SloaneHans, A voyage to the islands of Madera, Barbados, Nieves, S. Christophers and Jamaica, with the natural history of the … last of those islands (2 vols, London, 1707–25), i, table “iiii”, fig. 1, and figs. 2–5; p. lxxx. The image of the jellyfish was executed in the late sixteenth century by the English traveller John White off the coast of the American mainland in the vicinity of the Chesapeake Bay; Sloane later acquired White's design and juxtaposed it with the coral-encrusted objects he himself brought back from Jamaica: Kim Sloan, private communication. On the emblematic quality of this juxtaposition, see KrizKay Dian, “Curiosities, commodities, and transplanted bodies in Hans Sloane's ‘Natural History of Jamaica’”, William and Mary quarterly, lvii (2000), 35–78, pp. 53–7.
2.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), ii, pp. viii, 346, and table x, fig. 5.
3.
DelbourgoJames, “Slavery in the cabinet of curiosities: Hans Sloane's Atlantic world” (2007), http://www.britishmuseum.org/PDF/Delbourgo%20essay.pdf, accessed September 2010; WardEstelle Frances, Christopher Monck: Duke of Albemarle (London, 1915); The general contents of the British Museum (London, 1761), 79; WoodwardJohn, Brief instructions for making observations in all parts of the world (London, 1696), 11. On natural and artificial powers of transformation, see SmithPamela H.FindlenPaula (eds), Merchants and marvels: Commerce, science and art in early modern Europe (London, 2001), and KleinUrsulaSparyE. C. (eds), Materials and expertise in early modern Europe: Between market and laboratory (Chicago, 2010). On Sloane's attention to craftsmanship as the link between his natural and artificial curiosities, see SysonLuke, “The ordering of the artificial world: Collecting, classification and progress”, in SloanKimBurnettAndrew (eds), Enlightenment: Discovering the world in the eighteenth century (London, 2003), 108–21, p. 111. On the early British Museum, see GoldgarAnne, “The British Museum and the virtual representation of culture in the eighteenth century”, Albion, xxxii (2000), 2000–231.
4.
TaussigMichael, My cocaine museum (Chicago, 2004), 261; BoyleRobert, “Some considerations touching the usefulness of experimental natural philosophy” (1671), in HunterMichaelDavisEdward B. (eds), The works of Robert Boyle (14 vols, London, 2002), vi, 425. There is an enormous literature on collecting and museums. For an introduction, see Hooper-GreenhillEileen, Museums and the shaping of knowledge (London, 1992). On early modern collections, see ImpeyOliverMacGregorArthur (eds), The origins of museums (Oxford, 1985); FindlenPaula, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994); DastonLorraineParkKatharine, Wonders and the order of nature, 1150–1750 (New York, 1998); ArnoldKen, Cabinets for the curious: Looking back at early English museums (Aldershot, 2006). For recent insights on things in the history of science, see AlderKen (ed.), “Focus: Thick things”, Isis, xcviii (2007), 2007–142.
5.
ShapinSteven, A social history of truth: Civility and science in seventeenth-century England (Chicago, 1994), 258–66.
6.
