BirchThomas, The history of the Royal Society of London (London, 1756–57), i, 1–2; McKieDouglas, “The origins and foundation of the Royal Society of London”, Notes and records of the Royal Society, xv (1960), 11–15; HillChristopher, “The intellectual origins of the Royal Society — London or Oxford?”, Notes and records of the Royal Society, xxiii (1968), 1968–52; HallA. RupertHallMarie Boas, “The intellectual origins of the Royal Society — London and Oxford”, Notes and records of the Royal Society, xxxiii (1968), 1968–7; and WebsterCharles, The great instauration: Science, medicine and reform 1626–1660 (London, 1975), 54.
2.
The text can be found in the critical edition produced by ScribaChristoph, “The autobiography of John Wallis, F.R.S.”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, xxv (1970), 17–46. Scriba does not offer commentary on matters of fact. Margery Purver provided critical comments in her book The Royal Society: Concept and creation (London, 1967), though this has received sharp criticism in Charles Webster, “The origins of the Royal Society”, History of science, vi (1967), 1967–28. More recently, Mordechai Feingold has inspected Wallis's autobiography in some detail, though, again, only with respect to his comments on the formation of the Royal Society, in “The origins of the Royal Society revisited”, in The practice of reform in health, medicine, and science, 1500–2000: Essays for Charles Webster, ed. by PellingMargaret and MandelbroteScott (Aldershot, 2005), 167–83.
3.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 39–40.
4.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 39.
5.
This name is missing from the list given in his autobiography, though it is included in the version given in A defence of the Royal Society, and the Philosophical Transactions, particularly those of July, 1670. In answer to the cavils of Dr. William Holder (London, 1678), 7.
6.
Dictionary of national biography, xxi, 264. WilkinsJohn, The discovery of a world in the Moone. Or, a discourse tending to prove, that 'tis probable there may be another habitable world in that planet (London, 1638); A discourse concerning a new world & another planet. In 2 books (London, 1640); A discourse concerning a new planet. Tending to prove, that 'tis probable our earth is one of the planets. The second booke, now first published (London, 1640).
7.
AarsleffHans, “Theodore Haak”, in Dictionary of scientific biography, v, 606–8, p. 606. See also, BarnettPamela, Theodore Haak, F.R.S. (1605–1690): The first German translator of Paradise lost (The Hague, 1962), chap. 6.
8.
Haak was given a right by Parliament to publish a translation of the Dutch annotated Bible. HaakTheodore, transl., The Dutch annotations upon the whole Bible: Or, all the holy canonical Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, together with, and according to their own translation of all the text: As both the one and the other were ordered and appointed by the Synod of Dort, 1618, and published by authority, 1637 (London, 1657). The subscriber list contains a large number of Wesminster Divines. For the copyright see Journal of the House of Lords, viii, 503, 513, 572; x, 163b, 164b.
9.
Journal of the House of Lords, vii, 558.
10.
ShapiroBarbara J., John Wilkins 1614–1672: An intellectual biography (Berkeley, 1969), 20.
11.
Aarsleff, “Haak” (ref. 7), 606–7. As early as 1639, Mersenne had written to Haak, “Vous continuerez, s'il vous plaist, à me faire part des singularitez des sciences et experiments, qui se feront en vos quartiers, et je feray la mesme chose envers vous” (Correspondence du P. Marin Mersenne, ed. by TanneryPaulde WaardCornelis, and PintardRené (Paris, 1932–88), viii, 683).
12.
GoddardJonathan, A discourse setting for the unhappy conditions of the practice of physick in London, and offering some means to put it into a better; for the interest of patients, no less, or rather much more, then of physicians (London, 1670), 8.
13.
WoodAnthony, Athenae Oxonienses (London, 1690–91), ii, 538.
14.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 39. It is also worth noting that, like Boyle, Goddard was unmarried, making the house a more feasible place of experiment.
15.
