SnowC. P., The two cultures, intro. by ColliniStefan (Cambridge, 1993), 103.
2.
For examples of what appears with hindsight as distinctly gendered language, see: KuhnThomas S., The structure of scientific revolutions (2nd edn, Chicago, 1970), 42, 158–9.
3.
MerchantCarolyn, The death of nature: Women, ecology, and the Scientific Revolution (London, 1980); KellerEvelyn Fox, Reflections on gender and science (New Haven, 1985); EasleaBrian, Witch-hunting, magic and the new philosophy: An introduction to debates of the Scientific Revolution, 1450–1750 (Brighton, 1980).
4.
BaconFrancis, “The masculine birth of time”, in FarringtonBenjamin, The philosophy of Francis Bacon: An essay on its development from 1603 to 1609, with new translations of fundamental texts (Liverpool, 1964), 61–72; discussed in Merchant, Death of nature (ref. 3), 164–90; and Easlea, Witch-hunting (ref. 3), 126–9.
5.
SchiebingerLonda, The mind has no sex? Women in the origins of modern science (Cambridge, MA, 1989).
6.
KellerEvelyn Fox, “Baconian science: The arts of mastery and obedience”, in Keller, Reflections (ref. 3), 33–42, p. 38. See also a well-informed critique of Keller's essay by HuttonSarah, “The riddle of the sphinx: Francis Bacon and the emblems of science”, in HunterLynetteHuttonSarah (eds), Women, science, and medicine 1500–1700: Mothers and sisters of the Royal Society (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1997), 7–28; and, for general context, IliffeRob, “The masculine birth of time: Temporal frameworks of early modern natural philosophy”, The British journal for the history of science, xxxiii (2000), 427–53.
7.
ScottJoan Wallach, Gender and the politics of history (New York, 1988), 38–39.
8.
The importance of binary thinking and its association with the attributes of gender is emphasized in ClarkStuart, Thinking with demons: The idea of witchcraft in early modern Europe (Oxford, 1997), esp. pp. 112–33. See also: MacleanIan, The Renaissance notion of woman (Cambridge, 1980), 1–5, 44–45, 86–88; CaddenJoan, Meanings of sex difference in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1993), 201–27. Keller quotes Joseph Glanvill's gendered construal of the relations between reason and the passions: “[W]here the Will or Passion hath the casting voyce, the case of Truth is desparate…. The Woman in us, still prosecutes a deceit, like that begun in the Garden; and our Understandings are wedded to an Eve, as fatal as the Mother of our miseries.” (Glanvill, The vanity of dogmatizing [1661], quoted in Keller, “Spirit and reason at the birth of modern science”, in Keller, Reflections (ref. 3), 43–65, pp. 52–53.).
9.
General discussions of how the passions were regarded in early-modern philosophy include: GaukrogerStephen (ed.), The soft underbelly of reason: The passions in the seventeenth century (London, 1998), especially Gaukroger, “Introduction”, 1–14; JamesSusan, Passion and action: The emotions in seventeenth-century philosophy (Oxford, 1997); JamesSusan, “Reason, the passions, and the good life”, in GarberDanielAyersMichael (eds), The Cambridge history of seventeenth-century philosophy (2 vols, Cambridge, 1998), 1358–96.
10.
BaconFrancis, The new organon and related writings, ed. by AndersonFulton H. (Indianapolis, 1960), 52 (Aphorism xlix).
11.
FoucaultMichel, The history of sexuality, i: An introduction (New York, 1978); ii: The use of pleasure (New York, 1985); iii: The care of the self (New York, 1986). For helpful commentary, see: DavidsonArnold, “Ethics as ascetics: Foucault, the history of ethics, and ancient thought”, in GuttingGary (ed.), The Cambridge companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994), 115–40. Alexander Nehamas gives a lucid account of this last phase of Foucault's work, arguing that it marked a distinct break from his earlier preoccupations, in The art of living: Socratic reflections from Plato to Foucault (Berkeley, 1998), 169–80. I shall not engage here with criticisms of Foucault's interpretation of ancient sexuality. For examples of this, see: LarmourDavid H. J.MillerPaul AllenPlatterCharles (eds), Rethinking sexuality: Foucault and classical Antiquity (Princeton, NJ, 1998); DavidsonJames, “Dover, Foucault and Greek homosexuality: Penetration and the truth of sex”, Past and present, no. 170 (February 2001), 3–51.
