On Enlightenment and sciences, see GolinskiJan, Science as public culture (Cambridge, 1992); HazardPaul, La pensée européenne au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1990); HankinsThomas, Science and the Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1985); and ClarkWilliamJanGolinskiSimonSchaffer (eds), The sciences in Enlightened Europe (Chicago and London, 1999). On encyclopaedias, see DarntonRobert, “L'encyclopédie: Un best-seller du siècle des Lumières”, Le courrier, xli/7 (1988), 28–31; DarntonRobert, Emmanuel le Roy Ladurie, and Marie-Alyx Revellat, L'aventure de l'Encyclopédie 1775–1800 (Paris, 1992), 221–34; YeoRichard, “Reading encyclopaedias”, Isis, lxxxii (1991), 1991–49; and idem, Encyclopaedic visions (Cambridge, 2001).
2.
PopkinJeremy D., “Periodical publication and the nature of knowledge in eighteenth-century Europe”, in KelleyD. R.PopkinR. H. (eds), The shapes of knowledge from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1991), 203–13, p. 204.
3.
On scientific periodicals and popularization of science, see KronickDavid, Scientific and technical periodicals of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries: A guide (Metuchen, NJ, and London, 1991); idem, A history of scientific and technical periodicals (New York, 1962); Bensaude-VincentBernardette, La science populaire dans la presse et l'édition, XIX et XXe siècles (Paris, 1997); CroslandMaurice, In the shadow of Lavoisier: The Annales de Chimie and the establishement of a new science (Oxford, 1994); MeadowsA. J., Development of science publishing in Europe (Amsterdam, New York and Oxford, 1980); McClellanJamesIII, “The scientific press in transition: Rozier's journal and the scientific societies in the 1770s”, Annals of science, xxxvi (1979), 1979–49; CooterRogerPumfreyStephen, “Separate spheres and public spaces: Reflections on the history of science and popularization and science in popular culture”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 1994–67; InksterIan, “Science and society in the Metropolis: A preliminary examination of the social and institutional context of the Askesian Society of London, 1796–1807”, Annals of science, xxxiv (1977), 1977–32; Sheets-PyensonSusan, “Popular science periodicals in Paris and London: The emergence of a low scientific culture, 1820–1875”, Annals of science, xlii (1985), 1985–72; Frasca-SpadaMarinaJardineNick, Books and the sciences in history (Cambridge, 2000); RaichvargDanielJacquesJean, Savants et ignorants: Une histoire de la vulgarisation des sciences (Paris, 1991); TophamJonathan, “Scientific publishing and the reading of science in nineteenth-century Britain: A historiographical survey and guide to sources”, Studies in history and philosophy of science, xxxi (2000), 2000–612; and WhitleyRichard, “Knowledge producers and knowledge acquirers: Popularisation as a relation between scientific fields and their publics”, in ShinnTerryWhitleyRichard (eds), Expository science: Forms and functions of popularisation (Dordrecht, 1985), 3–28.
4.
SgardJean, “La multiplication des périodiques”, in ChartierRogerMartinHenri-Jean (eds), Histoire de l'édition française (Paris, 1990), ii, 246–55, p. 253.
5.
CooterPumfrey, op. cit. (ref. 3), 243.
6.
On encyclopaedism and the diffusion of European encyclopaedias in Portugal, see LisboaJoão Luís, “Enciclopedismo e anti-enciclopedismo”, Prelo, iv (1984), 96–108.
7.
Encyclopedia portugueza; mais augmentada de novos artigos, em duas terças partes que as encyclopedias, franceza, ingleza, e latina de leão (Lisbon, 1817), by PeresNicolau. Only the first volume was published.
8.
See TengarrinhaJosé, História da imprensa periódica Portuguesa (Lisbon, 1989), 44–51.
9.
According to Tengarrinha, op. cit. (ref. 8), 48–51, there were 22 encyclopaedic journals or similar, between 1779 and 1820. NunesM. Fátima, Imprensa periódica científica (1772–1852) (Lisbon, 2001), states that there were ten Portuguese periodicals, which followed the model of the Jornal enciclopédico dedicado à Rainha.
10.
On Journal encyclopédique (1756–93), see CharlierG.MortierR., Le journal encyclopédique (1756–1793) (Brussels, 1952); and de FroidcourtGeorges, Pierre Rousseau et Le journal encyclopédique à Liège (1756–1759) (Liège, 1953).
11.
