DastonLorraine, âThe nature of nature in early modern Europeâ, Configurations, vi (1998), 149â72, for remarks on periodization; StarnRandolph, âThe early modern muddleâ, Journal of early modern history, vi (2002), 2002â307; SmithPamela H., âScience on the move: Recent trends in the history of early modern scienceâ, Renaissance quarterly, lxii (2009), 2009â75.
2.
CunninghamAndrewWilliamsPerry, âDe-centring the âbig pictureâ: The origins of modern science and the modern origins of scienceâ, The British journal for the history of science, xxvi (1993), 407â32, has become widely cited without, however, having received a great deal of interrogation.
3.
WilsonAdrianAshplantTrevor, âWhig history and present-centred historyâ, The historical journal, xxxi (1988), 1â16; idem, âPresent-centred history and the problem of historical knowledgeâ, ibid., 253â74.
4.
Smith, âScience on the moveâ (ref. 1).
5.
Ibid., 347. Smith quotes from the mission statement of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science.
6.
MosleyAdam, Bearing the heavens: Tycho Brahe and the astronomical community of the late sixteenth century (Cambridge, 2007); WestmanRobert S., The Copernican question: Prognostication, skepticism, and celestial order (Berkeley, 2011).
7.
Smith, âScience on the moveâ (ref. 1), 345 n.1.
An example of the virtues of âsplittingâ rather than âlumpingâ is AnsteyPeter R., âExperimental versus speculative natural philosophyâ, in AnsteyPeter R.SchusterJohn A. (eds), The science of nature in the seventeenth century: Patterns of change in early modern natural philosophy (Dordrecht, 2005), 215â42.
10.
HarknessDeborah, The Jewel House: Elizabethan London and the Scientific Revolution (New Haven, 2007), pp. xvâxviii.
11.
A valuable and concise discussion appears in WilliamsRaymond, Keywords: A vocabulary of culture and society, rev. edn (New York, 1985), s.v. âscienceâ.
12.
R.H., New Atlantis. Begun by the Lord Verulam, Viscount St. Albans: And continued by R.H. Esquire (London, 1660); it is sometimes suggested that the author was Robert Hooke.
13.
Harkness, The Jewel House (ref. 10), 241â53. Cf. ThickMalcolm, Sir Hugh Platt: The search for useful knowledge in early modern London (London, 2010), Conclusion.
14.
WeeksSophie, âFrancis Bacon and the artânature distinctionâ, Ambix, liv (2007), 117â45; eadem, âThe role of mechanics in Francis Bacon's Great Instaurationâ, in ZittelClausEngelGiselaNanniRomanoKarafyllisNicole C. (eds), Philosophies of technology: Francis Bacon and his contemporaries (Leiden, 2008), 133â95.
HenryJohn, âThe fragmentation of Renaissance occultism and the decline of magicâ, History of science, xlvi (2008), 1â48.
17.
See also, for a similar argument, SmithPamela H., The body of the artisan: Art and experience in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 2004), Conclusion.
18.
FindlenPaula, âFrancis Bacon and the reform of natural history in the seventeenth centuryâ, in KelleyDonald R. (ed.), History and the disciplines: The reclassification of knowledge in early modern Europe (Rochester, 1997), 239â60.
19.
OgilvieBrian W., The science of describing: Natural history in Renaissance Europe (Chicago, 2006); FindlenPaula, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994).
20.