12.
FoucaultMichel, “On the genealogy of ethics: An overview of work in progress”, in RabinowPaul (ed.), The Foucault reader (New York, 1984), 340–72, p. 372.
13.
BiagioliMario, Galileo, courtier: The practice of science in the culture of absolutism (Chicago, 1993). For a general discussion of the field, see: GolinskiJan, Making natural knowledge: Constructivism and the history of science (Cambridge, 1998), 47–66; and, for interesting suggestions about how work on self-fashioning connects with that on the body of the scientific practitioner, see: BiagioliMario, “Tacit knowledge, courtliness, and the scientist's body”, in FosterSusan Leigh (ed.), Choreographing history (Bloomington, Indiana, 1995), 69–81.
“Introduction: The body of knowledge”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 1–19.
16.
Foucault, History of sexuality (ref. 11), ii, 251.
17.
Foucault, History of sexuality (ref. 11), ii, 251.
18.
Foucault, History of sexuality (ref. 11), ii, 108. It has been noted that Foucault's work on self-formation in relation to sexuality concentrates almost exclusively on male identity, without actually examining gender as a topic. For feminist critiques of Foucault on ancient sexuality, see: FoxhallLin, “Pandora unbound: A feminist critique of Foucault's History of sexuality”, in Larmour (eds), Rethinking sexuality (ref. 11), 122–37; RichlinAmy, “Foucault's History of sexuality: A useful theory for women?”, ibid., 138–70.
19.
Foucault, History of sexuality (ref. 11), iii, 41.
20.
Foucault, “Writing the self”, in DavidsonArnold I. (ed.), Foucault and his interlocutors (Chicago, 1997), 234–47.
21.
A short extract from the unpublished fourth volume of the History of sexuality, dealing with the fifth-century writings of John Cassian, is “The battle for chastity”, in FoucaultMichel, Ethics: Subjectivity and truth (Essential works of Foucault 1954–1984, i, ed. by RabinowPaul (London, 2000), 185–97). For applications of Foucault's perspective to Christian writings, see: MartinLuther H.GutmanHuckHuttonPatrick H. (eds), Technologies of the self: A seminar with Michel Foucault (Amherst, 1988).
22.
WebsterTom, “Writing to redundancy: Approaches to spiritual journals and early modern spirituality”, The historical journal, xxxix (1996), 33–56, p. 50.
23.
Senault quoted in JohnsAdrian, The nature of the book: Print and knowledge in the making (Chicago, 1998), 398, 406.
24.
DescartesRené, “The passions of the soul”, in The philosophical works of Descartes, transl. by HaldaneElizabeth S.RossG. R. T. (2 vols, Cambridge, 1931), i, 329–427, pp. 352–3.
25.
Descartes, “Passions” (ref. 24), 398. Discussions of Descartes's doctrine of the passions include: DearPeter, “A mechanical microcosm: Bodily passions, good manners, and Cartesian mechanism”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 51–82; GaukrogerStephen, Descartes: An intellectual biography (Oxford, 1995), chap. 10; ShapinSteven, “Descartes the doctor: Rationalism and its therapies”, The British journal for the history of science, xxxiii (2000), 131–54.
26.
HarthErica, Cartesian women: Versions and subversions of rational discourse in the Old Regime (Ithaca, 1992), 76. For this episode, see also: Shapin, “Descartes the doctor” (ref. 25), 146.
27.
HunterLynette, “Sisters of the Royal Society: The circle of Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh”, in HunterHutton (eds), Women, science and medicine (ref. 6), 178–97, pp. 193–4.
28.
GlanvilleWilliam to EvelynMary, 25 May 1669, in Frances Harris, “Living in the neighbourhood of science: Mary Evelyn, Margaret Cavendish and the Greshamites”, in HunterHutton (eds), Women, science and medicine (ref. 6), 198–217, p. 211.
29.
NicolsonMarjorie Hope, Conway letters: The correspondence of Anne, Viscountess Conway, Henry More, and their friends, 1642–1684 (New Haven, 1930), 63. See also: HuttonSarah, “Anne Conway, Margaret Cavendish and seventeenth-century scientific thought”, in HunterHutton (eds), Women, science and medicine (ref. 6), 218–34; HuttonSarah, “Of physic and philosophy: Anne Conway, F. M. van Helmont and seventeenth-century medicine”, in GrellOle PeterCunninghamAndrew (eds), Religio medici: Medicine and religion in seventeenth-century England (Aldershot, 1996), 228–46; HallA. Rupert, Henry More: Magic, religion and experiment (Oxford, 1990), 91–102. Anne Conway's medical regimen is also discussed by Steven Shapin, “The philosopher and the chicken: On the dietetics of disembodied knowledge”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 21–50, pp. 38–40, but without commenting on the issue of gender.