The existence of censorship mechanisms did not prevent forbidden works from being read by many Portuguese intellectuals, and sold by some of the most important booksellers of the country. According to Graça Almeida Rodrigues, “By the end of the eighteenth century, among the French community that lived in Lisbon, there was a nucleus of booksellers, Rolland, Aillaud, Borel, Bertrand, Meaussé, Loup, Dubié, Dubeaux, that had an important cultural role in the dissemination of forbidden books in Portugal. The official list of forbidden books was in fact a reason, for intellectuals and students to order them” (Breve história da censura em Portugal (Lisbon, 1980), 45).
12.
On Portuguese encyclopaedic periodicals see Tengarrinha, op. cit. (ref. 8); Nunes, op. cit. (ref. 9); ReisFernando, “A divulgação científica em periódicos Portugueses, 1779–1820”, Master's dissertation, New University of Lisbon, 1998.
13.
See NogueiraAna CristinaHespanhaAntónio Manuel, “A identidade portuguesa”, in MattosoJosé (ed.), História de Portugal (Lisbon, 1993), 19–33.
14.
SanchesRibeiro, “Dificuldades que tem um reino velho para emendar-se”, in de SáVictor, Ribeiro Sanches: Dificuldades que tem um reino velho para emendar-se e outros textos (Lisbon, 1980), 52–54, p. 52. Sanches was an “estrangeirado”, a Portuguese living and working abroad. He was a physician and lived and worked in St Petersburg and in Paris. He was one of the most influential Portuguese intellectuals of the eighteenth century. His works Método para aprender e estudar a medicina (1763) and Cartas sobre a educação da mocidade (1760) greatly influenced the reform of the Portuguese educational system carried out by the Marquis of Pombal, and he collaborated in Diderot's and D'Alembert's Encyclopédie. On Portuguese “estrangeirados” see DiogoMaria Paula, Ana Carneiro and Ana Simões, “Constructing knowledge: Eighteenth-century Portugal and the new sciences”, in GavrogluK. (ed.), The sciences in the European periphery during the Enlightenment (Netherlands, 1999), 1–40.
15.
With the French invasions, political publications as well as periodicals with news about the war proliferated.
16.
See Yeo, Encyclopedic visions (ref. 1), 70–76.
17.
Other Portuguese periodicals of this period with scientific content included Miscellanea curioza e proveitoza ou compilação tirada das melhores obras das nações estrangeiras (Curious and useful miscellanea) (1779–85); Bibliotheca das sciencias e artes, ou noticias das melhores obras, que sahem na Europa (Library of sciences and arts) (1793); Paladio Portuguez e Clarim de Pallas (Portuguese Palladium) (1797); and Jornal de Coimbra (Journal of Coimbra) (1812–20). There are also other titles published in Brazil, such as the O patriota (The patriot) (1813–14) and the Gazeta do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro gazette) (1808–22). On the Brazilian periodicals see OliveiraJosé Carlos, “A cultura científica no Paço de D. João: ‘O adorador do deus das ciências’”, Ph.D. thesis, Rio de Janeiro, 1998; idem, O patriota e a cultura científica (Rio de Janeiro, 2004).
18.
See BromanThomas, “The Habermasian public sphere and ‘Science in the Enlightenment’”, History of science, xxxvi (1998), 123–50, p. 127.
19.
On public sphere and science see Broman, op. cit. (ref. 18). On Portuguese public sphere in political Portuguese periodicals, see José Augusto os Santos Alves, Ideologia e política na imprensa do exílio ‘O Português’ (1814–1826) (Lisbon, 1992); and idem, A opinião pública em Portugal (1780–1820) (Lisbon, 2000).
20.
King José I reigned from 1750 to 1777. The reign of Queen Maria I lasted from 1777 to 1816, but from 1792 to 1816 Prince João, who later ascended to the throne, was regent because of his mother's illness. He became King João VI, ruling from 1816 to 1826. From 1808 to 1822 he lived in Brazil because of the French invasions, handing over the government of Portugal to a regency committee.
21.
On the Portuguese historical context in the eighteenth century, see SimõesCarneiroDiogo, op. cit. (ref. 14).
22.
Pombal had been carrying out diplomatic duties in London between 1738 and 1743, and in Vienna between 1745 and 1749.
23.
On Pombal's political project, see da Silva DiasJ. S., Pombalismo e projecto político (Lisbon, 1984); on Pombal's political action and on the context, see de MacedoJ. Borges, O Marquês de Pombal (1699–1782) (Lisbon, 1982).
24.