SandmanAlisonAshEric H., âTrading expertise: Sebastian Cabot between Spain and Englandâ, Renaissance quarterly, lvii (2004), 813â46; SandmanAlison, âMirroring the world: Sea charts, navigation, and territorial claims in sixteenth-century Spainâ, in SmithPamelaFindlenPaula (eds), Merchants and marvels: Commerce, science, and art in early modern Europe (London, 2002), 83â108; PortuondoMarĂa M., Secret science: Spanish cosmography and the New World (Chicago, 2009); Barrera-OsorioAntonio, Experiencing nature: The Spanish American Empire and the early Scientific Revolution (Austin, 2006). See also Cañizares-EsguerraJorge, âIberian science in the Renaissance: Ignored how much longer?â, Perspectives on science, xii (2004), 2004â124, and idem, Nature, empire, and nation: Explorations of the history of science in the Iberian world (Stanford, 2006); articles in SchiebingerLondaSwanClaudia (eds), Colonial botany: Science, commerce, and politics in the early modern world (Philadelphia, 2005); BleichmarDanielaDe VosPaulaHuffineKristinSheehanKevin (eds), Science in the Spanish and Portuguese empires, 1500â1800 (Stanford, 2009); BarreraAntonio, âLocal herbs, global medicines: Commerce, knowledge, and commodities in Spanish Americaâ, in Smith and Findlen, Merchants and marvels, 163â81. Iberian university contexts for the sciences are investigated in a number of articles in Mordechai Feingold and VĂctor Navarro Brotons, Universities and science in the early modern period (Dordrecht, 2006).
21.
Among more notable studies of the past twenty years, Betty Jo DobbsTeeter, The Janus face of genius: The role of alchemy in Newton's thought (Cambridge, 1991); MendelsohnJ. Andrew, âAlchemy and politics in England 1649â1665â, Past and present, no. 135 (1992), 30â78; SmithPamela H., The business of alchemy: Science and culture in the Holy Roman Empire (Princeton, 1994); MoranBruce T., Distilling knowledge: Alchemy, chemistry, and the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 2005); NummedalTara E., Alchemy and authority in the Holy Roman Empire (Chicago, 2007). See also WerrettSimon, Fireworks: Pyrotechnic arts and sciences in European History (Chicago, 2010), esp. pp. 23â30.
22.
More recently, NewmanWilliam R., Atoms and alchemy: Chymistry and the experimental origins of the Scientific Revolution (Chicago, 2006); idem, Promethean ambitions: Alchemy and the quest to perfect nature (Chicago, 2004); NewmanPrincipeLawrence M., Alchemy tried in the fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the fate of Helmontian chymistry (Chicago, 2002); StarkeyGeorgeNewmanWilliam R.PrincipeLawrence, Alchemical laboratory notebooks and correspondence (Chicago, 2004). See also, on similar themes, ClericuzioAntonio, Elements, principles and corpuscles: A study of atomism and chemistry in the seventeenth century (Dordrecht, 2000).
23.
NewmanWilliam R.PrincipeLawrence M., âAlchemy vs. chemistry: The etymological origins of a historiographic mistakeâ, Early science and medicine, iii (1998), 32â65; PrincipeNewman, âSome problems with the historiography of alchemyâ, in NewmanWilliam R.GraftonAnthony (eds), Secrets of nature: Astrology and alchemy in early modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2001), 385â431.
24.
See now, for a serious major study of Paracelsus himself, WebsterCharles, Paracelsus: Medicine, magic, and mission at the end of time (New Haven, 2008).
25.
MeliDomenico Bertoloni, Mechanism, experiment, disease: Marcello Malpighi and seventeenth-century anatomy (Baltimore, 2011); also idem, âThe collaboration between anatomists and mathematicians in the mid-seventeenth century with a study of images as experiments and Galileo's role in Steno's myologyâ, Early science and medicine, xiii (2008), 665â709.
26.
CunninghamAndrew, The Anatomical Renaissance: The resurrection of the anatomical project of the ancients (Aldershot, 1997); idem, The anatomist anatomis'd: An experimental discipline in Enlightenment Europe (Farnham, UK, and Burlington, VT, 2010).
27.
Cf. CunninghamWilliams, âDe-centring the âbig pictureââ (ref. 2).
28.
ParkKatherine, Secrets of women: Gender, generation, and the origins of human dissection (New York, 2006).
29.
WallersteinImmanuel, The modern world-system (3 vols, New York, 1974â88).
30.
See, for example, HarrisSteven J., âNetworks of travel, correspondence, and exchangeâ, in The Cambridge history of science, iii: Early modern science, ed. by ParkKatherineDastonLorraine (Cambridge, 2006), 341â62.
31.