Taussig, Cocaine museum (ref. 4), 315. On oceanographic sciences in Verne's era, see RozwadowskiHelen M., Fathoming the ocean: The discovery and exploration of the deep sea (Cambridge, MA, 2005); on the anthropology of contemporary deep-sea science, see HelmreichStefan, Alien ocean: Anthropological voyages in microbial seas (Berkeley, 2009). For recent histories that explore the situatedness of early modern natural sciences in long-distance commercial and colonial projects, see StewartLarry, “Global pillage: Science, commerce and empire”, in PorterRoy (ed.), The Cambridge history of science: Eighteenth-century science (Cambridge, 2003), 825–44; SchiebingerLonda, Plants and empire: Colonial bioprospecting in the Atlantic world (Cambridge, MA, 2004); SchiebingerLondaSwanClaudia (eds)., Colonial botany: Science, commerce, and politics in the early modern world (Philadelphia, 2004); Cañizares-EsguerraJorge, Nature, empire, and nation: Explorations of the history of science in the Iberian world (Stanford, 2006); RajKapil, Relocating modern science: Circulation and the construction of knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650–1900 (Basingstoke, 2007); CookHarold J., Matters of exchange: Commerce, medicine, and science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, 2007); DelbourgoJamesDewNicholas (eds)., Science and empire in the Atlantic world (London, 2007); BleichmarDanielaDe VosPaulaJuffineKristinSheehanKevin (eds)., Science in the Spanish and Portuguese empires, 1500–1800 (Stanford, 2008); SchafferSimonRobertsLissaRajKapilDelbourgoJames (eds)., The brokered world: Go-betweens and global intelligence, 1770–1820 (Sagamore Beach, MA, 2009); SchafferSimon, “Newton on the beach: The information order of Principia mathematica”, History of science, xlvii (2009), 2009–76; RobertsLissa (ed.)., “Science and global history, 1750–1850: Local encounters and global circulation”, Itinerario, xxxiii (2009), 7–95; SivasundaramSujit (ed.)., “Focus: Global histories of science”, Isis, ci (2010), 95–158. On curiosity collections' networks, see HarrisSteven J., “Long-distance corporations, big science and the geography of knowledge”, Configurations, vi (1988), 269–304.
7.
On oceanic space as socially constructed rather than a zone of contest over resources considered beyond the realm of the social, see SteinbergPhilip E., The social construction of the ocean (Cambridge, 2001), esp. pp. 89–109.
8.
PomianKrzysztof, Collectors and curiosities: Paris and Venice, 1500–1800, transl. by Wiles-PortierElizabeth (Cambridge, 1990), 7–44; Steinberg, Social construction of the ocean (ref. 7), 99; MarxRobert F., The history of underwater exploration (New York, 1990), 4–6; Gentleman's magazine, xviii (1748), 1748–2.
9.
MarsigliLuigi, Histoire physique de la mer (Amsterdam, 1725); Findlen, Possessing nature (ref. 4), 192–3.
10.
de BeerGavin, Sir Hans Sloane and the British Museum (London, 1953), 160–1; MacGregorArthur, “The life, character and career of Sir Hans Sloane”, in MacGregor (ed.), Sir Hans Sloane: Collector, scientist, antiquary, founding father of the British Museum (London, 1994), 28.
11.
For an analysis of the aesthetics and arrangement of eighteenth-century shell collections, see SparyE. C., “Scientific symmetries”, History of science, lxii (2004), 1–46.
12.
“A poem occasion'd by the viewing Dr Sloans musaeum”, December 1712, British Library MS Sloane1968, fol. 192.
13.
SwanClaudia, “From blowfish to flower still life paintings: Classification and its images, circa 1600”, in SmithFindlen (eds), Merchants and marvels (ref. 3), 109–36, p. 112, and CookHarold J., “Time's bodies: Crafting the preparation and preservation of naturalia”, ibid., 223–47.
14.
The will of Hans Sloane, Bart., deceased (London, 1753), 3. On the use of post-Newtonian physico-theology to combat atheism and infidelity, see JacobMargaret C., The Newtonians and the English revolution, 1689–1720 (New York, 1976).
15.
HookeRobert, Philosophical experiments and observations of the late eminent Dr Robert Hooke (London, 1736), 228.
16.
PooleWilliam, The world makers: Scientists of the Restoration and the search for the origins of the earth (Oxford, 2010), 95, 97–8, quotation from p. 98.
17.
Quotations from The posthumous works of Dr Robert Hooke (London, 1705), 321; and HookeRobert, Discourse of earthquakes and subterraneous eruptions (1667–94), in Tan DrakeEllen, Restless genius: Robert Hooke and his earthly thoughts (Oxford, 1996), 233. See also HunterMichaelSchafferSimon (eds), Robert Hooke: New studies (Woodbridge, 1989), 16–17; BennettJames, “Hooke's instruments for astronomy and navigation”, ibid., 21–32; David R. Oldroyd, ”Geological controversy in the seventeenth century: ‘Hooke vs Wallis’ and its aftermath”, ibid., 207–33, p. 208; Tan DrakeEllen, “Hooke's ideas of the terraqueous globe and a theory of evolution”, in CooperMichelHunterMichael (eds), Robert Hooke: Tercentennial studies (Aldershot, 2006), 135–49; RappaportRhoda, “The earth sciences”, in Porter (ed.), Cambridge history of science (ref. 6), 417–35; Arnold, Cabinets for the curious (ref. 4); Poole, The world makers (ref. 16), 97–8, 101, 103, 112.
