection between the storage battery and the meter pp. 470–1; Goldstein Eugen , “Ueber electrische Leitung im Vacuum”, Annalen der Physik und Chemie, xxiv (1885), 79–92, on p. 85.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), 61.

Expectations for electric cars emerged as a major new source of investment in storage batteries in the mid 1890s.

Schallenberg , op. cit. (ref. 6), quotation on p. 341, pp. 61, 77–81 on the important painstaking research on various variables that might have affected the battery's performance by Bernard Drake during 1883–85, and passim.

Of course, the battery that was eventually used was based on improved design, which required investment of time, efforts and money. Hermann Aron, “Galvanisches element”, Germany patent DE38220, filed 30-6-1886, issued 1886; Hintz Eric S. , “Portable power: Inventor Samuel Ruben and the birth of Duracell”, Technology and culture, l (2009), 24–57; Ruben Samuel , “Alkaline primary cell”, USA patent US2473546, filed 23-1-1943, issued 1949; Schallenberg, op. cit. (ref. 6), 324–7.