Common Knowledge: Science and the Late Victorian Working-Class Press

Justice , 30 August 1884, 3. See also 2 February 1884, 2. The “Appeal” first appeared in Kropotkin's newspaper La Revolte in 1880 as “Aux jeunes gens”. Henry Mayers Hyndman (1842–1921), leader of the Social Democratic Federation and editor of Justice, was the translator for the British version.

This does not mean that the entire working class adopted science as hobby or ideology. The labouring sector was no more homogeneous in its intellectual or political pursuits than any sector of society, but this works both ways: Not all were interested and not all were apathetic.

The star, 31 January 1888, 4.

See Susan Sheets-Pyenson's discussion of readership in “Low scientific culture in London and Paris, 1820–1875”, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1976, 60–65.

My doctoral research included samples from The star, Labour co-partnership, The labour standard, Commonweal, The clarion, the English mechanic, The Bolton co-operative record, The labour prophet, The young socialist, The national reformer, and peripherally the Daily herald and Australia's Barrier truth (for this last publication I am indebted to John Laurent of Griffith University, Australia). In most cases, samples were from the 1880s and 1890s, but where earlier issues were available, I found no discernable shift in the quantity of science, though the topics changed with contemporary debates.

Vincent David , Literacy and popular culture, England 1750–1914 (Cambridge, 1989), 252.

Turner Frank , Contesting cultural authority: Essays in Victorian intellectual life (Cambridge, 1993).

See for example, Cooter Roger , The cultural meaning of popular science: Phrenology and the organization of consent in nineteenth-century Britain (Cambridge, 1984); Desmond Adrian , The politics of evolution: Morphology, medicine, and reform in radical London (Chicago, 1989); Young Robert , Darwin's metaphor: Nature's place in Victorian culture (Cambridge, 1985).

See for example, Barnes Barry Shapin Steven , Natural order: Historical studies of scientific culture (Beverley Hills, 1979); Secord Anne , “Corresponding interests: Artisans and gentlemen in nineteenth-century natural history”, The British journal for the history of science, xxvii (1994), 383–408; Meadows A. J. , The development of science publishing in Europe (Amsterdam, 1980); Layton David , Science for the people: The origins of the school science curriculum in England (New York, 1973); and Lightman Bernard , Victorian science in context, ed. by Lightman Bernard (Chicago, 1997).

In addition to texts already noted, see Lightman Bernard , “Ideology, evolution and late-Victorian agnostic popularizers”, in Moore James (ed.), History, humanity, and evolution: Essays for John C. Greene (Cambridge, 1989); Winter Alison , “Mesmerism and popular culture in early Victorian England”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 317–43. Popular science was also one of the themes of the SciPer Conference at Leeds University in April 2000 but only two papers were concerned with working-class issues: Mine and Caroline Sumpter's paper “Making socialists or murdering to dissect? Natural science and child socialisation in The labour prophet and Labour leader”.

Sheets-Pyenson , “Low scientific culture” (ref. 4), passim; Barton Ruth , “Just before Nature: The purposes of science and the purposes of popularization in some English popular science journals of the 1860s”, Annals of science, lv (1998), 1–33; Secord Anne , “Science in the pub: Artisan botanists in early nineteenth-century Lancashire”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 269–315; Desmond Adrian , “Artisan resistance and evolution in Britain, 1819–1848”, Osiris, 2nd ser., iii (1987), 77–110; Inkster Ian Morrell Jack , Metropolis and province: Science in British culture, 1780–1850 (Philadelphia, 1983).

Pumfrey Stephen Cooter Roger , “Separate spheres and public places: Reflections on the history of science popularization and science in popular culture”, History of science, xxxii (1994), 237–67, p. 239.

Pumfrey Cooter , “Separate spheres” (ref. 12), 245.

Pumfrey Cooter , “Separate spheres” (ref. 12), 237, 253.

Pumfrey Cooter , “Separate spheres” (ref. 12), 239, 253.

In addition to Sheets-Pyenson , “Low scientific culture” (ref. 4), and Barton , “Just before Nature” (ref. 11), see Brock William , “The development of commercial science journals in Victorian Britain”, in Meadows (ed.), Development of science publishing (ref. 9), 95–122.

Brock , “Development of commercial science journals” (ref. 16), 111–15. Borrowing reading material and using libraries would have allowed for reading expensive publications, but one penny is the most reasonable price to set for working-class readers. See Vincent David , Literacy (ref. 6), 241–58 and Bread, knowledge and freedom (London, 1981).

