See for example EysenckHans, “The concept of ‘intelligence’: Useful or useless?”, Intelligence, xii (1988), 1–16.
2.
In Plato, Meno (Cambridge MA, 1924), 286–90, it is the basis for innate knowledge. For all classical texts I have referred the reader to the Loeb edition, but translations are my own.
3.
See KennyAnthony, The metaphysics of mind (Oxford, 1989), 66.
4.
Aristotle, Topics (Cambridge MA, 1960), 411–13.
5.
Galen, Ars medica, in KuhnC. (ed.), Opera omnia (Hildesheim, 1964), i, 352; SingerPeter, Galen: Selected works (Oxford, 1997).
6.
See ParkKatherine, “The organic soul”, in SchmittC.SkinnerQ. (eds), The Cambridge history of Renaissance philosophy (Cambridge, 1998), 464–84.
7.
SpearmanCharles, “General intelligence, objectively derived and measured”, American journal of psychology, xv (1904), 201–93.
8.
See also DanzigerKurt, Naming the mind (London, 1997), 83.
9.
See for example GouldStephen, The mismeasure of.man (New York, 1981), 149.
10.
The ground is covered in GreenIan, The Christian's ABC: Catechisms and catechizing in England c. 1530–1740 (Oxford, 1996). Napoleon had already tried to control and secularize church institutions with his “imperial catechism”, which tested for his subjects' understanding of their duties towards himself (and God).
11.
Thus applied psychology preceded pure psychology. See DanzigerKurt, Constructing the subject (Cambridge, 1990), 79, and PorterTheodore, Trust in numbers: The pursuit of objectivity in science and public life (Princeton, 1995), 209.
12.
PiagetJean, Logic and psychology (Manchester, 1953).
13.
See HasseDag Nikolaus, “Avicenna on abstraction”, in WisnovskyR. (ed.), Aspects of Avicenna (Princeton, 2001), 39–72.
14.
In addition, there is the reflexive notion that our definitions of essential human abilities change because the essence of our psychological “nature” is itself changing: RobertsR.StankovL., “Individual differences in speed of mental processing and human cognitive abilities: Toward a taxonomic model”, Learning and individual differences, xi (1999), 1–17.
15.
HaierRichard, “The use of positron emission tomography …”, Intelligence, xii (1988), 199–217.
16.
MichellJoel, Measurement in psychology: A critical history of a methodological concept (Cambridge, 1999).
17.
Hippocrates, On regimen (Cambridge MA, 1979), 281.
18.
de Le BoëFrans, The practice of physick (London, 1717), 373.
19.
For example WoberM., “Towards an understanding of the Kiganda concept of intelligence”, in BerryJ.DasenP. (eds), Culture and cognition: Readings in cross-cultural psychology (London, 1974), 261–81.
20.
Nicholas of Cusa's Apologia doctae ignorantiae is the classic example. This tradition tends to be merely sceptical or ironic.
21.
DolsMichael, Majnun: The madman in medieval Islamic society (Oxford, 1992), 370.
22.
Plato, Theaetetus (Cambridge MA, 1977), 197.
23.
RobinsonDaniel, An intellectual history of psychology (Madison, 1986), 52.
24.
It was the Stoics who introduced the more familiar and influential term ‘impressions’. See LongA. A.SedleyD. N. (eds), The Hellenistic philosophers (Cambridge, 1987), i, 236–58.
25.
Plato, The laws (Cambridge MA, 1926), i, 210.
26.
He says here that the “all-wise Homer” praised “rough” and “dirty” souls. Any reference by Plato to Homer will be ironic, with sophists the usual target. The dirt is theirs.
27.
Aristotle, De anima and De memoria (Cambridge MA, 1986), 168 and 294 respectively.
28.
DraaismaDouwe, Metaphors of memory (Cambridge, 2000), 24.
See DétienneMarcelVernantJean-Pierre, Cunning intelligence in Greek culture and society (Atlantic Highlands NJ, 1978), 308.
31.
Galen, Ars medica (ref. 5), i, 319.
32.
See OttossonPer Gunnar, Scholastic medicine and philosophy (Naples, 1984), and JoutsivuoTimo, Scholastic tradition and humanist innovation (Helsinki, 1999).
33.
TorrigianoPietro [d. c. 1320], Plusquam commentum in parvam Galeni artem (Venice, 1557), 39v–54r. Torrigiano may not have been the first to make these elisions. The best-known commentator before Torrigiano was Taddeo Alderotti [c. 1215–95], the pioneer of scholastic method in medicine. Copies of Alderotti are extremely rare, and I have been unable to consult one. In terms of direct influence on Renaissance medicine, Torrigiano's is the important text.