LatourBruno, Science in action: How to follow scientists and engineers through society (Cambridge, MA, 1987); idem, Reassembling the social: An introduction to actor-network-theory (New York, 2007).
CookHarold J., Matters of exchange: Commerce, medicine, and science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, 2007).
34.
Cf. WennerlindCarl, âCredit-money as the philosopher's stone: Alchemy and the coinage problem in seventeenth-century Englandâ, History of political economy, supplement to vol. xxxv (2003), 235â62.
35.
SchafferSimon, âGolden means: Assay instruments and the geography of precision in the Guinea tradeâ, in Instruments, travel and science: Itineraries of precision from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, ed. by BourguetMarie-NoĂ«lleLicoppeChristianSibumH. Otto (London, 2002), 20â50; idem, âNewton on the beach: The information order of Principia Mathematicaâ, History of science, xlvii (2009), 2009â76 (Hans Rausing Lecture, Uppsala University, 2008); RobertsLissa L., âTechnology out of contextâ, inaugural professorial lecture, University of Twente, 2010. Newspapers have long been said to âcirculateâ rather than being distributed, but the origin of this usage is obscure: The Oxford English Dictionary's first record of this sense (q.v. âcirculationâ) is from 1847, but many prior nineteenth-century cases may be found by searching in Google âBooksâ. The association of travel with circulation as applied to periodicals, primarily for the nineteenth century, is especially due to James A. Secord, âKnowledge in transitâ, Isis, xcv (2004), 654â72.
36.
MokyrJoel, The gifts of Athena: Historical origins of the knowledge economy (Princeton, 2004); see, e.g., Dew, âScientific travelâ (ref. 32).
37.
Dew, âScientific travelâ (ref. 32); see also HsiaFlorence C., Sojourners in a strange land: Jesuits and their scientific missions in late Imperial China (Chicago, 2009), who does not speak of circulation.
38.
See esp. O'ConnellJoseph, âMetrology: The creation of universality by the circulation of particularsâ, Social studies of science, xxiii (1993), 129â73 (naturally, I regret O'Connell's choice of the word âcirculationâ, although his particular use of it here is appropriate); SchafferSimon, âLate Victorian metrology and its instrumentation: A manufactory of ohmsâ, in Invisible connections: Instruments, institutions and science, ed. by BudRobertCozzensSusan E. (Bellingham, WA, 1992), 23â56; PorterTheodore M., Trust in numbers: The pursuit of objectivity in the science and its public life (Princeton, 1995); and much else.
I suggest a criterion concerned with âideas causing other ideasâ because of the role played by British âsociology of scientific knowledgeâ in the 1970s and 1980s in shaping historiographical approaches of many historians of science in that period. The period seems to have represented a watershed that divided âintellectualistâ history of science from that of recent decades, and although it is difficult to characterize the precise methodological or ideological differences between more modern work in the history of science and that of the newer âintellectual contextualistâ historians of philosophy, I think that the presumed causal role of ideas (as classically criticized by Bloor in terms of teleology) represents a crucial, if not always acknowledged, distinction. Cf. BloorDavid, Knowledge and social imagery, 2nd edn (Chicago, 1991), 8â13.
43.
HarrisonPeter, The Fall of Man and the foundations of science (Cambridge, 2008).
44.
HarrisonPeter, âVoluntarism and early modern scienceâ, History of science, xl (2002), 63â89; HenryJohn, âVoluntarist theology at the origins of modern scienceâ, ibid., xlvii (2009), 2009â113; HarrisonPeter, âVoluntarism and the origins of modern science: A reply to John Henryâ, ibid., xlvii (2009), 2009â31. See also HenryJohn, âMetaphysics and the origins of modern science: Descartes and the importance of laws of natureâ, Early science and medicine, ix (2004), 73â114.
45.
MeliDomenico Bertoloni, Thinking with objects: The transformation of mechanics in the seventeenth century (Baltimore, 2006). Compare also LairdWalter RoyRouxSophie (eds), Mechanics and natural philosophy before [sic] the Scientific Revolution (Dordrecht, 2008).