Vincent , Literacy (ref. 6), 242. For more on the centrality of the press in working-class communities, see Jones Aled , Powers of the press: Newspapers, power and the public in nineteenth-century England (Aldershot, 1996), 1–27; Lee Alan , The origins of the popular press, 1855–1914 (London, 1976), 29–40.

Secord James A. , Victorian sensation: The extraordinary publication, reception, and secret authorship of Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation (Chicago and London, 2000); Jones , Powers of the press (ref. 18), chaps 2 and 3; Brock , “Development of commercial science journals” (ref. 16), 95–104.

Harrison Brian , “Press and pressure groups in modern Britain”, in Shattock Joanne Wolff Michael (eds), The Victorian periodical press: Samplings and soundings (Leicester, 1982), 261–95; and for the late nineteenth-century press and the Left, see Hopkin Deian , “The left-wing press and the new journalism”, in Wiener Joel (ed.), Papers for the millions: The new journalism in Britain, 1850s to 1914 (New York, 1988), 225–41.

The periodicals discussed in this article cannot be considered entirely the property of middle-class intellectuals or completely proletarian, and each approached reform in its own way. In each case, middle-class editors were in charge but two of the publications had proletarian staff members. For example, Justice's co-editor was Harry Quelch, a London warehouseman, and J. Millott Severn, working-class phrenologist, wrote for Science siftings. For more, see “Harry Quelch”, in Bellamy Joyce M. Saville John (eds), Dictionary of labour biography (10 vols, London, 1972–2000), viii, 198–204, and Severn J. Millott , The life story and experiences of a phrenologist (Brighton, 1929), 445.

Wiener Joel , “Sources for the study of newspapers”, in Brake Laurel Jones Aled Madden Lionel (eds), Investigating Victorian journalism (London, 1990), 155–65, p. 155; Jones , Powers of the press (ref. 18), 3.

Anderson Patricia , The printed image and the transformation of popular culture, 1790–1860 (Oxford, 1994), 91; Brock W. H. , “Science”, in Vann J. Don VanArsdel Rosemary T. (eds), Victorian periodicals and Victorian society (Toronto, 1994), 83–84; Rose J. , “Workers”, ibid. , 301–10, p. 301; Royle Edward , “Newspapers and periodicals in historical research”, in Brake (eds), Investigating Victorian journalism (ref. 22), 48–49.

Berridge Virginia , “Content analysis and historical research on newspapers”, in Harris Michael Lee Alan (eds), The press in English society from the seventeenth to nineteenth century (London and Toronto, 1986), 201–18, pp. 201–4.

One notable exception is David Vincent in Literacy (ref. 6). Berridge included science as a category in her thesis but it surfaces only as an item in the Appendix and is not explored. Given the frequent appearance of science in Reynolds's publications, this serves as an excellent example of the degree to which science is overlooked. See Berridge Virginia , “Popular journalism and working-class attitudes 1854–1886: A study of Reynolds's newspaper, Lloyd's weekly newspaper, and the Weekly times”, Ph.D. dissertation, London University, 1976.

Berridge , “Popular journalism” (ref. 25) and “Content analysis” (ref. 24). Ben Turner recalled the eclectic mixture in local weeklies and in publications such as Reynolds's newspaper and The national reformer in his autobiography About myself (London, 1929), 27, 51.

Based on high-point circulation of 350,000 for Reynolds's newspaper, 4,000 for Justice, and 21,000 for Science siftings. See below for details of circulation.

The three publications in this study were endorsed as pro-labour in the 1897 volume of Edwards Joseph (ed.), The labour annual (London and Manchester, 1895–1900). See the recommended social reform periodicals list, pp. 33–62. Of the 231 publications listed, 18 were explicitly connected to science. This does not include less obvious inclusions of science in periodicals such as The labour prophet, and so further research into the scientific content of the 231 listed publications is needed.

Circulation figures were reported in the 23 April 1892 issue. Many of the features of Science siftings can be found in the English mechanic and The Bolton co-operative record, both of which are analysed in my dissertation “Common knowledge: The Victorian working class and the low road to science, 1870–1900”, York University, Toronto, forthcoming, 2001. Woolf was identified as the editor in Severn J. Millott , Life story (ref. 21), 445. No other information is provided other than that Severn was grateful for the opportunity to write articles on phrenology for the periodical. Science siftings ran between 1891 and 1927.

The labour annual (ref. 28), 1897, 56.

Items included microscopes, fossil and mineral collections, scientific texts purchased “by mistake” in a box of miscellaneous books, and a stuffed alligator the owner wished to trade for a strong cage or small livestock. Prices when specified ranged from 3s. to £10. Owning scientific equipment was possible for the employed worker, though selling it in times of dearth was likely. See Tom Mann's memoirs, preface by Ken Coates (London, 1967), 48.