According to Silva Dias, op. cit. (ref. 23), 257–8, “Carvalho e Melo brought with him from England and Austria cultural perspectives, some of them mature, others still developing. These did not correspond to those views that dominated at the University, in Jesuit and convent schools, between the political and intellectual groups, the high and middle nobility, or the public servants…. One of the most significant aspects was the educational reforms, with a special focus on university teaching”.
25.
The expulsion of the Jesuits from Portugal caused the closure of the University of Évora and all schools controlled by the Jesuits. On the reform of the elementary teaching see AdãoÁurea, Estado absoluto e ensino das primeiras letras (Lisbon, 1997). On the history of the Portuguese educational system see de CarvalhoRómulo, História do ensino em Portugal (Lisbon, 2001).
26.
The reform of the only university existing in Portugal in 1772 was crucial “in providing an institutional framework within which men of science could carry out their activities on a professional basis; a research infrastructure was put in place, and original investigation was required”. SimõesCarneiroDiogo, op. cit. (ref. 14), 3.
27.
Most students studied Civil Law or Canon Law. From 1724 to 1771 in a total of 132,869 students, Canon Law had in the region of 80% and Civil Law 11%. Medicine had only approximately 6% and Theology about 4%. See AlbertoManuelPrataCarvalho, “Ciência e sociedade: A Faculdade de Filosofia no período Pombalino e pós-Pombalino (1772–1820)”, in Comissão Organizadora do Congresso História da Universidade (ed.), Universidade(s), história, memória, perspectivas: Actas do Congresso História da Universidade (5 vols, Coimbra, 1991), i, 195–214.
28.
We can still find some of these instruments today, at the Physics Museum of the University of Coimbra [http://nautilus.fis.uc.pt/museu/index.htm]. Initially many of these instruments were made for the teaching of physics at the Colégio dos Nobres (Royal College of Nobles), but when in 1772 scientific teaching was abolished in this college, these instruments were transferred to the new physics laboratory at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Coimbra. There were other cabinets of physics: One in the Monastery of Mafra, one in the Royal Palace of Ajuda, and yet another at the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon. The cabinet of Ajuda served to educate the royal princes. On experimental physics in Portugal in the eighteenth century see de CarvalhoRómulo, A física experimental em Portugal no século XVIII (Lisbon, 1982); idem, História da fundação do Colégio Real dos Nobres de Lisboa (1761–1772) (Coimbra, 1959); idem, História do gabinete de física da Universidade de Coimbra (Coimbra, 1978); and idem, A actividade pedagógica da Academia das Ciências nos séculos XVIII e XIX (Lisbon, 1981).
29.
Pombal decided to take measures to reform the university education that are similar to those discussed by PancaldiGiuliano, Volta: Science and culture in the Age of Enlightenment (Princeton and Oxford, 2003), when referring to the mid-eighteenth-century Italian educational reforms: “basically, the adoption of more rigorous criteria in the appointment of professors, a tighter control over teaching duties as well as over students' curricula, and the reinforcement of more severe rules for access to the professions. All the measures were meant to reinforce the role of the state in education, and to provide trained individuals for the slowly increasing ranks of public servants needing technical expertise” (p. 51). Pombal gave the University of Coimbra a plan of the proposed chemistry laboratory, adapted from one he had asked the Portuguese physicist José Francisco Leal to bring from the Royal Court of Vienna. See da CostaAmorim, Primórdios da ciência química em Portugal (Lisbon, 1984), 30–37, and Bernardo de Mirabeau, Memoria historica e comemorativa da Faculdade de Medicina (Coimbra, 1872), 259–60.
30.
Dalla Bella came from the University of Padua in 1766 to teach experimental physics at the Colégio Real dos Nobres. He was responsible for selecting and buying the scientific instruments that were needed for this class. When scientific teaching ended at the Colégio Real dos Nobres, in 1772, he was invited to work at the University of Coimbra, where he was appointed to the chair of experimental physics, in the Faculty of Philosophy. Franzini was appointed to the chair of algebra in the Faculty of Mathematics. Ciera had worked in the demarcation of frontiers in the Portuguese colonies of South America. After having been at the Colégio Real dos Nobres as preceptor, he was appointed to the chair of astronomy in the Faculty of Mathematics. Vandelli was appointed director of the Laboratory of Chemistry, in the Faculty of Philosophy, and together with Dalla Bella, was responsible for designing and creating the botanical garden of the University and the Natural History Museum.
31.
In spite the fact that the Pombal was dismissed, arraigned before a court of law and afterwards forced into exile in the small village of Pombal, some of his ministers continued to form part of the subsequent government.