30.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 79.
31.
For more on Greatrakes, see: SchafferSimon, “Regeneration: The body of natural philosophers in Restoration England”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 83–120.
32.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 79.
33.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 66.
34.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 76.
35.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 80.
36.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 265.
37.
Compare the situation of Ada Lovelace, discussed in WinterAlison, “A calculus of suffering: Ada Lovelace and the bodily constraints on women's knowledge in early Victorian England”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 202–39.
38.
Conway letters (ref. 29), 146.
39.
WrightJohn P., “Locke, Willis, and the seventeenth-century Epicurean soul”, in OslerMargaret J. (ed.), Atoms, pneuma, and tranquillity: Epicurean and Stoic themes in European thought (Cambridge, 1991), 239–58 (quoting Willis, Two discourses concerning the soul of brutes [1672] on p. 254). The gendered dichotomy might have been encouraged by Lucretius's use of the Latin nouns animus (masculine) and anima (feminine) for two aspects of the soul that roughly correspond to Willis's, though Lucretius regarded both as material entities. See also: Johns, Nature of the book (ref. 23), 387–408, on Willis.
40.
CheyneGeorge, An essay of health and long life (London, 1724), 85–86.
41.
HunterMichael, “How Boyle became a scientist”, History of science, xxxiii (1995), 59–103, p. 79.
42.
“Gilbert Burnet's funeral sermon”, in HunterMichael (ed.), Robert Boyle by himself and his friends. With a fragment of William Wotton's lost Life of Boyle (London, 1994), 35–57, p. 55.
43.
“Burnet's sermon” (ref. 42), 51; “The ‘Burnet memorandum’: Notes by Gilbert Burnet on his biographical interview(s) with Boyle”, in Hunter (ed.), Boyle by himself (ref. 42), 26–34, p. 28.
44.
“Burnet memorandum” (ref. 43), 26.
45.
HarwoodJohn T. (ed.), The early essays and ethics of Robert Boyle (Carbondale, 1991), 3–141.
46.
Hunter, “How Boyle became a scientist” (ref. 41). See also: OsterMalcolm, “Biography, culture, and science: The formative years of Robert Boyle”, History of science, xxxi (1993), 177–226.
47.
“Burnet's sermon” (ref. 42), 55.
48.
[Boyle], “An account of Philaretus during his minority”, in Hunter (ed.), Boyle by himself (ref. 42), 2–22, pp. 8–9. See also: IliffeRob, “Boyle's industry”, History of science, xxxv (1997), 455–84, esp. pp. 457–63.
49.
BoyleRobert, “The doctrine of thinking”, in Harwood (ed.), Early essays and ethics (ref. 45), 185–202.
50.
Ibid., 192.
51.
“Burnet memorandum” (ref. 43), 27.
52.
Boyle, op. cit. (ref. 49), 189.
53.
“Account of Philaretus” (ref. 48), 17. The Oxford English dictionary gives several instances of this meaning of ‘injection’.
54.
HunterMichael, “Casuistry in action: Robert Boyle's confessional interviews with Gilbert Burnet and Edward Stillingfleet, 1691”, Journal of ecclesiastical history, xliv (1993), 80–98, p. 94.
55.
See also: Hunter, “The conscience of Robert Boyle: Functionalism, ‘dysfunctionalism’ and the task of historical understanding”, in FieldJ. V.JamesFrank A. J. L. (eds), Renaissance and revolution: Humanists, scholars, craftsmen and natural philosophers in early modern Europe (Cambridge, 1993), 147–59.
56.
My account of Boyle's theological understanding of alchemy relies upon PrincipeLawrence M., The aspiring adept: Robert Boyle and his alchemical quest (Princeton, 1998), 113–36, 190–201. Also very informative on magic and its theological implications is Clark, Thinking with demons (ref. 8), 214–50.
57.
“Burnet memorandum” (ref. 43), 32. The incident is described and analysed in HunterMichael, “Alchemy, magic and moralism in the thought of Robert Boyle”, The British journal for the history of science, xxiii (1990), 387–410.