18.
SloaneHans, “A letter from Hans Sloane”, Philosophical transactions, xviii (1694), 78–100.
19.
TutchinJohn, The earth-quake of Jamaica, describ'd in a pindarick poem (London, 1692), 6–7.
20.
ParkhurstThomas, The truest and largest account of the late earthquake in Jamaica (London, 1693), 7, 6, 2, 19, 24.
21.
RayJohn, Three physico-theological discourses, 2nd edn (London, 1693), 208. On the invocation of Newton in highly contested social philosophies during the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution, see Jacob, Newtonians and the English revolution (ref. 14). The classic account of England's early Caribbean colonies is DunnRichard S., Sugar and slaves: The rise of the planter class in the English West Indies, 1624–1713 (Chapel Hill, 1972); and on the relationship between colonial and taxonomic expansion in the British case, see DraytonRichard H., Nature's government: Science, imperial Britain, and the ‘improvement’ of the world (New Haven, 2000).
22.
MulcahyMatthew, “The Port Royal earthquake and the world of wonders in seventeenth-century Jamaica”, Early American studies, vi (2008), 391–421.
23.
Unlike Edmond Halley, for example: See SchafferSimon, “Halley's atheism and the end of the world”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, xxxii (1977), 17–40.
24.
HookeRobert, Micrographia (London, 1665), 140–1; The philosophical works of Robert Hooke (London, 1726), 304–15 (discussion dated 1696).
25.
de RochefortCharles, The history of the Caribby-islands, transl. by DaviesJohn (London, 1666), 106, 124, 119, 126; SmithWilliam, A natural history of Nevis …. with many other observations on art and nature (Cambridge, 1745), 14.
26.
Johnvan RymsdykAndrew, Museum Britannicum (London, 1778), 31, 50–1; Syson, “Ordering of the artificial world” (ref. 3).
27.
ButlerWeeden, “Pleasing recollection of a walk through the British Musaeum”, British Library MS Add. 27276, fol. 21; RymsdykRymsdyk, Museum Britannicum (ref. 26), 50–51; General contents of the British Museum (ref. 3), 79.
28.
Poole, The world makers (ref. 16), 116.
29.
Steinberg, Social construction of the ocean (ref. 7), 89–109; ArmitageDavid, The ideological origins of the British empire (Cambridge, 2000), 100–24; VieiraMónica Brito, “Mare liberum vs. mare clausum: Grotius, Freitas, and Selden's debate on dominion over the seas”, Journal of the history of ideas, lxiv (2003), 2003–78.
30.
SwannMarjorie, Curiosities and texts: The culture of collecting in early modern England (Philadelphia, 2001), chap. 3.
31.
Items 3, 580, 1280, 1900, Miscellanies Catalogue, Africa, Oceania and the Americas Library, British Museum; items 8, 468, Catalogue of Corals, Sponges, etc., Palaeontology Library, Natural History Museum, London.
32.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), ii, 266.
33.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, dedication.
34.
KolárBohumilUngerOldrich, Explorers of the deep: From the oldest divers to the inhabitants of underwater cities, transl. by WilsonPaul (London, 1976), 14–15, 18. For an anthropological account of Indonesian pearl divers, see SpyerPatricia, “The eroticism of debt: Pearl divers, traders, and sea wives in the Aru islands, east Indonesia”, American ethnologist, xxiv (1997), 1997–38. On the early modern pearl trade, see WarshMolly A., “Adorning empire: A history of the early modern pearl trade, 1492–1688”, Ph.D. thesis, Johns Hopkins University, 2009.
35.
Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 7, 9, 11; on underwater history, see also de LatilPierreRivoireJean, Man and the underwater world, transl. by FitzgeraldEdward (New York, 1956).