Science siftings, 23 April 1892, 4.

Science siftings, 23 April 1892, 1.

Science siftings, 23 April 1892, 2.

Science siftings, 23 April 1892 and 16 July 1892.

Science siftings, 18 June 1892, 122.

Science siftings, 18 June 1892, 118.

Science siftings, 14 May 1892, 55; 18 June 1892, 121; 9 July 1892, 160–1, 165; 28 October 1905. The last of these was a survey of the great geological and biological theories of Lyell, Darwin, and Spencer.

Science siftings, 19 November 1892, 69.

Science siftings, 21 May 1892, 63–64; 28 May 1892, 79–80; 18 June 1892, 124–5; 16 July 1892, 180–1. These articles discuss the education, work, and cultural role of women, and many viewpoints were represented.

Even so, the magazine did insert a quick comment regarding Mrs Sales's neglect of the rights of “man”.

Science siftings, 23 April 1892, 7.

These kinds of racial degeneration fears were common in the late nineteenth century. For more, see Pick Daniel , Faces of degeneration (Cambridge, 1989).

“Evolution and physical development”, Science siftings, 23 April 1892, 7.

See, for example, Science siftings, 7 May 1892, 40; 18 June 1892, 114.

Science siftings, 14 May 1892, 54–55.

Science siftings, 9 July 1892, 163–4.

Science siftings, 15 October 1892, 363–4.

Run dates for Reynolds's newspaper were 1850–1967, and circulation has been placed between 200,000 and 300,000 ( Berridge , “Content analysis” (ref. 24), 208) or as high as 350,000 (“G. W. M. Reynolds”, Dictionary of labour biography (ref. 21), iii, 146–51, p. 149). See also, Anderson , The printed image (ref. 23), 91–94, 159–79; Berridge , “Content analysis” (ref. 24), 211–17 and also “Popular Sunday papers and mid-Victorian society”, in Boyce G. Curran J. Wingate P. (eds), Newspaper history from the seventeenth century to the present day (London, 1978), 247–64. The treatment of science in Reynolds's newspaper is similar to that of The star during T. P. O'Connor's editorship in 1888–91.

Vincent , Literacy (ref. 6), 256.

Reynolds's newspaper, 13 January 1889, 2.

For more on socialist ethics and evolution, see Laurent John , “Science education, evolution theory and the British labour movement, 1860–1910”, dissertation, Griffith University, 1984; Pittenger Mark , American socialists and evolutionary thought, 1870–1920 (Madison, 1993).

Reynolds's newspaper, 20 January 1889, 5.

Reynolds's newspaper, 10 January 1892, 5.

Reynolds's newspaper, 3 January 1892, 8.

Reynolds's newspaper, 20 January 1889, 5.

Reynolds's newspaper, 17 January 1892, 3.

Reynolds's newspaper frequently announced exhibitions of interest to the working class. See for example notices of industrial exhibitions in Hungary, Paris, Brussels, and Ireland (27 May 1888, 1, 3) and an electrical exhibition at the Crystal Palace (10 January 1892).

Reynolds's newspaper, 13 January 1889, 5.

Reynolds's newspaper, 18 January 1888, 8.

Reynolds's newspaper, 3 January 1892, 1.

Compare, for example, Reynolds's newspaper, 20 May 1888 and 3 January 1892.

Reynolds's newspaper, 20 January 1889, 3.

Reynolds's newspaper, 18 January 1888, 8; 20 May 1888, 8; 10 February 1889, n.p.; and 3 January 1892, 6.

Reynolds's newspaper, 20 May 1888, 8.

Reynolds's newspaper, 10 February 1889, n.p.

Reynolds's newspaper, 3 January 1892, 6. It is probable that the lecture “Is there a moral governor of the universe” was related to science because it was given by a member of the Secularist Society. Another lecture from this group, “An oration on the heavenly bodies”, was most likely astronomical rather than spiritual.

Reynolds's newspaper, 10 January 1892, 6.

Reynolds's newspaper, 10 January 1892, 6.

Burrows Herbert , Art and life, a lecture delivered to South Place Ethical Society, 8 September 1901. I wish to thank David Webb of Bishopsgate Institute, London, for directing me to this pamphlet in the Howell Collection.

Reynolds's newspaper, 10 February 1889, n.p. The paper must have meant Frank Podmore, the Fabian.

See Tillett Ben , An address on character and environment (Manchester, 1896); Benson T. D. , Socialism and service (London, n.d.); Malthusianism and socialism: A debate between Harry Quelch and Arthur B. Moss (London, 1899).