46.
Westman, The Copernican question (ref. 6).
47.
Westman's close investigations of the rich astronomical/astrological culture in which Copernicus participated, and the absence of more evidence of direct textual transmission, imply that George Saliba's argument, that the astronomical developments of the European Renaissance are unthinkable without a major role for the impressive Islamic astronomical endeavours of the later Middle Ages, may be overstated: Saliba, Islamic science and the making of the European Renaissance (Cambridge, MA, 2007), chap. 6.
48.
JonesMatthew L., The good life in the Scientific Revolution: Descartes, Pascal, Leibniz, and the cultivation of virtue (Chicago, 2006).
49.
DastonLorraineSibumH. Otto, (eds), âScientific personaeâ, Science in context, xvi/1 (2003); GaukrogerStephen, Francis Bacon and the transformation of early-modern philosophy (Cambridge, 2001). See more broadly ShapinSteven, âThe man of scienceâ, in ParkDaston (eds), op. cit. (ref. 30), 179â91.
50.
AlexanderAmir R., Geometrical landscapes: The voyages of discovery and the transformation of mathematical practice (Stanford, 2002). Compare NealKatherine, From continuous to discrete: The broadening of number concepts in early modern England (Dordrecht, 2002).
51.
HeilbronJohn L., Galileo (Oxford, 2010); WoottonDavid, Galileo, watcher of the skies (New Haven, 2010).
52.
For a particularly important one, see ShapinSteven, âPersonal development and intellectual biography: The case of Robert Boyleâ, The British journal for the history of science, xxvi (1993), 335â45.
53.
Not least from the modern editions of Boyle's works and his correspondence. Leaving aside countless articles, one might note the following: HunterMichaelDavisEdward B. (eds), The works of Robert Boyle (14 vols, London, 1999â2000); HunterMichaelClericuzioAntonioPrincipeLawrence M. (eds), The correspondence of Robert Boyle (6 vols, London, 2001); HunterMichaelDavisEdward, The Boyle papers: Understanding the manuscripts of Robert Boyle (Aldershot, 2007); HunterMichael, Boyle: Between God and science (New Haven, 2009); NewmanPrincipe, Alchemy tried in the fire (ref. 22); AnsteyPeter R., The philosophy of Robert Boyle (London, 2000).
54.
BuchwaldJed Z.CohenI. Bernard, (eds), Isaac Newton's natural philosophy (Cambridge, MA, 2001); â The Newton Projectâ, http://www.newtonproject.sussex.ac.uk/prism.php?id=1; and, miscellaneously, SnobelenStephen D., ââGod of Gods, and Lord of Lordsâ: The theology of Isaac Newton's General Scholium to the Principiaâ, Osiris, 2nd ser., xvi (2001), 2001â208; ShapiroAlan E., âNewton's âexperimental philosophyââ, Early science and medicine, ix (2004), 2004â217; also Mordechai Feingold's notable companion volume to an exhibit held at the New York Public Library, The Newtonian moment: Isaac Newton and the making of modern culture (New York, 2004).
55.
AntognazzaMaria Rosa, Leibniz: An intellectual biography (Cambridge, 2009). Descartes has not been ignored either, of course, although perhaps less so among historians of philosophy than among historians of philosophy. Of note are a major collection: GaukrogerStephenSchusterJohnSuttonJohn (eds), Descartes' natural philosophy (London, 2000); also BuchwaldJed Z., âDescartes's experimental journey past the prism and through the invisible world to the rainbowâ, Annals of science, lxv (2008), 1â46.
56.
BuchwaldJed Z., âDiscrepant measurements and experimental knowledge in the early modern eraâ, Archive for history of exact sciences, lx (2006), 565â649.
57.
Textbooks have been appearing plentifully in recent years: See now OslerMargaret J., Reconfiguring the world: Nature, God, and human understanding from the Middle Ages to early modern Europe (Baltimore, 2010). I have not yet seen the weighty exception to this generalization: CohenH. Floris, How modern science came into the world: Four civilizations, one 17th-century breakthrough (Amsterdam, 2011).