JosefowiczDiane Greco, reviewing SriverTom, True Jacob: A novel, in Isis, cii (2011), 382–3.
2.
Historical writing today manifests discontent with chronological narrative. Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmermann promote histoire croisée as a sensibility for tailoring time-spans to particular objects of study. In their view, this approach is appropriate for relating long-term trends based on structures to short-term occurrences related to the action of individuals. Their inclination is to present circumstances in the past as interactions among diverse people, taking place on various levels. WernerZimmermann, “Beyond comparison: Histoire croisée and the challenge of reflexivity”, History and theory, xlv (2006), 30–50. Histoire croisée, a product of Postmodernity, would accommodate the relevance of Otto Neugebauer today.
3.
PyensonLewis, “Three graces”, in The strength of history at the doors of the new millennium, ed. by OlábarriIgnacioCaspisteguiFrancisco J. (Pamplona, 2005), 261–335 (reprint of 45 pages, Lafayette, 2005), for an application of White's “tropology” to historians of science.
4.
KuhnThomas S., The trouble with the historical philosophy of science: Robert and Maxine Rothschild distinguished lecture (Cambridge, MA, 1992), for Kuhn's commitment to an apodictical construction of the philosophy of science.
5.
TremelFerdinand, “400 Jahre Akademisches Gymnasium in Graz”, in 400 Jahre Akademisches Gymnasium in Graz 1573–1973, ed. by DanhoferWilhelm (Graz, 1973), 15–90, the various locations of instruction during the First World War on p. 64. Otto Neugebauer contributed a short text to the festschrift: “Babylonische Mathematik und Astronomie und griechische Wissenschaften”, 108–14; the contribution makes no mention of the Gymnasium. An editorial note, p. 108, indicates that Neugebauer received a Notmatura in 1917, also reported in Noel Swerdlow, “Otto E. Neugebauer, May 26, 1899 — February 19, 1990”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, cxxxvii (1993), 1993–65. Swerdlow's text is a fundamental source for Neugebauer's life.
6.
NeugebauerOtto, A history of ancient mathematical astronomy (New York, 1975, in three parts), p. vii. Brian W. Ogilvie has called attention to Petrarch's hostility to natural sciences, in this work, in “Natural history, ethics, and physico-theology”, in Historia: Empiricism and erudition in early modern Europe, ed. by PomataGiannaSiraisiNancy G. (Cambridge, 2005), 75–104.
7.
For an appreciation of the technical accomplishments of the field of Mesopotamian mathematics by one of its foremost scholars, Jens Høyrup, “Changing trends in the historiography of Mesopotamian mathematics: An insider's view”, History of science, xxxiv (1996), 1–32, where the focus is on scholarship after around 1930.
8.
GrayJeremy, Plato's ghost: The modernist transformation of mathematics (Princeton, 2008), for a characterization of the Neo-Platonic characteristics of this activity.
9.
Swerdlow, op. cit. (ref. 5), 146. See also: DunningtonG. Waldo, “Biographical sketch: Otto Neugebauer”, National mathematics magazine, xi (1936), 14–15.
10.
As Neugebauer related in the preface to the first edition of his book, The exact sciences in Antiquity (Copenhagen and Princeton, 1951).
11.
JessenBørge, “Harald Bohr, 22 April 1887 − 22 January 1951”, Acta mathematica, lxxxvi (1951), pp. i–xxiii on LandauEdmundBohrHaraldBohrHaraldCourantRichard, “Neue Anwendungen der Theorie der Diophantischen Approximationen auf die Riemannsche Zetafunktion”, Journal für die reine und angewandte Mathematik, cxliv (1914), 1914–74. The collaborations are mentioned in many secondary sources.
12.
RamskovKurt, Mathematikeren Harald Bohr (Aarhus, 1995), 256. Ramskov elaborates Harald Bohr's Göttingen connection.
13.