36.
FranklinBenjamin, “Autobiography”, in Writings (New York, 1987), 1351; DawsonKevin, “Enslaved swimmers and divers in the Atlantic world”, Journal of American history, xcii (2006), 2006–55; PerceyWilliam, The compleat swimmer (London, 1658), 2, 6, 8. On western Europeans' relationship with the sea in the nineteenth century, see CorbinAlain, The lure of the sea: The discovery of the seaside in the Western world, transl. by PhelpsJocelyn (Cambridge, 1994).
37.
ShadwellThomas, The virtuoso, a comedy (London, 1676), 27. I owe this point to Natalie Kaoukji.
38.
Woodward, Brief instructions (ref. 3), 1; Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 1–2, 14, 18, 20; WanleyNathaniel, The wonders of the little world (London, 1673), 504.
39.
BlountThomas, A natural history containing many not common observations (London, 1693), 167–8. Moray's account is in BirchThomas, The history of the Royal Society of London for improving of natural knowledge (4 vols, London, 1756), 23 March 1663/4, i, 401. RymsdykRymsdyk, Museum Britannicum (ref. 26), 6; see also the doubts expressed about oil-soaked sponges in HalleyEdmond, “The art of living under water: Or, a discourse concerning the means of furnishing air at the bottom of the sea, in any ordinary depths”, Philosophical transactions, xxix (1714–16), 492–9, pp. 492–3.
40.
ArunachalamS., The history of the pearl fishery of the Tamil coast (Annamalai Nagar, 1952), 126; KunzGeorge FrederickStevensonCharles Hugh, The book of the pearl: The history, art, science, and industry of the queen of gems (London, 1908), chap. 10.
41.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, pp. lxxxiii–lxxxiv.
42.
On Spanish ships' habit of carrying African divers with them, see ExquemelinAlexandre, Bucaniers of America (London, 1684), 91–2. See also KunzStevenson, Book of the pearl (ref. 40), 235–6; Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 19; Dawson, “Enslaved swimmers” (ref. 36); CarneyJudith, Black rice: The African origin of rice cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge, MA, 2001).
43.
Schiebinger, Plants and empire (ref. 6); ParrishSusan Scott, American curiosity: Cultures of natural history in the colonial British Atlantic world (Chapel Hill, 2006), chap. 7.
44.
Smith, Natural history of Nevis (ref. 25), 7, 10–11.
45.
GlissantÉdouard, Caribbean discourse: Selected essays, transl. by DashJ. Michael (Charlottesville, 1989), 66–7; WalcottDerek, “The sea is history”, in The star-apple kingdom (New York, 1979), 25–8; BaucomIan, Specters of the Atlantic: Finance capital, slavery, and the philosophy of history (Durham, NC, 2005), esp. chap. 12. Dawson notes that some interior Africans, unlike coastal Africans, were not adept at swimming. Olaudah Equiano, an Ibo from what is now Nigeria, could not swim, while some African-Americans warily referred to the unfamiliar Atlantic Ocean as the “Big Water”: See Dawson, “Enslaved swimmers” (ref. 36), 1337, and MorganPhilip D., Slave counterpoint: Black culture in the eighteenth-century Chesapeake and low country (Chapel Hill, 1998), 445.
46.
Parkhurst, Late earthquake (ref. 20), 5; Philotheos Physiologus [Thomas Tryon], Friendly advice to the gentleman-planters of the East and West Indies (London, 1684), 149. On Tryon, see RosenbergPhilippe, “Thomas Tryon and the seventeenth-century dimensions of antislavery”, William and Mary quarterly, lxi (2004), 2004–42, and Daniel Carey, “Sugar, colonialism and the critique of slavery: Thomas Tryon in Barbados”, in WellsByron R.StewartPhilip (eds), Interpreting colonialism (Oxford, 2004), 303–21.
47.
Pierre Mignard's double portrait entitled Louise de Kéroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth (1682) shows an African servant girl presenting the most prized underwater objects to her aristocratic mistress: Red coral and pearls flowing out of a cornucopian nautilus shell. See AmussenSusan D., Caribbean exchanges: Slavery and the transformation of English society, 1640–1700 (Chapel Hill, 2007), 194–5, 202. See also DabydeenDavid, Hogarth's blacks: Images of blacks in eighteenth-century English art (Athens, GA, 1987).