WebsterCharles, “The College of Physicians: ‘Solomon's House’ in Commonwealth England”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, xvi (1967), 393–412; Webster, “Origins” (ref. 2); GillispieCharles C., “Physick and philosophy: A study of the influence of the College of Physicians of London upon the foundation of the Royal Society”, The journal of modern history, xix (1947), 1947–25; JohnsonFrancis R., “Gresham College: Precursor of the Royal Society”, Journal of the history of ideas, i (1940), 1940–38; McKie, “The origins and foundation of the Royal Society of London” (ref. 1).
16.
Webster, Great instauration (ref. 1), chaps. 1–3. See also TurnbullGeorge H., Hartlib, Dury and Comenius: Gleanings from Hartlib's papers (London, 1947).
17.
HartlibSamuel, The Hartlib papers (Sheffield University, 2002), 59/5/1A–2B.
18.
Wallis did not have merely casual acquaintance with Palmer through his work at the Westminster Assembly, but speaks of “that intimate acquaintance which I had with him”. WallisJohn, A brief and easie explanation of the Shorter Catechism: Presented by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, to both Houses of Parliament, and by them approved: Wherein the meanest capacities may in a speedy and easie way be brought to understand the principles of religion: In imitation of a catechisme formerly published by Mr. Herbert Palmer (London, 1648), sig. A3. Greater intimacy with Palmer argues greater intimacy with Hartlib for Wallis.
19.
Hevelius Manuscripts, Paris Observatory, i, f. 78. Special thanks to Jenny Downes for introducing me to the manuscript correspondence of Hevelius held at the Observatory.
20.
“Diu est ex quo Telescopia praestantissima primus (quantum ego scio) Anglorum ipse fecisti.” This, among other praises, is found in the dedicatory epistle in WardSeth, Inquisitio in Ismaelis Bullialdi astronomiae philolaicae fundamenta (Oxford, 1653), which was published at the end of Ward's De cometis.
21.
Although the Italians were the uncontested leaders in lens grinding, the first published machine was not until a year after Hevelius. See BurnettD. Graham, Descartes and the hyperbolic quest: Lens making machines and their significance in the seventeenth century (Philadelphia, 2005), 80–85.
22.
Van Helden, so far as I know unaware of this letter, thinks an experience like Goddard's is perfectly plausible. “Telescope lenses are made on a lathe, which Hevelius not only describes but also shows in a beautifully executed picture (Fig. 6.3). This picture is so detailed that even without the verbal description an instrument maker could copy it, but the text gives practical information about the machine and its use, impossible to show in a picture. With this visual and verbal information the reader could set up his own lensgrinding operation.” WinklerMary G.Van HeldenAlbert, “Johannes Hevelius and the visual language of astronomy”, in Renaissance and revolution: Humanists, scholars, craftsmen and natural philosophers in early modern Europe, ed. by FieldJ. V.JamesFrank A. J. L. (Cambridge, 1993), 97–116, p. 102.
23.
Bodl. MS D. 105, f. 6; WallisJohn, Correspondence of John Wallis (1616–1703), ed. by BeeleyPhilipScribaChristoph J. (Oxford, 2003–5), i, 9–11.
24.
HeveliusJohannes, Selenographia: Sive Lunae descriptio (Gdansk, 1647), 455.
25.
Hevelius replied on 11/21 June 1649 thanking Wallis for his kind letter and explaining that he was simply too busy right now to undertake such a work. Correspondence of John Wallis (ref. 23), i, 11–12.
26.
WallisJohn, Opera mathematica (3 vols, Oxford, 1693–99), i, 869.
27.
Wallis notes that though Foster was the one from whom he learned it, he thinks that Harriot was the one who discovered it.
28.
FosterSamuel, The art of dialling (1638); Posthuma Fosteri (1652); Elliptical, or azimuthal hologiography (1654); Miscellanies (1659); The art of measuring (1677); The description and use of the nocturnal (1685).
29.
FrankRobert, Harvey and the Oxford physiologists (Berkeley, 1980), 22–23.
30.