34.
Both translations are included in the edition of Torrigiano cited above.
35.
LeonicenoNiccolò, Galeni ars medicinalis (Venice, 1508).
36.
See for example d'AbanoPietro [1250–1315], Conciliator controversiarum, quae inter philosophos et medicos versantur (Venice, 1548), 114. Ingenium in this sense may be imputed to women, who are incapable of abstract thought. It can also be diabolic. There is a further range of literary references in which ingenium is something like “character” or “spirit”, as in “the human spirit”, “the Roman character”, etc.
37.
See Cicero, On oratory (Cambridge MA, 1942), 80, where he defines it in detail. What he commends about ingenium is exactly what Plato disliked about speed. The De oratore was revived only around Leoniceno's time; this was the text that then introduced the term into the general vocabulary. On rhetorical usages of the term, see Hidalgo-SernaE., “The philosophy of ‘ingenium’”, Philosophy and rhetoric, xiii (1980), 245–63.
38.
Leoniceno insisted on a knowledge of Greek, for comparison with Latin translations. His 1492 volume on Pliny launched into print not only medical humanism but scientific humanism in general. See NuttonVivian, “Greek science in the sixteenth-century Renaissance”, in FieldJ.JamesF. (eds), Renaissance and revolution: Humanists, scholars, craftsmen and natural philosophers in early modern Europe (Cambridge, 1993), 15–28.
39.
See D'Abano, op. cit. (ref. 36).
40.
For a more nuanced view of Galen's position, see LloydGeoffrey, “Scholarship, authority and argument in Galen's Quod animi mores”, in ManuliP.VegettiM. (eds), Le opere psichologice de Galeno (Pavia, 1988), 11–42.
41.
Ibn Sina's account is actually more complex than this. See BruynGeorge, “The seat of the soul”, in RoseF.BynumW. (eds), Historical aspects of the neurosciences (New York, 1982), 55–81; HarveyE. Ruth, The inward wits: Psychological theory in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London, 1975); and SiraisiNancy, Taddeo Alderotti and his pupils: Two generations of Italian medical learning (Princeton, 1981), 209ff.
42.
Milton, Paradise lost, v, I.100ff.
43.
Ibn Sina's Renaissance descendants made these virtually coterminous with the “virtues”, which he had separated out.
44.
MagnusAlbertus, Summae de creaturis (Venice, 1519), 118. On his importance to the history of psychology see ParkKatherine, “Albert's influence on late medieval psychology”, in WeisheiplJ. A. (ed), Albertus Magnus and the sciences (Toronto, 1980), 501–36.
45.
See Park, op. cit. (ref. 41), 481.
46.
This needs qualifying. In the exceptional cases of the “prophet” and the melancholy genius, contemplatio was so quick that it took place in zero time. See BrannNoel, The debate over the origin of genius during the Italian Renaissance (Leiden, 2002), 89. For the classical complexity of this matter see SorabjiRichard, Time, motion and the continuum (London, 1983), 139.
47.
OddiOddo Degli [1478–1558], Expositio in librum artis medicinalis Galeni (Venice, 1574), 132. Historiographical discussion of the merits of differing translations becomes common at a certain point: See also ScianoSalvo, Commentaria praeclarissima artis medicinalis Galeni (Venice, 1597), 320. According to ScaligerJoseph, Exotericarum exercitationum liber de subtilitate (Lyons, 1615), 1, Oddi took Cicero's and Aristotle's accounts to be identical.
48.
ArgenterioGiovanni [1513–72], In artem medicinalem Galeni commentarii tres (Turin, 1566), 218. The targeted opponent is AkakiaMartin (1497–1551), Galeni ars medica (Venice, 1544). A similar point is made by the later commentator SantorioSantorio, Commentaria in artem medicinalem Galeni (Venice, 1630), 200.
49.
FieraBattista [1465–1538],Commentaria novae doctrinae in Artem medicinalem diffinitivam Galeni (Mantua, 1515), ii, n.p.
50.
Publication coincided with the Church's attack on those who held that immortality of the soul could not be philosophically proven and was a matter for faith alone (the so-called “Pomponazzi affair”).
51.
GockelRudolf [Goclenius, 1572–1621], Hoc est, de hominis perfectione (Wittenberg, 1590).
52.
de DryvèreJérémie [1504–54], In Galeni commentarii (Lyons, 1547), 120.
53.
VallesFrancisco [1524–92], Galeni ars medicinalis commentariis (Alcalá de Henares, 1567), 31.