BohrHaraldNeugebauerOtto, “Über lineare Differentialgleichungen mit konstanten Koeffizienten und fastperiodischer rechter Seite”, Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Mathematisch-Physikalische Klasse, 1926, 8–22.
14.
Among many other works, Lewis Pyenson, “Mathematics, education, and the Göttingen approach to physical reality, 1890–1920”, Europa: Revue d'études interdisciplinaires, ii, no. 2 (Montreal, 1979), 91–127; “Physics in the shadow of mathematics: The Göttingen electron-theory seminar of 1905”', Archive for history of exact sciences, xxi (1979), 1979–89, both revised in Pyenson, The young Einstein: The advent of relativity (Bristol, 1985).
15.
PeetT. Eric, The Rhind mathematical papyrus (Liverpool and London, 1923); NeugebauerOtto, review in Matematisk tidsskrift A (1925), 66–70. Bohr as a student of Zeuthen's in Ramskov, op. cit. (ref. 12), 256.
16.
NeugebauerOttoJessenBørge Christian, 24 February 1951, in Ramskov, op. cit. (ref. 12), 256.
17.
Neugebauer, Die Grundlagen der ägyptischen Bruchrechnung (Berlin, 1926); his committee was CourantRichardSetheKurtKeesHermann. A review in Florian Cajori, Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society, xxxiii (1927), 372. After Hitler's rise to power, Kees was instrumental in firing Jewish professors at Göttingen.
18.
NeugebauerOtto, “On a special use of the sign ‘zero’ in cuneiform mathematical texts”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, lxi (1941), 213–15, p. 213.
19.
NeugebauerOtto, The exact sciences in Antiquity (1951; New York, 1969), 73.
20.
Neugebauer wrote in “Humanism and history of mathematics”, transl. by DunningtonG. Waldo, National mathematics magazine, xi (1936), 17–23, p. 23: ” The work by Klein, Lectures on the development of mathematics in the nineteenth century, shows as does none other what the historical view in this sense can mean for mathematics”.
21.
NeugebauerOtto, “A notice of ingratitude”, Isis, xlvii (1956), 58, where Neugebauer takes strong exception to George Sarton's defence of Cantor's labour.
22.
Schwartz, one of the greatest of German classicists, stood equal to Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. CalderWilliam M.IIIFowlerRobert L. (eds), The preserved letters of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff to Eduard Schwartz (Munich, 1986).
23.
Notably, colleagues whom Delambre knew personally. Delambre, Histoire de l'astronomie au dixhuitième siècle, ed. by MathieuClaude-Louis (Paris, 1827).
24.
FolkertsMensoScribaChristoph J.WussingHans, “Germany”, in Writing the history of mathematics: Its historical development, ed. by DaubenJoseph W.ScribaChristoph J. (Basle, 2002), 109–50, p. 135.
25.
NeugebauerOtto, “Über eine Methode zur Distanzbestimmung Alexandria-Rom bei Heron I”, Kgl. Danske videnskabernes selskab, Historisk-filologiske meddelelser, xxvi, no. 2 (1938), 1–26; xxvi, no. 7 (1939), 1–15.
26.
Pan-Babylonian writing, prominent in the first decades of the twentieth century, emphasized ” The necessity of understanding the ancient Near Eastern world as a whole without linguistic barriers and philhellenic (or orthodox Jewish and Christian) prejudices”. Suzanne L. Marchand, German orientalism in the age of empire (Washington, DC, and Cambridge, 2009), 239. By way of contrast, for the assertion of a Semitic origin for Mesopotamian civilization by the nineteenth-century French scholar Joseph Halévy: Jerrold S. Cooper, “Sumerian and Aryan: Racial theory, academic politics, and Parisian Assyriology”, Revue de l'histoire des religions, ccx (1993), 1993–205. The discipline known as Assyriology was disfigured by the vitriolic rhetoric of the Pan-Babylonians. Here we do not mean to suggest that this rhetoric was prominent among historians of mathematics and science.
27.