58.
IliffeRob, “Isaac Newton: Lucatello professor of mathematics”, in LawrenceShapin (eds), Science incarnate (ref. 14), 121–55, esp. pp. 147 ff.
59.
ManuelFrank E., A portrait of Isaac Newton (London, 1980), 213–25.
60.
SnobelenStephen D., “‘God of Gods and Lord of Lords’: The theology of Isaac Newton's General Scholium to the Principia”, in Science in theistic contexts: Cognitive dimensions, ed. by BrookeJohn HedleyOslerMargaret J.van der MeerJitse M. (Osiris, 2nd series, xvi (2001)), 169–208.
61.
Iliffe, “Lucatello professor” (ref. 57), 147.
62.
Iliffe, “Lucatello professor” (ref. 57), 135, 147; IliffeRob, “That puzleing problem': Isaac Newton and the political physiology of self”, Medical history, xxxix (1995), 433–58, p. 443.
CranstonMaurice, John Locke: A biography (Oxford, 1985); MashamLady Damaris, “The life and character of Mr. John Locke”, in YoltonJean S. (ed.), A Locke miscellany: Locke biography and criticism for all (Bristol, 1990), 348–52; LockeJohn, “Some thoughts concerning education”, in John Locke on politics and education, ed. by PennimanHoward R. (Roslyn, NY, 1947), 203–390.
65.
LockeJohn, An essay concerning human understanding, ed. by NidditchPeter H. (Oxford, 1975), 699.
66.
TaylorCharles, Sources of the self: The making of the modern identity (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 171.
67.
Locke, Essay (ref. 64), 336.
68.
For remarks on the connection between Locke's philosophy and autobiographical writing, see: NussbaumFelicity A., The autobiographical subject: Gender and ideology in eighteenth-century England (Baltimore, 1989), 30–57.
69.
LockeJohn, “Register of the air”, Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS 48120, ff. 466–531.
70.
“Burnet's sermon” (ref. 42), 38; ManleyGordon, “The weather and diseases: Some eighteenth-century contributions to observational meteorology”, Notes and records of the Royal Society of London, ix (1952), 300–7. The connection between study of the weather and suppression of the passions is an ancient one, going back to the works of Lucretius and Seneca, who regarded the fear of meteorological phenomena as a sign that the desirable state of tranquillity of mind had not been achieved. The theme was revived in early-modern discussions of melancholy and enthusiasm, which were sometimes portrayed as a kind of internal meteorology, the result of clouds of bodily vapours obscuring the mind. Melancholics and enthusiasts were also thought to be particularly susceptible to the disturbing influences of climatic conditions on their mental state. See: Lucretius, On the nature of things, transl. by EsolenAnthony M. (Baltimore, 1995), esp. pp. 203–15; Seneca, Naturales questiones, transl. by CorcoranThomas H. (2 vols, Cambridge, MA, 1971); BurtonRobert, The anatomy of melancholy, ed. by JacksonHolbrook (3 vols, London, 1932), i, 379–81, 410–13; HeydMichael, “Medical discourse in religious controversy: The case of the critique of ‘enthusiasm’ on the eve of the Enlightenment”, Science in context, viii (1995), 133–57.
71.
For a full discussion of the document and a summary of the evidence for this identification of the author, see: GolinskiJan, “‘Exquisite atmography’: Theories of the world and experiences of the weather in a diary of 1703”, The British journal for the history of science, xxxiv (2001), 149–71.
72.
1703 weather diary, Lancing College archives, Lancing, West Sussex, 402.
73.
Keller, Reflections (ref. 3), 40.
74.
ZackNaomi, Bachelors of science: Seventeenth-century identity, then and now (Philadelphia, 1996). The most ambitious attempt to delineate the links between misogyny and celibacy in early-modern science, Noble'sDavid F.A world without women: The Christian clerical culture of western science (New York, 1992), is subjected to telling criticism by ClarkWilliam, “The misogyny of scholars”, Perspectives on science, i (1993), 342–57. More plausible connections between misogyny and sociability among celibate males are described in the specific setting of the Accademia dei Lincei in early seventeenth-century Rome, by Mario Biagioli, in “Knowledge, freedom, and brotherly love: Homosociality and the Accademia dei Lincei”, Configurations, iii (1995), 139–66.