FrenchRoger, William Harvey's natural philosophy (Cambridge, 1994), 72.
31.
One segment of Glisson's manuscripts (GlissonFrancis, English manuscripts of Francis Glisson (2): Lectures and other papers, ed. by CunninghamAndrew (Cambridge, 1998), 181–6) contains outlines of what may have been a complete lecture, concerned exclusively with the venae lactae as observed in the dissection of a dog. There is no date for this text, but there are also passing references in The anatomy of the liver dated 1654. Francis Glisson, English manuscripts of Francis Glisson (1): From ‘Anatomia hepatis (The anatomy of the liver)’, 1654, ed. by CunninghamAndrew (Cambridge, 1993), 185, 197.
32.
Glisson, Lectures and other papers (ref. 31), 181.
33.
For a more detailed account of the connections between Wallis and Glisson, see RampeltJason M., “Distinctions of reason and reasonable distinctions: The academic life of John Wallis (1616–1703)”, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 2005, 69–75.
34.
Wallis to Tenison, 30 Nov. 1680. Gibson MS 930, f. 55, Lambeth Palace Library, London; another copy in Bodl. MS D.105, ff. 70–71.
35.
For discussion of this question, see SkinnerQuentin, “Thomas Hobbes and the nature of the early Royal Society”, The historical journal, xii (1969), 217–39, and MalcolmNoel, “Hobbes and the Royal Society”, in Aspects of Hobbes (Oxford, 2002), 317–35.
36.
Wilkins and Ward began with Vindiciae academiarum containing, some brief animadversions upon Mr Websters book stiled, The examination of academies. Together with an Appendix concerning what M. Hobbs, and M. Dell have published on this argument (Oxford, 1654). Ward followed with In Thomae Hobbii philosophiam exercitatio epistolica (Oxford, 1656). Wallis spent twenty years refuting Hobbes's numerous attempts to solve classical problems in mathematics. This is carefully detailed in JessephDouglas, Squaring the circle: The war between Hobbes and Wallis (Chicago, 1999).
37.
Wood, Athenae (ref. 13), ii, col. 415.
38.
Wood, Athenae (ref. 13), ii, col. 816.
39.
HobbesThomas, Markes of the absurd geometry, rural language, Scottish church-politicks and barbarismes of J. Wallis (London, 1657), 19.
40.
SchafferSimon, “Wallifaction: Thomas Hobbes on school divinity and experimental pneumatics”, Studies in history and philosophy of science, xix (1988), 275–98.
41.
HobbesThomas, Six lessons to the professors of the mathematiques, one of geometry, the other of astronomy: In the chaires set up by the noble and learned Sir Henry Saville, in the University of Oxford (London, 1656), 14. See also Schaffer, “Wallifaction” (ref. 40), 287.
42.
Mordechai Feingold has commented on Wallis's autobiography in several places. In The mathematicians' apprenticeship: Science, universities and society in England, 1560–1640 (Cambridge, 1984), 86–90, Feingold argued that Wallis overstated his claims about the dearth of mathematical study in the universities. I have addressed this in “Distinctions of reason and reasonable distinctions” (ref. 33), 36–41. More importantly, for the present discussion, in “The origins of the Royal Society revisited” (ref. 2), Feingold has carefully analysed the differences between Wallis's account of the formation of the Royal Society as given in his autobiography and as presented in his earlier work, A defence of the Royal Society (ref. 5), 7–8. My approach here is sympathetic to his textual methods, but draws a different conclusion.
43.
See in particular pp. 173–4 in “The origins of the Royal Society revisited” (ref. 2), where Feingold explains the various ways in which it appears that Wallis is minimizing the significance of Oxford (i.e. Wilkins) in his account in the Defence (ref. 5). Feingold's observations are worth consideration, but must be balanced out with other evidence which shows that Wallis considered Wilkins a colleague with whom he chose to collaborate.
44.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2). Bodl. MS Smith 31, ff. 38–50. BL Add. MS 32499, ff. 375r–376v.