NeugebauerOtto, “History of mathematics”, in Collier's encyclopedia, xv (New York, 1950), 268–73, p. 271.
28.
Ibid.
29.
NeugebauerOtto, “The survival of Babylonian methods in the exact sciences of Antiquity and Middle Ages (1963)”, in NeugebauerOtto, Astronomy and history: Selected essays (New York, 1983), 157–64, p. 159.
30.
WiggershausRolf, The Frankfurt School: Its history, theories, and political significance, transl. by RobertsonMichael (Cambridge, MA, 1995); JayMartin, The dialectical imagination: A history of the Frankfurt School and the Institute for Social Research, 1923–1950 (Berkeley, 1973; 1996). The political dimensions of inter-war mathematicians remain to be examined in detail. MehrtensHerbert, Moderne — Sprache — Mathematik: Eine Geschichte des Streits um die Grundlagen der Disziplin und des Subjekts formaler Systeme (Frankfurt, 1990); Siegmund-SchultzeReinhard, Mathematicians fleeing from Nazi Germany: Individual fates and global impact (Princeton, 2009).
31.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), 160.
32.
NeugebauerOtto, ” The astronomical origin of the theory of conic sections (1947)”, in Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), 295–7.
33.
Swerdlow, op. cit. (ref. 5), 146.
34.
NeugebauerOtto, ” The history of ancient astronomy: Problems and methods (1945–1946)”, in Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), 33–98, p. 35.
35.
Ibid., 35–36.
36.
Ibid., 35.
37.
Ibid., 43–44.
38.
Neugebauer, “Preface”, in DelambreJean-Baptiste Joseph, Histoire de l'astronomie ancienne, tome premier (1817; New York, 1965), pp. ix–x, p. x.
39.
Ibid., pp. ix–x.
40.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 34), 47.
41.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 6), 922.
42.
SalibaGeorge, A history of Arabic astronomy: Planetary theories during the Golden Age of Islam (New York, 1994), 259–60, for Neugebauer. RashedRoshdi, Les mathématiques infinitésimales du IXe au Xle siècle, v: Ibn al Haytham: Astronomie, géométrie sphérique et trigonométrie (London, 2006), and Rashed, ” The celestial kinematics of Ibn al-Haytham”, Arabic sciences and philosophy, xvii (2007), 2007–55.
43.
McGetchinDouglas T., Indology indomania, and orientalism: Ancient India's rebirth in modern Germany (Madison, NJ, 2009), 164; Marchand, op. cit. (ref. 26), 128–30.
44.
SiegelCarl Ludwig, transl. by LenzenKevin M., “On the history of the Frankfurt Mathematics Seminar”, Mathematical intelligencer, i (1979), 223–30. Siegel's crude dismissal of education at Idaho State University, p. 229, where Max Dehn taught in the early 1940s, is characteristically elitist. Just at the time that Dehn left Pocatello, the US Navy's Bureau of Ordnance created a large testing facility there. Not for Dehn or for Siegel, the calibration and calculation of artillery. StacySusan M., Proving the principle: A history of the Idaho National Engineering and Environmental Laboratory, 1949–1999 (Idaho Falls, 2000), 8.
45.
PyensonLewis, Neohumanism and the persistence of pure mathematics in Wilhelmian Germany (Philadelphia, 1983), 33–37, for the genetic method and for Mach's sympathy toward a pedagogical balance between the humanities and the natural sciences. Gert Schubring, Das genetische Prinzip in der Mathematik-Didaktik (Stuttgart, 1978). On Toeplitz as a partisan of the genetic method: Fulvia Furinghetti and Luis Radford, “Contrasts and oblique connections between historical conceptual developments and classroom learning in mathematics”, in Handbook of international research in mathematics and education, ed. by EnglishLyn D. (New York, 2008), 626–55, p. 639; Toeplitz, transl. by LangeLuise, The calculus: A genetic approach (1949; Chicago, 1963), a version of Toeplitz's posthumous book, Die Entwicklung der Infinitesimalrechnung: Eine Einleitung in die Infinitesimalrechnung nach der genetischen Methode (1949).