32.
On the foundation and the activity of the first years of the Academy, see SimõesCarneiroDiogo, op. cit. (ref. 14), 16–19.
33.
As shown in the first volumes of the periodical Memórias económicas da Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa (Economic memoirs), published from 1789 onwards. On these memoirs see CardosoJosé Luís, “Introdução”, in Memórias económicas da Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa, para o adiantamento da agricultura, das artes, e da indústria em Portugal, e suas conquistas (1789–1815) (Lisbon, 1990–91), i, pp. xvii–xxxiii.
34.
In London two periodicals with scientific content deserve to be mentioned: O investigador Portuguez em Inglaterra (The Portuguese researcher in England) (1811–19), and the Correio Braziliense (Brazilian courier) (1808–22). In Paris, there were also two periodicals: O observador Lusitano em Pariz (The Lusitanian observer in Paris) (1815), and the Annales das sciencias, das artes, e das letras (Annals of science, arts and letters) (1818–22). There were other titles, mostly political and pro-liberal.
35.
On Portuguese masonry, see de Oliveira MarquesA. H., História da maçonaria em Portugal (Lisbon, 1990); and da Silva DiasGraçada Silva DiasJ. S., Os primórdios da maçonaria em Portugal (Lisbon, 1986). Most editors of the Jornal enciclopedico (1779–1806) were members of these societies, and were at least once imprisoned under the suspicion of supporting subversive thought.
36.
When the third French invasion occurred, the University of Coimbra was forced to close, due to the attacks against the city and the presence of the French army in the University. The laboratory of chemistry had been used to make gunpowder.
37.
Initially commander of the English army that came to Portugal to fight the French army, General Arthur Wellesley (1769–1852), later Duke of Wellington, was for some time commander-in-chief of the Portuguese army. Another English General, William Beresford (1768–1854), reorganized the Portuguese army and remained in Portugal after the defeat of the French army, having a great influence upon the Regency Council and reinforcing his powers to persecute the liberals that opposed the absolutist regime. The political action of Beresford led to growing animosity against the English presence and its political influence in the Portuguese government.
38.
King João VI returned to Portugal in 1822, where he accepted the new liberal Constitution. As a result of his long presence in Brazil, during which he created economical and politic structures equivalent to those of a European country, Brazil became independent immediately after his return. His eldest son, Pedro, became Emperor of Brazil. Some years later, this same son became Pedro IV of Portugal, when he returned to Portugal to restore the liberal regime, in the civil war of 1832–34, fighting against his brother and pretender to the throne, Miguel, defender of an absolutist regime.
39.
The journal was suspended between August and December 1790, to be published again from January 1791 to May 1793.
40.
On Jornal encyclopédico, see LisboaJoão Luís, Ciência e política (Lisbon, 1991); Nunes, op. cit. (ref. 9); NevinsLawrence, “Enlightening Portugal: The «Jornal enciclopédico», 1776–1806”, The journal of American Portuguese Culture Society, Summer-Fall, 1971, 1–12; ReisFernando, op. cit. (ref. 12); idem, “The popularisation of science in Portugal in the eighteenth century: The Encyclopaedic journal (Jornal enciclopédico)”, in Despy-MeyerAndrée (ed.), Institutions and societies for teaching, research and popularisation (Turnhout, 2002), 295–305; and SternIrwing, “A limbo of Portuguese thought: Portuguese newspapers 1760–1820”, in Estudos contemporâneos a António José Saraiva (Lisbon, 1990), 165–76.
41.
“Ao Publico”, July 1779.
42.
The list published in 1790 shows a total of 466 purchasers, some of them subscribing to more than one issue. Among them were the Royal Family and some government members as well as other members of the Portuguese political and social élite.
43.
Manuel Henriques de Paiva and Francisco Luís Leal became the chief editors, with the collaboration of António de Almeida (?–1839), Joaquim José da Costa e Sá (1740–1803), Francisco Sales (1735–1800/01) and Bento José de Sousa Farinha (?–1820).
44.
“Prospecto, Para a ampliação e nova fórma que se dá este anno ao presente Diario encyclopedico”, January 1791, pp. iv–v.
45.