54.
da MonteGiambattista [1498–1551], In artem parvam Galeni explanationes (Lyons, 1556), 310. Talk of differentiae suggests that the reference is to Aristotle's Categories rather than to the Posterior analytics.
55.
Da Monte also hints here at Galen's “mobility of opinion”, identified in the very next sentence of The art of medicine as inconstancy of intellect and will. “Sometimes they persist in one thing,” says Da Monte, “then in another, then another”. This was a deficiency which, unlike slowness, most certainly was pathological and had moral overtones. It was embodied in the usual suspects such as women, Jews and Moors, and was especially characteristic of the mobile vulgus or “mob” for short. Mobilitas is alive and well today: The prescribed cure is Ritalin.
56.
TozziLuca [1638–1717], In artem medicinalem Galeni; in Opera omnia (Venice, 1711), ii, 1–206, p. 42.
57.
As, for example, the widely consulted RivièreLazare [1589–1655], Institutiones medicae (Lyons, 1656). The imagination was “that to which the varying disposition of the ingenium and the passions of the soul are referred”.
58.
Santorio, op. cit. (ref. 48), 191, for example, approves quickness of apprehension in the same breath as approving the Hippocratic text which describes intelligence as a balance between fast and slow.
59.
DescartesRené, Regulae ad directionem ingenii (Amsterdam, 1998), 136, 139.
60.
LockeJohn, An essay concerning human understanding (Oxford, 1975), 156.
61.
HartleyDavid, Observations on man (London, 1749), i, 30.
62.
MillJames, Analysis of the phenomena of the human mind (London, 1869), ii, 345.
63.
Brann, op. cit. (ref. 46), 3.
64.
D'Abano, op. cit. (ref. 36), diff. 37.
65.
KilmisterClive, “Genius in mathematics”, in MurrayP. (ed.), Genius: The history of an idea (Oxford, 1989), 181–95. On the association in Newton's own mind between his elect status, his scientific genius and his interest in prophecy, see BarnettStephen, “The prophetic thought of Sir Isaac Newton, its origin and context”, in TaitheB.ThorntonT. (eds), Prophecy: The power of inspired language in history, 1300–2000 (Stroud, 1997), 101–18.
66.
WarwickAndrew, Masters of theory: Cambridge and the rise of mathematical physics (Chicago, 2003), 130ff.
67.
DastonLorraine, “Enlightenment calculations”, Critical inquiry, xxi (1994), 182–202.
68.
AshworthWilliam, “Memory, efficiency, and symbolic analysis: Charles Babbage, John Herschel, and the industrial mind”, Isis, lxxxvii (1996), 629–53.
69.
GoodeyC. F., “From natural disability to the moral man: Calvinism and the history of psychology”, History of the human sciences, xiv (2001), 1–29.
70.
FennRichard, The persistence of purgatory (Cambridge, 1995), 73ff.
71.
SchafferSimon, “Babbage's intelligence: Calculating machines and the factory system”, Critical inquiry, xxi (1994), 203–27.
72.
See WooldridgeAdrian, Measuring the mind: Education and psychology in England, c. 1860 – c. 1890 (Cambridge, 1994), 75.
73.
GaltonFrancis, Hereditary genius: Memories of my life (London, 1908).
74.
Galton scarcely used the word ‘intelligence’. The particular concept which it describes only emerged with Binet and Spearman, around the time of Galton's death. In France the word was a trademark of anti-clerical republicanism, in England of the godless crew at University College. However, both traditions had remote origins in the doctrine of the elect. In France this came from Jansenism via Jacobinism, in England from Calvinism via the Dissenters.
75.
See the chapter on honour in JamesM. E., Society, politics and culture: Studies in early modern England (Cambridge, 1986).
76.
GaltonFrancis, Inquiries into human faculty and its development (London, 1883), 234. No doubt his appeal to the clergy was partly rhetorical.
77.
Wooldridge, op. cit. (ref. 72), 75.
78.
For a French version of this phenomenon, discussed in terms of speed among other things, see BourdieuPierre, “Epreuve scolaire et consécration sociale”, in Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, xxxix (1981), 3–70.
79.
HackingIan, The taming of chance (Cambridge, 1990), 107 (italics in original).
80.
BoringEdwin, A history of experimental psychology (New York, 1929), 133.
81.
MüllerJohannes, Elements of physiology (London, 1842), 678ff.
82.
BenschopRuthDraaismaDouwe, “In pursuit of precision: The calibration of minds and machines in late nineteenth-century psychology”, Annals of science, lvii (2000), 1–25.
83.