46.
FolkertsScribaWussing, op. cit. (ref. 24), 134–5, for this paragraph and the following paragraph.
47.
Pyenson, op. cit. (ref. 14).
48.
PingreeDavid, “Hellenophilia versus the history of science”, Isis, lxxxiii (1992), 554–63, pp. 558–9, 563. Is it then reasonable to base our action upon psychoanalysis or Lysenko? For an elaboration of the issue of social efficacy in medicine: Volker Scheid, Currents of tradition in Chinese medicine 1626 to 2006 (Vista, CA, 2007); SivinNathan, “The question of efficacy in the history of medicine”, in A master of science history: Essays in honor of Charles Coulston Gillispie, ed. by BuchwaldJed Z. (Dordrecht, 2011), 341–56.
49.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 34), 69.
50.
CramerKonradPatzigGünther, “Die Philosophie in Göttingen 1734–1987”, in Die Geschichte der Verfassung und der Fachbereiche der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen, ed. by SchlotterHans-Günther (Göttingen, 1994), 86–91.
51.
PyensonLewis, “Inventory as a route to understanding: Sarton, Neugebauer, and sources”, History of science, xxxiii (1995), 253–82.
52.
NeugebauerOtto, “The history of mathematics”, transl. by DunningtonG. Waldo, National mathematics magazine, xi (1936), 17–23, pp. 22–23.
53.
NeugebauerOtto, “Jahreszeiten und Tageslängen in der babylonischen Astronomie”, Osiris, ii (1936), 517–50, pp. 520, 523–4, 527.
54.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), pp. viii, 208.
55.
McGetchin, op. cit. (ref. 43), 89–91, for the substantial number of chairs in Sanskrit at nineteenth-century German universities.
56.
ArnoldBill T.WeisbergDavid B., “A centennial review of Friedrich Delitzsch's ‘Babel und Bibel’ lectures”, Journal of biblical literature, cxxi (2002), 441–57, for the central role of Delitzsch in promoting Assyriology in Germany circa 1900. Arnold and Weisberg confirm Delitzsch's Anti-Semitism and observe both a nationalist tone and an Anti-Christian tone in Delitzsch's work. Delitzsch projected Jesus as a Babylonian and an Aryan (p. 449). Generally, Yaacov Shavit and Mordechai Eran, transl. by NaorChaya, The Hebrew bible reborn: From holy scripture to the book of books (Berlin, 2007).
57.
The deciphering of Babylonian astronomy and its assimilation by historians of science are recounted in detail by RochbergFrancesca, “A consideration of Babylonian astronomy within the historiography of science”, Studies in the history and philosophy of science, xxxiii (2002), 661–84. A new summary, of encyclopedic breadth: RobsonEleanor, Mathematics in ancient Iraq: A social history (Princeton, 2008).
58.
NeugebauerOtto, “Abraham J. Sachs”, Archiv für Orientforschung, xxix/xxx (1983/84), 333–4. In view of Neugebauer's ambivalence about the place of personality in the history of science, the obituary is notable for its warm portrayal of Sachs's humanity.
59.
Yale University Archives, Albrecht Goetze Papers Group 648, Box 15, Otto Neugebauer and Abraham Sachs to Goetze, 17 February 1942. NeugebauerSachsGoetze, Mathematical cuneiform texts (New Haven, CT, 1945).
60.
Ibid., Otto Neugebauer to Albrecht Goetze (1969).
61.
FinkelsteinJacob J., “Albrecht Goetze, 1897–1971”, Journal of the American Oriental Society, xcii (1972), 197–203, p. 202.
62.
PyensonLewis, “Uses of cultural history: Karl Lamprecht in Argentina”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, cxlvi (2002), 235–55.
63.
PyensonLewisVerbruggenChristophe, “Elements of the modernist creed in Henri Pirenne and George Sarton”, History of science, xlix (2011), 377–94.