“Ao leitor”, January 1792. In this leaflet, the editors apologised for some delay in publishing the previous issues and promised to adopt the editorial project of the first editors. The reasons behind Pavia's exit from the editorship of the Journal are unclear, although at the same time he also left the Academy of Sciences, displeased with its activities, and perhaps with the delays that affected the publication of the Memórias. In 1809 he was arrested on suspicion of being a Jacobin, and was condemned to exile in Brazil. His case was again examined by King João VI in 1818, and his rights and honours were restored. Nevertheless, Paiva would not return to Portugal, and instead lived in Baía, where he taught pharmacy and medicine at the Colégio Médico-Cirurgico da Baía.
46.
“Breve prospecto do Jornal encyclopédico ou diário universal de Lisboa” (1806).
47.
On Brotero, see PalhinhaRui, Obra e vida de Félix de Avelar Brotero (Lisbon, 1950); and FernandesAbílio, Relance sobre a vida e a obra de Félix de Avelar Brotero (Coimbra, 1988).
48.
On José Correia da Serra, one of the most relevant Portuguese naturalists of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, see DiogoMaria PaulaCarneiroAnaSimõesAna, “The Portuguese naturalist Correia da Serra (1751–1823) and his impact on early nineteenth-century botany”, Journal of the history of biology, xxxiv (2001), 353–93; idem, Itinerários histórico-naturais, José Correia da Serra (Porto, 2003); idem, Investigações botânicas, José Correia da Serra (Porto, 2003); TeagueMichael, Abade José Correia da Serra: Documentos do seu arquivo (1751–1795) (Lisbon, 1997); and DavisRichard Beal, The Abbé Corrêa in America, 1812–1820 (Providence, RI, 1993).
49.
Loureiro was the author of the Flora Cochinchinensis, an important work on botany of Cochinchina, published in 1790. Loureiro was one of the pioneers of palaeontology, and did significant research on fossils.
50.
“Producções literárias de todas as nações”, July 1788, 120–1.
51.
Issue of August 1788, 291. This book was published in 1788. On Domingos Vandelli, see da CostaAmorim, op. cit. (ref. 29); CardosoJosé Luís, Memórias de história natural, Domingos Vandelli (Porto, 2003); and idem, “From natural history to political economy: The enlightened mission of Domenico Vandelli in late eighteenth-century Portugal”, Studies in history and philosophy of science, xxxiv (2003), 781–803.
52.
“Istoria Natural, Defeza da Cronologia da Escritura” (June 1788), 71–77.
53.
“Istoria Natural, Defeza da Cronologia da Escritura” (June 1788), 73. Richard Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, wrote An apology for Christianity in a series of letters addressed to Edward Gibbon (Cambridge, 1776), in response to Gibbon's The decline and fall of the Roman Empire (London, 1776–88). In this work, Gibbon raised several issues regarding the Christian religion and the Bible, and questioned biblical chronology.
54.
ArtigoI., “História Natural, Física e Química, Reflexões sobre a antiguidade relativa das montanhas, e das camadas ou bancos terrestres, que formam a côdea do Globo terreal, extrahidas das Reflexões sobre o mesmo assumpto de Mr. Ferber” (October 1788), 1–19; “Continuação da primeira das Reflexões sobre a antiguidade relativa das montanhas, e das camadas ou bancos terrestres, que formam a côdea do Globo terreal, extrahidas das Reflexões sobre o mesmo assumpto de M. J. Ferber” (December 1788), 321–40.
55.
“Historia Natural, Fysica, e Quimica, Reflexões sobre a antiguidade das montanhas, e das camadas de bancos terrestres, que formam a côdea do Globo terreal, extrahidas das Reflexões sobre o mesmo assumpto de M. J. Ferber” (October 1788), 2.
56.
“História Natural, Física e Química, Noticia sobre o Novo Planeta descoberto por Herschel” (July 1788), 17–18; “Acrecentamento sobre o Novo Planeta” (July 1788), 27–28.
57.
“Historia Natural, Fysica, e Quimica, Observação do Eclipse de 4 de Junho de 1788, feita em Lisboa por Custodio Gomes Villasboas, e em Mafra pelo P. D. Joaquim da Assumpção Velho” (August 1788), 181–4.
58.
“História Natural, Física e Química, Observações Meteorológicas feitas no Rio de Janeiro” (July 1791), 3–11.
59.
“Historia Natural, Fysica e Quimica, Idéas geraes sobre a Astronomia, e a medida do Tempo” (May 1792), 385–6.
60.