45.
There must have been another version which Wallis submitted to the scribe of the final version, but it is no longer extant.
46.
The document is now laminated.
47.
MS U120 F15, Centre for Kentish Studies, Maidstone, Kent.
48.
These extracts are from HearneThomas (ed.), Peter Langtoft's chronicle, (as illustrated and improv'd by Robert Brunne) from the death of Cadwalader to the end of K. Edward the First's reign (2 vols, Oxford, 1725), i, pp. xlv–xlviii.
49.
Extracts from Hearne, Peter Langtoft's chronicle (ref. 48), i, pp. clxx–clxxii.
50.
The author of these extracts refers to his grandfather who was brother to Mary Filmer. Mary (d. 1761) was the wife of Edward Filmer (1674–1755), married in 1707, and daughter of John Wallis, the Savilian Professor's only son. Her letters are written to an otherwise unknown grandson of the Savilian Professor, also named John. CockayneGeorge Edward (ed.), Complete baronetage, iv: 1665–1707 (Exeter, 1904), 68.
51.
Feingold, “The origins of the Royal Society revisited” (ref. 2), 168.
52.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 42.
53.
It is interesting to note that in his autobiography Wallis said at one point, “I afterwards ventured on many others [ciphered letters] (some of more, some of less difficulty) and scarce missed any, that I undertook, for many years”. In the final draft Wallis added the words “during our civil Wars, and afterwards”. Had Wallis written those final words in the rough draft and then removed them in the final draft, we might suppose that he was embarrassed by his actions. But the case is the opposite here, suggesting that Wallis truly felt he had nothing to hide. Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 38.
54.
WallisJohn, “A letter of Dr. John Wallis to Robert Boyle Esq, concerning the said doctor's Essay of teaching a person dumb and deaf to speak, and to understand a language; together with the success thereof: Which letter though written many years since, was but lately obtain'd to be inserted here, it being esteemed very well worth to be preserv'd and communicated for publick use”, Philosophical transactions, v (1670), 1087–99; HolderWilliam, A supplement to the Philosophical Transactions of July, 1670, with some reflexions on Dr. John Wallis, his letter there inserted (London, 1678).
55.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 42.
56.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 35.
57.
BaxterRichard, Reliquiae Baxterianae: Or, Mr. Richard Baxter's narrative of the most memorable passages of his life and times, ed. by SylvesterMatthew (London, 1696), 230–369.
58.
Again, the passage on the origins of the Royal Society existed in a previous version in Wallis, A defence of the Royal Society (ref. 5), 7–8.
59.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 28–30.
60.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 27.
61.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 27, emphasis added.
62.
WallisJohn, A treatise of algebra (London, 1685), 121.
63.
Rampelt, “Distinctions of reason and reasonable distinctions” (ref. 33), 51.
64.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 24.
65.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 25.
66.
Scriba, “Autobiography of John Wallis” (ref. 2), 41.
67.
PopeWalter, The life of the Right Reverend Father in God Seth, Lord Bishop of Salisbury, and Chancellor of the Most Noble Order of the Garter. With a brief account of Bishop Wilkins, Mr. Lawrence Rooke, Dr. Isaac Barrow, Dr. Turberville, and others (London, 1697). Bodl. MS Smith 66, p. 33.
68.
Bodl. MS Smith 54, p. 51.
69.
WoodAnthony, The life and times of Anthony Wood, antiquary, of Oxford, 1632–1695, described by himself collected from his diaries and other papers, ed. by ClarkAndrew (4 vols, Oxford, 1891), i, 326.
70.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), i, 384.
71.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), ii, 424.
72.
WoodAnthony, Historia et antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis (Oxford, 1674); Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), ii, 186.
73.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), ii, 507–8.
74.
StubbeHenry, The Savilian Professours case stated (London, 1658).
75.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), iii, 84.
76.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), iii, 84.
77.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), iii, 326.
78.
Bodl. MS Wood F.45, f. 210.
79.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), iii, 326.