64.
Pyenson, op. cit. (ref. 51).
65.
GenerallyLewis Pyenson, The passion of George Sarton: A modern marriage and its discipline (Philadelphia, 2007).
66.
KernanAlvin B., In Plato's cave (New Haven, 1999), 205, on Wyman; PyensonLewis, “In puris naturalibus”, Notices of the American Mathematical Society, liv (2008), 2008–6, on mathematics at Princeton.
67.
SartonGeorge, as a student, imagined applying to become Poincaré's assistant. Later, in what should be seen as an instance of self-promotion, he edited a posthumous text by Boutroux. Generally, on France: ChimissoCristina, Writing the history of the mind: Philosophy and science in France, 1900 to 1960s (Aldershot, 2008).
68.
GombrichErnst Hans Josef, Aby Warburg: An intellectual biography (London, 1970), 34–37, 243, 292ff., quotation p. 269; BrushKathryn, “Aby Warburg and the cultural historian Karl Lamprecht”, in Art history as cultural history: Warburg's projects, ed. by WoodfieldRichard (Amsterdam, 2001), 65–92.
69.
WarburgAby, Der Bilderatlas Mnemosyne, ed. by WarnkeMartinBrinkClaudia (Berlin, 2003), for a reconstruction.
70.
FerrettiSilvia, transl. by PierceRichard, Cassirer, Panofsky and Warburg: Symbol, art, and history (New Haven, 1989). Cassirer recounted that he brought his project on symbolic forms, already formulated, to the Warburg Library. GayPeter, Weimar culture: The outsider as insider (New York, 1968), 33–34. Schramm, who was involved with the library in the Weimar period, claimed not to have been influenced by Cassirer. BakJ. M., “Medieval symbology of the state: Percy E. Schramm's contribution”, Viator, iv (1973), 1973–64, p. 62. Generosity was not a virtue among Modernist scholars, who sought originality and independence above all. The Warburg connection is crystal clear in Panofsky's Studies in iconology: Humanistic themes in the art of the Renaissance (1939; New York, 1962), notably the analytical framework on pp. 14–15, grounded in Lamprechtian Weltanschauung.
71.
Gombrich, op. cit. (ref. 68), 309 for quotation; LippincottKristin, “Urania redux: A view of Aby Warburg's writings on astrology and art”, in Art history as cultural history, op. cit. (ref. 68), 151–82; BredekampHorst, “Gazing hands and blind spots: Galileo as a draftsman”, in Galileo in context, ed. by RennJürgen (Cambridge, 2001), 153–92, pp. 184–5.
72.
Among many examples: WarburgAby, “Italian art and international astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia, Ferrara (1912)”; WarburgAby, “Pagan-Antique prophecy in words and images in the age of Luther (1920)”, in Warburg, The renewal of pagan Antiquity, ed. by LindbergSteven, transl. by BrittDavid (Los Angeles, 1999), 563–92 and 597–697; WarburgAby, “Per monstra ad sphœram”: Sternglaube und Bilddeutung; Vortrag in Gedenken an Franz Boll und andere Schriften 1923 bis 1925, ed. by StimuliDavideWedepohlClaudia (Munich, 2008), returning to Babylonian and Etruscan inscriptions.
73.
NeugebauerOtto, ” The study of wretched subjects (1951)”, in Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), 3. It is significant that Neugebauer chose to begin his 539-page collection with this reprint. Neugebauer, in his mature years, wanted nothing to do with Sarton's memory; he twice declined the Sarton Medal of the History of Science Society.
74.
NeugebauerOtto, “Osiris”, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik, Astronomie und Physik. Abteilung B, Studien, iii (1936), 434–6.
75.
McEwanDorothea, “Wanderstrassen der Kultur”: Die Aby Warburg — Fritz Saxl Korrespondenz 1920 bis 1929 (Munich, 2004), Krebs p. 95, Sigerist on pp. 103, 180–1.
76.