48.
WalkerJohn, Elements of geography (London, 1788), 76–7. There is an interesting similarity between late eighteenth-century accounts of African diving prowess and descriptions of the heightened sensory capacities of Jamaican Maroons. In both cases, admiration for non-European skill produced a distancing effect. Bryan Edwards, for example, depicted Maroons' sensory superiority as atypical among Africans and less than wholly natural: Edwards, The proceedings of the governor and assembly of Jamaica, in regard to the maroon negroes (London, 1796), p. xxxix. On abolitionism, see BrownChristopher L., Moral capital: Foundations of British abolitionism (Chapel Hill, 2006).
49.
Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 22–3; PawsonMichaelBuisseretDavid, Port Royal, Jamaica (Oxford, 1975), 56–7; Ward, Christopher Monck (ref. 3), 266; OldmixonJohn, The British empire in America (2 vols, London, 1708), ii, 285. Albemarle was also a mineralogical prospector and patentee of England's Royal Mines in the West Indies: Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, 33. see also BarhamHenry, “Civil history of Jamaica to 1722”, British Library MS Add. 12422, fols 164–5.
50.
BuisseretDavid (ed.), Jamaica in 1687: The Taylor manuscript at the National Library of Jamaica (Kingston, 2008), 181. The British also traded coral in West Africa to purchase slaves: HancockDavid, Citizens of the world: London merchants and the integration of the British Atlantic community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge, 1995), 190.
51.
EarlePeter, The wreck of the Almiranta: Sir William Phips and the search for the Hispaniola treasure (London, 1979), 112–27, 161–2, 167, 175, 182–4, 222; Sloane to Arthur Rawdon, 21 May 1687, in The Rawdon papers (London, 1819), 388, 390; Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, pp. lxxx–lxxxi.
52.
HawthorneNathaniel, “Sir William Phips” (1830), in Selected tales and sketches (Harmondsworth, 1987), 9.
53.
LeslieCharles, A new history of Jamaica, from the earliest accounts to the taking of Porto Bello by Vice-admiral Vernon (London, 1740), 37; Kriz, “Curiosities, commodities and transplanted bodies” (ref. 1), 56. On Spanish gold and silver's importance to Jamaican economic formation via illegal regional trade, see ZahediehNuala, “The merchants of Port Royal, Jamaica, and the Spanish contraband trade, 1655–1692”, William and Mary quarterly, xliii (1986), 1986–93, pp. 583–4, and “Trade, plunder, and economic development in early English Jamaica, 1655–89”, Economic history review, xxxix (1986), 1986–22.
54.
The original phrase, a conceit borrowed from amatory fishing, concludes, “quo minime credas gurgite, piscis erit”, “where you least expect it, there will be fish”: Ovid, Ars amatoria, Book 3, ed. by GibsonRoy K. (Cambridge, 2003), lines 425–6, p. 65; see also p. 273. My thanks to John Tresch on this point.
55.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, 51.
56.
Sloane to Rawdon, 21 May 1687, Rawdon papers (ref. 51), 389–90. On Sloane's chemical training, see de Beer, Sir Hans Sloane (ref. 10), 16–17.
57.
Walcott, “Sea is history” (ref. 45), 25; see also the highly-evocative description of diving in Walcott's epic Omeros (London, 1990), 43–7.
58.
For the unusual case of a seafarer in America who “learned to dive of the Indians”, see Boyle, “Relations about the bottom of the sea” (1670), in HunterDavis (eds), Works of Robert Boyle (ref. 4), vi, 362.
Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 30–1; von EtzenbachUlrich, Alexander, Cod. Guelf (late 14th century), 1.2.5, fol. 128r, Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel, reproduced in DastonPark, Wonders and the order of nature (ref. 4), 96; Costa, Immersione subacquea (ref. 59), 26.
61.
TapiaNicolás García, “The repercussions of Spanish technology in the discovery of the American continent”, Icon, v (1999), 113–27, p. 116; Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 31–2, 35–6.