“Producções Literarias de todas as Nações, Dissertação sobre a Fermentação em geral, e suas especies; por Vicente Coelho da Silva Seabra e Telles” (June 1788), 244–5. On Seabra e Telles, see da CostaA. M. Amorim, “Lavoisier's chemical nomenclature in Portugal”, in Bensaude-VincentBernadetteAbbriFerdinando (eds), Lavoisier in European context: Negotiating a new language for chemistry (Canton, MA, 1995), 155–71; idem, “A Universidade de Coimbra na vanguarda da química do oxigénio”, in História e desenvolvimento da ciência em Portugal, i (Lisbon, 1986), 403–16; idem, “Da natureza do fogo e do calor na obra de Vicente de Seabra (1764–1804)”, in Universidade(s) (ref. 27), i, 137–51; idem, op. cit. (ref. 29); GouveiaA. J. Andrade, “Vicente de Seabra e a revolução química em Portugal”, in História e desenvolvimento da ciência em Portugal, i (Lisbon, 1986), 335–51; idem, “Químico Esclarecido Luso-Brasileiro, Vicente de Seabra (1764–1804)”, Memórias da Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, xxi (1976–77), 7–35; and idem, “Breve notícia de apresentação”, in Seabra e TellesCoelhoVicente, Elementos de chimica (Coimbra, 1985), pp. vii–xii.
61.
“Historia Natural, Fysica, e Quimica, Noticia das experiencias da decomposição e recomposição d'agua feitas em Paris” (August 1788), 184–5.
62.
“Historia Natural Fysica, e Quimica, Exame quimico da atmosphera do Rio de Janeiro, feito por Jozé de AzevedoPinto, Doutor em Medicina pela Universidade de Leide, Físico Mór, e Professor de Medicina do Reino de Angola, etc.” (March 1790), 259–88. José Pinto de Azevedo was a Portuguese physician, who was born in Rio de Janeiro and worked in Angola, where in 1789 he was one of the founders of the Medical School of Luanda. He was a member of the Academy of Sciences of Lisbon.
63.
“Historia Natural, Fisica, e Quimica, Carta de Mr. Luc ao Doutor de la Meterie, sobre a natureza da agua, do flogisto, dos acidos, e dos ares” (June 1790), 259–71.
64.
de SeabraVicente Coelho, Dissertação sobre a Fermentação Geral e suas espécies (Coimbra, 1787).
65.
“Producções Literarias de todas as Nações” (June 1788), 244–5.
66.
“Producções Literarias de todas as Nações” (June 1788), 245.
67.
Gazeta de Lisboa, 15 July 1790, 24.
68.
SeabraVicente Coelho, Elementos de chimica (Coimbra, 1788).
69.
Ibid., 204.
70.
“Medicina, Cirurgia, e Farmácia, Carta dirigida aos Editores do Jornal Encyclopedico onde se dá noticia da qualidade das febres malignas pleuriticas, que na presente primavera de 1790 se observam em Condeixa, e suas vizinhanças, exposta por Jozé Manoel Chaves Medico do partido da mesma terra” (March 1790), 294–5. Chaves was a Portuguese physician, working in Condeixa, near Coimbra, who published a work on febrile diseases, Febriologia (Lisbon, 1790). He translated Cullen's work Elements of medicine into Portugese (Elementos de medicina pratica de Cullen, traduzidos da quarta edição ingleza com notas de Bosquillon (7 vols, Lisbon, 1790–94)).
71.
“Medicina, Carta escrita ao Editor do Jornal Enciclopedico” (July 1779), 66–68; “Medicina, Cirurgia, e Farmacia, Carta sobre a inoculação das bexigas” (February 1789), 149.
72.
de Sá MatosManuel, Bibliotheca elementar chirurgico-anatomica, ou Compendio historico-critico e chronologico sobre a Anatomia e Chirurgia em geral, que contém os seus principios, incremento e ultimo estado, assim em Portugal, como nas mais partes cultas do mundo, com a especificação de seus respectivos auctores, suas obras, vidas, methodos e inventos, desde os primeiros seculos até o presente (Porto, 1788).
73.
The first volume of the Memórias económicas da Academia Real de Ciências de Lisboa was published in 1789.
74.
As Armando de Castro wrote, “it is impossible to find a Portuguese writer defending both in theory and in practice the doctrine of physiocracy in all its dimensions. A number of aspects which constitute one of its major positive contributions to economic thinking are missing, such as the clear affirmation of the role of capital in production, and the existence of an economic surplus — The central nucleus of the theory.” See de Castro, “Fisiocracia e fisiocratas”, in SerrãoJoel (ed.), Dicionário de história de Portugal, iii (Porto, 1981), 42–45.
75.
“Economia civil, e rustica, Discurso sobre o modo de extinguir a mendicidade, socorrer a pobreza, e promover as Artes &c.” (June 1788), 121–61.