This formulation seems coherent with the Forman thesis, according to which physicists quickly endorsed the Uncertainty Principle after they embraced the abstract symbolic form of Hilbert space because they had absorbed popular anti-causality sentiment over the preceding decade. For a recent appraisal: TrischlerHelmuthCarsonCathrynKojevnikovAlexei, “Beyond Weimar culture: Bie Bedeutung der Forman-These für eine Wissenschaftgsgeschichte in kulturhistorischer Perspektive”, Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, xxxi (2008), 305–10. For the poet whose motto was “Make it new!” who (different from William Butler Yeats) indeed rejected the occult side of Lebensphilosophie: LiebregtsPieter, Ezra Pound and Neoplatonism (Cranbury, NJ, 2004), 11.
77.
ChevalleyCatherine, “Physics as an art: The German tradition and the symbolic turn in philosophy, history of art and natural science in the 1920s”, in The elusive synthesis: Aesthetics and science, ed. by TauberAlfred J. (Amsterdam, 1996), 227–49.
78.
de SollaDerek J. Price emphasized the allure of symbolic forms in an essay with an unpronounceable title: “The [Star of David], the [five-pointed star], and the [eight-pointed star-circle], and other geometrical and scientific talismans and symbols”, in Changing perspectives in the history of science, ed. by TeichMikulášYoungRobert (Boston, 1973), 250–64, also in his Science since Babylon (New Haven, 1961).
79.
HankinsThomas L., “Blood, dirt, and nomograms: A particular history of graphs”, Isis, xc (1999), 50–80, focusing on the eighteenth century forward. Before then, with respect to iconography, Otto Neugebauer, ” The Egyptian 'Decans, (1955)”, in Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 29), 205–9.
80.
Gray, op. cit. (ref. 8).
81.
TobiesRenate, Morgen möchte ich wieder 100 herrliche Sachen ausrechnen: Iris Runge bei Osram und Telefunken (Wiesbaden, 2010), for a new picture of this time and place through the eyes of Carl Runge's brilliant mathematician daughter.
82.
Gombrich, op. cit. (ref. 68), 305–6.
83.
SetheKurt, Von Zahlen und Zahlworten bei den alten Aegyptern und was für andere Völker und Sprachen daraus zu lernen ist (Schriften der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft, 25; Strasbourg, 1916); “Ein altägyptischer Fingerzählreim”, Zeitschrift für Aegyptische Sprache, liv (1918), 1918–39; “Die Zeitrechnung der alten Aegypter im Verhältnis zu der der anderen Völker”, Nachrichten der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 1919, 287–320; 1920, 28–55. All cited in Neugebauer's Exact sciences in Antiquity (ref. 10).
84.
SetheKurt, Die Aegyptologie: Zweck, Inhalt und Bedeutung dieser Wissenschaft und Deutschlands Anteil an ihrer Entwicklung (Leipzig, 1921).
85.
NeugebauerRudolfOrendiJulius, with a preface by GraulRichard, Handbuch der orientalischen Teppichkunde (Leipzig, 1909), p. xi.
86.
Gombrich, op. cit. (ref. 68), 153.
87.