The full title was Reynolds's weekly newspaper, a journal of democratic progress and general intelligence (noted in the Dictionary of labour biography (ref. 21), iii, 148).

Dictionary of labour biography (ref. 21), iii, 150. See also Reynolds's miscellany (1846–68), 20 June 1868, 4, 14; 27 June 1868, 23–24; 4 July 1868, 37, 45; 11 July 1868, 52. These issues include scientific articles on astronomy, birds, alchemy, and the microscope.

Run dates for Justice were 1884–1933 and circulation figures were estimated by E. P. Thompson as varying between 1200 and 4000, with the average approximately 2500, in William Morris: Romantic to revolutionary (New York, 1977), 414, 460, 523. Henry Mayers Hyndman was the founder and leader of the Social Democratic Federation and the founding editor of Justice. Harry Quelch (1858–1913) was a prominent member of the SDF and took over editorship of Justice in 1886. For more on Hyndman and the SDF, see Tsuzuki C. , H. M. Hyndman and British socialism (Oxford, 1961). Unfortunately, beyond the Dictionary of labour biography (ref. 21), viii, 199–208, information on Quelch is fragmentary.

For the SDF programme, see Hyndman H. M. , Social democracy: The basis of its principles and the cause of its success (London, 1904).

See for example, Socialism: Utopian and scientific, transl. by Aveling Edward (New York, 1989). First published in French in 1880 and in English in 1892.

Justice, 20 January 1889, 5.

Jackson T. A. , a working-class socialist and author of several texts on science and socialism, provides an excellent account of the SDF community in his autobiography Solo trumpet: Some memories of socialist agitation and propaganda (London, 1953), 54–62.

See Hyndman Henry Mayers , Socialism and slavery: Being an answer to Mr. Herbert Spencer's attack on the Social Democratic Federation in the Contemporary review, April, 1884 under the title “The coming slavery” (London, 1899). The exchange between Spencer and Hyndman is both revealing and entertaining.

Justice , 26 January 1884, 3. Many of the strategies and themes of Justice reappeared in Commonweal, William Morris's socialist periodical, though in a slightly more intellectual context.

Justice, 20 September 1884, 5.

For example, attacks on Spencer can be found in Labour co-partnership in January 1895 and January, October, and December 1896, and Elsie Mann, Tom Mann's second wife, wrote an article for the Melbourne socialist in which she explained Spencer's anti-socialist views as a product of “miscomprehension” (April 1906). This reference was kindly provided by John Laurent of Griffith University.

Justice, 19 January 1884, 8; 26 January 1884, 8.

Justice, January 19, 1884, 1, 4, 7.

See for example, Aveling Edward , Charles Darwin and Karl Marx: A comparison (London, n.d.). Commonweal was started in opposition to Justice after the split between the Socialist League and the Hyndman-dominated SDF. William Morris (1834–96) and his friend E. Belfort Bax (1854–1926) kept this eclectic journal afloat until 1890 when Morris's leadership was challenged by the young anarchists who had come to dominate the Socialist League ( Thompson , Morris (ref. 75), 566–70).

Wallace's book was advertised throughout 1884, and he was featured in The labour annual for 1896, which ran a photograph of Wallace along with his best wishes for the publication's success as the frontispiece (ref. 28).

Justice, 2 February 1884, 2, and 30 August 1884, 3. For more on Kropotkin's views, see Memoirs of a revolutionist (London, 1899) and Mutual aid: A factor of evolution (London, 1904).

Justice, 2 February 1884, 2.

Justice, 30 August 1884, 3.

Justice, 30 August 1884, 3.

Justice, 6 September 1884, 1.

A comparison of Herbert Spencer's “The coming slavery”, Contemporary review , April 1884, 461–82, and Hyndman's Socialism and slavery (ref. 80) typifies this point.

Stuart Macintyre gives some attention to this in A proletarian science: Marxism in Britain, 1917–1933 (Cambridge, 1980), as does Alfred Kelly in The descent of Darwin: The popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860–1914 (Chapel Hill, 1981). Mark Pittenger's study in American socialists and evolutionary thought (ref. 52) is useful but is mainly intellectual in focus. These studies represent only the beginning of research into this important topic in labour and science history, with several regional and working-class level studies remaining to be done.

In addition to articles, lecture lists printed in each issue indicate that while the natural sciences were sometimes the sole focus, a great deal of the scientific content was subordinated to general lecturing on socialism and economics, lending authority where needed but never an end in itself. This presented Justice's audience with science as a cultural authority but one that could be conscripted on behalf of the working class.

The labour annual (ref. 28), 1897, 56.