80.
Bodl. MS Wood F.45, f. 212.
81.
Wood, Life and times (ref. 69), iii, 398.
82.
In Wood, Athenae (ref. 13), ii, col. 415, Wood paraphrases from Stubbe's Clamor, rixa, joci, mendacia, furta, cachini, or A severe enquiry into the late Oneirocritica published by John Wallis, grammar-reader in Oxon (London, 1657) and The Savilian Professours case stated (ref. 74).
83.
Hearne, Peter Langtoft's chronicle (ref. 48), i, pp. xlv–xlviii.
84.
Wood, Athenae (ref. 13), ii, 563.
85.
For instance, on 8 Sept. 1696 Wallis asks Smith to check a number of points in a manuscript in John Collins's library. Bodl. MS Smith 54, p. 43.
86.
Bodl. MS Smith 66, pp. 8, 17, 19.
87.
Bodl. MS Smith 66, pp. 9–39 (passim); MS Smith 54, pp. 33, 35, 37.
88.
Bodl. MS Smith 54, p. 31.
89.
WoodAnthony, Athenae Oxonienses, 3rd edn, ed. by BlissPhilip (London, 1813–20), iv, 598. Smith's removal may have been aggravated by his publication of an anti-Roman Catholic treatise which argued for strong national churches in association instead of Roman authority. SmithThomas, A pacifick discourse of the causes and remedies of the differences about religion, which distract the peace of Christendom (London, 1688).
90.
Bodl. MS Smith 54, p. 37.
91.
Bodl. MS Smith 66, p. 11.
92.
Smith's sentiments regarding the accession of William and Mary are crystal clear in A discourse concerning divine providence, in relation to national judgments (London, 1693), where he says that “we must not presume to justifie any evil action by it [providence], as if success it self were sufficent proof, encouragement, and approbation of it” (p. 28). He uses the rhetoric which surrounded the Parliamentary victories at Marston Moor and Naseby as examples. Instead, we should be more concerned about impending national judgement against us.
93.
See the Preface to vol. ii of Wallis's Opera (ref. 26) where he discusses Prestet's defence of Descartes. Smith was the one who supplied Wallis with books and gossip related to this debate (Bodl. MS Smith 66, pp. 9, 11, 13, 15).
94.
Bodl. SmithMS, 54, p. 39; SmithMS, 66, p. 15.
95.
Bodl. SmithMS, 66, p. 31.
96.
SmithThomas, Catalogus librorum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottoniae (Oxford, 1696); CamdenWilliam, Viri Clarissimi Gulielmi Camdeni, et illustrium virorum ad G. Camdenum epistolae, ed. by SmithThomas (London, 1691). Smith continued his biographical work, though not on any of the persons in his list given in Bodl. MS Smith 31. Clarissimi ac Doctissimi Viri, Joannis Gravii, olim astronomiae in Academia Oxoniensi Professoris Saviliani, vita: In qua de illius studiis, itineribus in Italiam, ad Constantinopolim, et in Ægyptum susceptis, et libris ineditisque, fusè disseritur (London, 1699). This was absorbed into, Vitae quorundam eruditissimorum et illustrium virorum (London, 1707), which included eight men in all. Admodum Reverendi et Doctissimi Viri, D. Roberti Huntingtoni, Episcopi Rapotensis, epistolae: Et veterum mathematicorum, Graecorum, Latinorum, et Arabum, synopsis: Collectore viro clarissimo et doctissimo, D. Edwardo Bernardo, astronomiae in Academica Oxoniensi Professore Saviliano. Praemittuntur D. Huntingtoni et D. Bernardi vitae. (London, 1704).
97.
Bodl. MS Smith 66, p. 31.
98.
Bodl. MS Smith 66, p. 27.
99.
Charles Scarburgh was born in the same year as Wallis. Jonathan Goddard's birth date is not known precisely, but was baptized on 2 Feb. 1617 (Oxford dictionary of national biography). All the others named by Wallis were older by two years or more.