76.
“Economia Civil, e Rustica, Da dependencia, que tem a Agricultura, e as Artes, ou industria, da Historia Natural, da Fysica, da Quimica, e até da Medicina” (March 1789), 320–2.
77.
“Producções Literarias de todas as Nações, Bibliografia, Memorias de Agricultura premeadas pela Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa em 1787 e 1788” (June 1790), 359–62.
78.
“Lista dos assinantes do Jornal enciclopédico” (1790). These numbers concern people with identified professions, out of a total of 466 purchasers. Some of these subscribed to more than one issue of the journal.
79.
Comissão Geral sobre o Exame e Censura dos Livros.
80.
On the subscribers and their visibility see Yeo, Encyclopaedic visions (ref. 1), 46–58. Although this analysis is centred in encyclopaedias, it is also enlightening in its approach to periodicals.
81.
On the Journal enciclopédique and in its readers, see CharlierMortier, op. cit. (ref. 10), 32; on the Annales de chimie, see Crosland, op. cit. (ref. 3), 117–19. On subscription and serialization of dictionaries and encyclopaedias, see Yeo, op. cit. (ref. 1).
82.
Macedo and Lopes were close friends, Macedo being Lopes's intellectual mentor. When the Gazeta de Lisboa was replaced by the Diário do Governo in 1820, Lopes continued to be the editor until he was dismissed in 1821. After the 1820 liberal revolution he had problems with his political views; indeed, at various points during the political and military confrontations, the civil war in 1832–34, and the victory of the liberals, he was dismissed from all his positions in various journals.
83.
In the troubled process that followed the liberal revolution, Macedo supported D. Miguel, an absolutist claimant to the throne. From 1824 to 1829 he was censor in the Censorship Committee. He was member of the New Arcadia and of the literary academy of Lisbon, known as the Arcadia of Rome, with the pen name Elmiro Tagideu. He was also a well-known and praised preacher, appointed Royal Preacher in 1802. He also played an active role in several periodicals, including the three analysed in this paper.
84.
“Prospecto do Semanario de Instrucção, e Recreio” (2 September 1812), p. iv. After the attempt to continue the Jornal enciclopedico, in 1806, there was only one periodical with scientific content: Archivo de peças divertidas, e scientificas (Archive of recreative and scientific pieces) (1807). Between 1807 and 1811 many new titles started publication, all of them with political content and news from the peninsular war.
85.
“Sciencias e Artes, História Natural, Discurso Preliminar”, i/1 (2 September 1812), 1–8, p. 8.
86.
“Sciências e Artes, Historia Natural” (issues published between 2 September 1812 and 10 February 1813).
87.
Op. cit. (ref. 85), 2.
88.
“Memoria sobre os progressos e utilidade do estudo da mineralogia, escrita em alemão pelo Barão de Schudtz em 1797, traduzida por D. Christiano Hergen, e agora vertida do espanhol”, no. 46 (14 July 1813), 305–10; no. 47 (21 July 1813), 321–4; no. 48 (28 July 1813), 337–42.
89.
“Memoria sobre os progressos e utilidade do estudo da mineralogia, escrita em alemão pelo Barão de Schudtz em 1797, traduzida por D. Christiano Hergen, e agora vertida do espanhol”, no. 46 (14 July 1813), 342.
90.
No. 2 (9 September 1812), 17–21; 4 (23 September 1812), 49–53; no. 6 (7 October 1812), 89–93; no. 8 (21 October 1812), 121–5; no. 10 (4 November 1812), 161–3; no. 12 (18 November 1812), 192–5; no. 14 (2 December 1812), 225–9; no. 16 (16 December 1812), 265–9; no. 18 (30 December 1812), 297–301.
91.
“Comercio e Agricultura, Breve discurso sobre o comércio”, no. 1 (2 September 1812), 9–13.
92.
“Comercio e Agricultura, 1.a conversação de Luís XVI com Baily sobre objectos de agricultura e comercio”, no. 4 (23 September 1812), 54–60; “2.a conversação”, no. 5 (30 September 1812), 74–78.
93.
“Comercio e Agricultura, Vistas economicas e politicas sobre a agricultura. Pelo Barão de Haller”, no. 49 (4 August 1813), 353–8; no. 50 (11 August 1813), 369–74; no. 51 (18 August 1813), 401–7.
94.
That is, those who worked in workshops and manufactures.
95.
“Prospecto do Semanário de Instrucção e Recreio” (2 September 1812), p. vi.