62.
Marten Triewald's The art of living under water (1734), transl. by CroftC. J. L.GustafssonLarsKahanMichael (London, 2004), 35–6, whose title paid homage to Halley (see below), provides one early genealogy of the history of the diving bell, which dismisses most of Triewald's bell-designing predecessors because they allegedly lacked understanding of the “laws of nature” as they applied to water pressure.
GovierMark, “The Royal Society, slavery, and the island of Jamaica: 1660–1700”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, liii (1999), 203–17; SchafferSimon, “Golden means: Assay instruments and the geography of precision in the Guinea trade”, in LicoppeChristianSibumHeinz OttoBourguetMarie-Noëlle (eds), Instruments, travel and science: Itineraries of precision from the seventeenth to the twentieth century (London, 2002), 20–50; Delbourgo, “Slavery in the cabinet of curiosities” (ref. 3); GascoigneJohn, “The Royal Society, natural history, and the peoples of the ‘New World(s)’, 1660–1800”, The British journal for the history of science, xlii (2009), 2009–62.
65.
For Moray's reports, see, for example, Birch, History of the Royal Society, entries for 9, 16, 23 March 1663/4, i, 392, 396, 399–401; for Hooke's experiments, ibid., 9 March 1663/4, i, 392; and ibid., 17 February 1664, i, 385. See also 'EspinasseMargaret, Robert Hooke (London, 1956), 52–3, 73; DeaconMargaret, Scientists and the sea, 1650–1900: A study of marine science (London, 1971), chaps. 4, 8; HunterMichael, Science and society in Restoration England (Cambridge, 1981), 94–5. On angelic assistance in salvage work conducted in this period, see ClarkeJ. Kent, Goodwin Wharton (Oxford, 1984), 223–6, 271–5.
66.
Philosophical works of Robert Hooke (ref. 24), 313; Hans Sloane, minutes of Royal Society meetings, 1696–7, British Library MS Sloane 3341, 16 and 29 December 1696, fols 27, 28. For Hooke's anatomical interest in and drawings of the nautilus, see Drake, Restless genius (ref. 17), 165–7. On scientific models, see HopwoodNickde ChadarevianSoraya (eds), Models: The third dimension of science (Stanford, 2004).
67.
WilkinsJohn, Mathematicall magick (London, 1648), 178–90, quotation p. 190. SinclairGeorge, Natural philosophy improven by new experiments (Edinburgh, 1683), 154, also conjured biblical echoes in referring to a “Diving Ark”, explaining its name thus: “because it is of Timber, and next, because it saves a man from being overwhelmed with the Waters.” Sinclair, a mathematician and surveyor, conducted salvage work off the Scottish coast in Tobermory harbour, searching for remnants of the Spanish Armada. See also PhillipsJohn L., The bends: Compressed air in the history of science, diving, and engineering (New Haven, 1998), 42.
68.
Smith, Natural history of Nevis (ref. 25), 13–14; BarlowReverend, “The submarine, an engine for conveying air under water”, 27 May 1736, Record Book xix, 442–6, Royal Society Archives; Angliae tutamen: Or, the safety of England (London, 1695), 20; BalenMalcolm, A very English deceit: The secret history of the South Sea bubble and the first great financial scandal (London, 2002), 31. Defoe himself identified diving bells as particularly risky schemes: See DefoeDaniel, Essays upon several projects (London, 1702), 12–13, and BastianF., Defoe's early life (New York, 1981), 167–71. On projecting and natural philosophy, see StewartLarry, The rise of public science: Rhetoric, technology and natural philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660–1750 (Cambridge, 1992). On seventeenth-century uses of primitive tubs in the Americas, see Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 32. The design of Barlow's horn-like submersible had earlier been pioneered by John Lethbridge and Jacob Rowe for salvaging East India Company wrecks during 1715–21: See RoweJacob, A demonstration of the diving engine (London, 2000). On Drebbel, see KellerVera, “Cornelis Drebbel: Fame and the making of modernity”, Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 2008.
69.
I owe this point to Daniel Carey.
70.