RieglAlois, Altorientalische Teppiche (Leipzig, 1891); “Ältere orientalische Teppiche aus dem Besitze des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses”, Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, xiii (1892), 1892–331. Riegl's folio monograph, Ein orientalischer Teppich vom Jahre 1202 n. Chr. und die ältesten orientalischen Teppiche (Berlin, 1895), is a succinct tracing of stylistic elements used in Persian carpets from the Hellenistic world through medieval times — In effect, an antecedent to Aby Warburg's enterprise in painting and illustration. See RieglAlois, Problems of style: Foundations for a history of ornament, transl. by KainEvelyn, annotations, glossary, and introduction by David Castriota (Princeton, 1992), 394–6, the long, final annotation by Castriota on recent scholarship about carpets. Nor did Warburg ignore woven art, in a fifteenth-century Flemish tapestry depicting the legend of fantastic voyages taken by Alexander the Great: “Airship and submarine in the Medieval imagination (1913)”, in Warburg, Renewal (ref. 72), 333–7. On Riegl's seminal significance in Europe: Michael Hatt and Charlotte Klonk, Art history: A critical introduction to its methods (Manchester, 2006), 80–94. On the carpet trade and also Riegl's approach to art history, Marchand, op. cit. (ref. 26), 398–403. For Riegl as a historian of crafts, particularly textiles, at the crucial time when he was formulating his notion of artistic style, deriving from the volition of masters and disciples, the excellent collection Framing formalism: Riegl's work, ed. by WoodfieldRichard (Amsterdam, 2001), especially: Andrew Ballantyne, “Space, grace, and stylistic conformity: Spätrömische Kunstindustrie and architecture”, 83–106; LordaJoaquín, “Problems of style: Riegl's problematic foundations”, 107–33; and MuthesiusStefan, “Alois Riegl: Volkskunst, Hausfleiss, und Hausindustrie”, 135–50.
88.
SchrammPercy Ernst, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio; Studien und Texte zur Geschichte des römischen Erneuerungsgedankens vom Ende des karolingischen Reiches biz zum Investiturstreit (Leipzig, 1929). Above all, in the present context, see the penetrating and sympathetic study by Bak, “Medieval symbology” (ref. 70).
89.
DetwilerDonald S., “Percy Ernst Schramm, 1894–1970”, Central European history, iv (1971), 90–93.
90.
SchrammPercy Ernst, “Der Deutsche Anteil an der Kolonialgeschichte bis zur Gründung eigener Kolonien”, Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse; Fachgruppe II. Nachrichten aus der mittleren und neueren Geschichte, iii, no. 1 (1940), 35–63, p. 35.
91.
SchrammPercy Ernst, Hamburg, Deutschland und die Welt: Leistung und Grenzen hanseatischen Bürgertums in der Zeit zwischen Napoleon I. und Bismarck (Munich, 1943), 424: “War ihr Stadtstaat zu sicher gefügt, die Bevölkerung zu solide, der Lebensstil zu fest geprägt, als dass jüdisches Wesen es auflockern und mit seinen Methoden durchsetzen konnte”.
92.
SchrammPercy Ernst, “Mein Lehrer Aby Warburg”, in Mnemosyne, ed. by FüsselStephan (Göttingen, 1979), 36–41.
93.
Gombrich, op. cit. (ref. 68), 22.
94.
ThimmeDavid, Percy Ernst Schramm und das Mittelalter: Wandlungen eines Geschichtsbildes (Göttingen, 2003), 358, 361 (quotation), 369.
95.
Ibid., 377–88.
96.
NeugebauerOtto, “Exact science in Antiquity (1941)”, in op. cit. (ref. 29), 23–31, pp. 30–31.
97.
NeugebauerOtto, “Sense or nonsense in scientific jargon”, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxiii (1960), 175–6. In 1936, Neugebauer was more generous about hand-waving arguments, identifying an article about the South Asian origin of much of European mathematics as a humorous parody. Neugebauer, “Osiris” (ref. 74), 436, note 8. It is fair to say that, in his reviews, Neugebauer sometimes ridiculed the publications of colleagues. He concluded one review by ironically observing that the book would be successful precisely because, in part, it mirrored the popular confusion among Romans about the technical precision and originality of Greek science, the central contention of the book. Otto Neugebauer, American journal of philology, lxxxv (1964), 1964–23.
Neugebauer, ” The history of mathematics” (ref. 52), 22–23, for quotations and for the notion that only a few scholars would be able to write the history that he imagined.
100.
Neugebauer, op. cit. (ref. 34), 34.
101.
Neugebauer, review of Peet in Matematisk tidsskrift (ref. 15), 70.
102.
YoungW. H., “Christian Felix Klein, 1849–1925”, Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, A, cxxi (1928), pp. i–xxvii, p. ii.