96.
Semanario de instrucção, e recreio, no. 52 (25 August 1813), 415.
97.
Between 1808 and 1822, nine Portuguese periodicals were published in London, two of them with scientific content. At the same time, three titles were published in Paris, two of them with scientific content. Of these twelve journals, only two were supporters of the absolutist regime.
98.
Although this is the indication given on the front page of the Jornal encyclopédico de Lisboa, as well as by Macedo in his “Preliminary Discourse”, Inocêncio da Silva refers to Joaquim José Pedro Lopes as chief-editor. See da SilvaInocêncio Francisco (eds), Diccionario bibliographico Portuguez (Lisbon, 1856–1972), iv, 201.
99.
Prospecto do Jornal encyclopédico de Lisboa (Real Mesa Censória, box 512, 5347, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo). This prospectus was published in the Gazeta de Lisboa, no. 227 (25 September 1819).
100.
Prospecto do Jornal encyclopédico de Lisboa (ref. 99).
101.
“Discurso Preliminar”, no. 1 (January 1820), 4–5.
102.
“Novo Planetário”, no. 3 (March 1820), 202–3. On Teodoro de Almeida's planetarium, see de CarvalhoRómulo, A astronomia em Portugal no século XVIII (Lisbon, 1982), 97–101. Teodoro de Almeida was the person who was responsible for making science more popular in Portugal during the eighteenth century. His main work was Recreação filosófica (Philosophical recreation) (Lisbon, 1751–1800), in ten volumes. This work was translated into Spanish and became a best-seller both in Spain and Portugal. It was complemented by another, entitled Cartas físico-matemáticas (Physical and mathematical letters) (3 vols, Lisbon, 1784–98).
103.
“Sobre o calor especifico dos Corpos, por Mrs. Petit e Dulong”, no. 1 (January 1820), 32–36. The authors are mentioned on account of the law according to which the product of the specific heat of a solid and its atomic weight is almost constant and equals 6.3. The journal included a table showing the results of his work along with conclusions drawn from it.
104.
“Experiencias recentes de Mr. Thenard sobre a agua oxygenada”, no. 1 (January 1820), 36–37.
105.
“Producção de luz pela expansão do oxygenio”, no. 1 (January 1820), 7.
106.
“Sobre o gráo de solubilidade dos Saes”, no. 7 (July 1820), 20–21.
107.
“Analyse das Lições de Geologia, dadas no Collegio de França, por M. J. C. Delametherie. — Tres vol. 8o”, no. 12 (December 1820), 385–402.
108.
“Do uso do ouro como remédio”, no. 3 (March 1820), 210–12.
109.
“Sobre a vacina”, no. 7 (July 1820), 8–10.
110.
“A minha Medecina da rua”, no. 12 (December 1820), 406.
“Breve exposição dos principios que constituem a bondade e riqueza da Agricultura de hum paiz.”, no. 1 (January 1820), 44–48.
113.
“Economia rural, necessidade de olhar com particular cuidado pela agricultura, e pelos lavradores”, no. 3 (March 1820), 183–6.
114.
“Critica. A Geografia”, no. 8 (August 1820), 134–5.
115.
“Revista Analytica dos mais notaveis objectos scientificos tratados nos principaes periodicos dedicados ás Sciencias, no segundo semestre de 1819, e parte do primeiro de 1820” (“Analytic Review of the most remarkable scientific objects treated in the main periodicals devoted to the Sciences, in 1819 second semester, and part of the first semester of 1820”), no. 7 (July 1820), 3–24, and 8 (August 1820), 73–96; “Relatório de Mr. Cuvier, em que analysa os trabalhos da Academia Real das Sciencias de França no ramo scientifico no anno de 1819. E que servem de complemento à Revista analítica dos dois precedentes números do nosso jornal” (“Mr Cuvier's report where he analysed the works of the Royal Academy of Sciences of France in the scientific section in the year of 1819. (They complement the Analytic Review of the two preceding issues of our journal.)”), no. 9 (September 1820), 145–62; “Continuação do Relatorio de Mr. Cuvier, em que analysa os trabalhos da Academia Real das Sciencias de França no ramo scientifico no anno de 1819”, no. 10 (October 1820), 235–46; “Fim do Relatório de Mr. Cuvier, continuado de pag. 246 deste Jornal”, no. 12 (December 1820), 353–67.
116.
On Portuguese eclecticism in the eighteenth century see DominguesFrancisco Contente, Ilustração e Catolicismo (Lisbon, 1994).