BrožekJosefSibingaMaarten, Origins of psychometry: Johan Jacob de Jaager, student of F. C. Donders (Nieuwkoop, 1970), 12.
84.
Donders, in BenschopDraaisma, op. cit. (ref. 82).
85.
CattellJames, “Mental tests and measurement”, Mind, xv (1890), 373–81. Galton's comment is appended to the article.
86.
See BenschopDraaisma, op. cit. (ref. 82), and FancherRaymond, The intelligence men: Makers of the IQ controversy (New York, 1985), 48.
87.
PeakHelenBoringEdwin, “The factor of speed in intelligence”, Journal of experimental psychology, ix (1926), 71–94; ThorndikeEdward, The measurement of intelligence (New York, 1927); and a series of articles in response in Archives of psychology, xciii (1928). Opinion on the possibility of a correlation was divided.
88.
RichardsGraham, ‘Race’, racism and psychology: Towards a reflexive history (London, 1997), 21, 32.
89.
FurneauxW. D., “Intellectual abilities and problem-solving behaviour”, in EysenckH. (ed.), Handbook of abnormal psychology (London, 1960), 167–93.
90.
JensenArthur, “Reaction time and psychometric g”, in EysenckH. (ed.), A model for intelligence (New York, 1982), 93–132. For the history of this phase see RobertsStankov, op. cit. (ref. 14). There seems to be a fudge here: “information-processing” covers both the simple processes such as “reaction” and “response to stimulus”, etc., and the complex intellectual ones of abstraction and logic.
91.
On their links with the demands of British colonial administration and the measurement of intelligence see SutherlandGillian, Ability, merit, and measurement: Mental testing and English education, 1880–1940 (Oxford, 1984), 97 and 115.
92.
Haier, op. cit. (ref. 15), and SongF., “Screening for fragile X syndrome: A literature review and modelling”, Health technology assessment publications, vii (2003). According to the latter, “Considering that the lifetime care of each Fragile X Syndrome patient will cost the NHS about £380,000, the most expensive strategy (population prenatal screening) is still cost-saving in the long term”.
93.
The authors are not trekkies in chatrooms but philosophers in ancient universities. For example BostromNick, “How long before Superintelligence?”, International journal of futures studies, ii (1998).
94.
The most effective come from within the discipline. Apart from Michell (op. cit., ref. 16) see Richards, “Getting the intelligence controversy knotted”, Bulletin of the British Psychological Society, xxxvii (1984), 77–79.
95.
This is not just my own association of ideas. In his chapter on intelligence in Les idées modernes sur les enfants (Paris, 1910), 98–161, p. 103, Binet defines education as “l'art de faire passer le conscient dans l'inconscient”.
96.
KelleyTruman, Scientific method (New York, 1932), 77.
97.
For example Richard Herrnstein, quoted by BlockN. and DworkinG. in “IQ, heritability and inequality”, in BlockDworkin (eds), The IQ controversy: Critical readings (London, 1977), 417.
98.
BergerM., “The ‘scientific approach’ to intelligence: An overview of its history with special reference to mental speed”, in Eysenck (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 90), 13–43.
99.
AschamRoger, The schoolmaster (London, 1570), 25.
100.
On why “folk psychology” may be a contradiction in terms, see GoodeyC. F.StaintonTim, “Intellectual disability and the myth of the changeling myth”, Journal of the history of the behavioral sciences, xxxvii (2001), 223–40.
101.
KlinebergOtto, “An experimental study of speed and other factors in ‘racial’ differences”, Archives of psychology, xciii (1928), 5–106.
102.
This may be why statistical terminology changed. Genius stopped being “error” and became “deviation from the mean”: See MackenzieDonald, Statistics in Britain, 1850–1830 (Edinburgh, 1981), 56.
103.
JosephJay, The gene illusion (Ross-on-Wye, 2003).
104.
See AaronP. G., Dyslexia and hyperlexia: Diagnosis and management of developmental reading disabilities (Dordrecht, 1989). Quotations are from the American Association for Hyperlexia website.
105.
Robinson, op. cit. (ref. 23).
106.
See, among others, Gould, op. cit. (ref. 9), and RoseSteven, Not in our genes: Biology, ideology and human nature (London, 1984), 83ff.
107.
RichardsonKen, The making of intelligence (London, 1999), 3.
108.
See FrenchRogerCunninghamAndrew, Before science: The invention of the Friars' natural philosophy (Aldershot, 1996), and MurrayAlexander, Reason and society in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1978).
109.
See AdasMichael, Machines as the measure of men (Ithaca, 1989).
110.
See de LiberaAlain, La querelle des universaux (Paris, 1996).