DefoeDaniel, The complete English tradesman (1726; Gloucester, 1987), 46; Angliae tutamen (ref. 68), 20–1, 4; Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, p. lxxxi; RobertsonJames, “Re-writing the English conquest of Jamaica in the late seventeenth century”, English historical review, cxvii (2002), 2002–39, p. 815. On credit and its languages in this period, see SchafferSimon, “Defoe's natural philosophy and the worlds of credit”, in ChristieJohnShuttleworthSally (eds), Nature transfigured: Science and literature, 1700–1900 (Manchester, 1989), 13–44.
71.
Boyle, ” of the systematicall or cosmicall qualities of things” (1670), in HunterDavis (eds), Works of Robert Boyle (ref. 4), vi, 319.
72.
Shapin, Social history of truth (ref. 5), 258–66.
73.
Boyle, ” of the systematicall or cosmicall qualities of things”, in HunterDavis (eds)., Works of Robert Boyle (ref. 4), vi, 349, 352, 360, 363; see also Deacon, Scientists and the sea (ref. 65), chap. 6. For contrasting views of the strength and weakness of state deployment in long-distance scientific work in this era, see, respectively, Schaffer, “Golden means” (ref. 64), and DewNicholas, “Vers la ligne: Circulating measurements around the French Atlantic”, in DelbourgoDew (eds), Science and empire in the Atlantic world (ref. 6), 53–72.
74.
Marsigli, Histoire physique de la mer (ref. 9), pp. 2, x. Marsigli was an avid collector of red coral, and involved in mining as well as underwater surveying projects, as was Marten Triewald. The link between underwater exploration and mining deserves analysis in its own right. See StoyeJohn, Marsigli's Europe, 1680–1730: Life and times of Luigi Fernando Marsigli, soldier and virtuoso (New Haven, 1994).
75.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1), i, p. lxxxi; HalleyEdmond, “To walk on the bottom at a considerable depth of water …”, 6 March 1689, Classified Papers 21/28, Royal Society Archives; CookAlan, Edmond Halley: Charting the heavens and the seas (Oxford, 1997), 236–43; Marx, Underwater exploration (ref. 8), 34–5. On the embeddedness of early modern epistemic projects in technical endeavours, see RobertsLissaSchafferSimonDearPeter (eds), The mindful hand: Inquiry and invention from the late Renaissance to early industrialization (Amsterdam, 2007).
76.
Halley, “Art of living under water” (ref. 39), 499.
77.
Sloane, Natural history of Jamaica (ref. 1) i, p. lxxxi; Cook, Edmond Halley (ref. 75), 240; Halley, “To walk on the bottom…” (ref. 75).
78.
Halley, “Art of living under water” (ref. 39), quotation p. 495. Contrast this late seventeenth- century attempt to maintain the image of a stable experimenting self under water with the experimental selves modified by nitrous oxide and electricity, as expressed through romantic-era autobiographical reportage: Simon Schaffer, “Self evidence”, Critical inquiry, xviii (1992), 327–62.
79.
Shapin, A social history of truth (ref. 5); see also GolinskiJan V., Science as public culture: Chemistry and enlightenment in Britain, 1760–1820 (Cambridge, 1992). There is no evidence that Halley went under water in 1689. In this respect, his underwater narrative was not the result of his earlier ‘research agenda’ but the product of the practical commercial project he commenced in 1691.
80.
Journal Book 8 (1689), Royal Society Archives, 248.
81.
Halley, “Art of living under water” (ref. 39), quotations pp. 497–9; NewtonIsaac, Opticks (London, 1704), 139.
82.
An old saying.
83.
PelsPeter, “The spirit of matter: On fetish, rarity, fact, and fancy”, in SpyerPatricia (ed.), Border fetishisms: Material objects in unstable spaces (London, 1998), 91–121.
84.
MarxRobert F., Shipwrecks in the Americas (Toronto, 1987), 78–9.
85.
On this theme, see also Taussig, Cocaine museum (ref. 4), 77–84.
86.
MarxRobert F., Port Royal: The sunken city, 2nd edn (Southend-on-Sea, 2003), 105, 107, 104, and photographs after 128.