MiddletonW. E. Knowles, “What did Charles II call the Fellows of the Royal Society?”, Notes and records of the Royal Society, xxxii (1977), 13–16, p. 15.
2.
James I, however, appears on p. 228. ShapinSteven, A social history of truth: Civility and science in seventeenth century England (Chicago, 1994); HunterMichael, Science and society in Restoration England (Cambridge, 1981), 131.
3.
BiagioliMario, Galileo, courtier: The practice of science in the Age of Absolutism (Chicago, 1993).
4.
BiagioliMario, “Etiquette, interdependence, and sociability in seventeenth century science”, Critical inquiry, xxii (1996), 193–238, p. 230. See also his “Scientific Revolution, social bricolage and etiquette”, in PorterRoyTeichMikuláš (eds). The Scientific Revolution in national context (Cambridge, 1992), 11–54.
5.
On gentlemanly conduct, see Shapin, Social history of truth (ref. 2); on the House of Commons, see ShapinSteven, “The House of Experiment in seventeenth century England”, Isis, lxix (1988), 373–404, pp. 392–3; on legal trials, see ShapiroBarbara, Probability and certainty in seventeenth century England: A study of the relationships between natural science, religion, history, law and literature (Princeton, 1983).
6.
For instance, Biagioli, Galileo, courtier (ref. 3); FindlenPaula, Possessing nature: Museums, collecting, and scientific culture in early modern Italy (Berkeley, 1994) on the Medici; and on Louis XIV, StroupAlice, A company of scientists (Berkeley, 1990); LuxDavid, Patronage and royal science in seventeenth century France (Ithaca, 1989); and RubinDavid L. (ed.), Sun King: The ascendancy of French culture during the reign of Louis XIV (London, 1992).
7.
Biagioli, Galileo, courtier (ref. 3), 139–57.
8.
WintroubMichael, “Taking stock at the end of the world: Rites of distinction and practices of collecting in early modern Europe”, Studies in history and philosophy of science, xxx (1999), 395–424; FindlenPaula, “Controlling the experiment: Rhetoric, court patronage and the experimental method of Francesco Redi”, History of science, xxxi (1993), 35–64. Jay Tribby examines the way Redi's experiments also helped define social boundaries of court society in Tuscany, contributing to a culture of ‘imagineering’, a peaceful conception of the state through the violation of its Others. Tribby also considers the complex interactions between Redi's apparently ‘bric-a-brac’ experimentation on vipers and the semantic and ritual order of the Medici spezieria. TribbyJay, “Cooking (with) Clio and Cleo: Eloquence and experiment in seventeenth century Florence”, Journal of the history of ideas, lii (1991), 417–39; “Club Medici: Natural experiment and the imagineering of ‘Tuscany”’, Configurations, ii (1994), 215–35.
9.
On doctrines of the divine right of kings prior to the Civil War, see SommervilleJ. P., Royalists & patriots: Politics and ideology in England, 1603–1640 (London, 1999), 9–54; BurgessGlenn, Absolute monarchy and the Stuart constitution (New Haven, 1996); HenshallNicholas, The myth of absolutism: Change and continuity in early modern European monarchy (London, 1992); FiggisJ. Neville, The Divine Right of Kings (Cambridge, 1914).
10.
A good introduction to anthropological and sociological studies of royal ritual is CannadineDavidPriceSimon (eds), Rituals of royalty: Power and ceremonial in traditional societies (Cambridge, 1987); also GeertzClifford, “Centres, kings and charisma: Reflections on the symbolics of power”, in WilentzS. (ed.), Rites of power: Symbolism, ritual and politics since the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1985), 13–38. On courtly festivals, see StrongRoy, Art and power: Renaissance festivals 1450–1650 (Suffolk, 1984).
11.
See HayDouglas (ed.), Albion's fatal tree: Crime and society in eighteenth century England (London, 1988); LinebaughPeter, The London hanged: Crime and civil society in the eighteenth century (London, 1991); LaurenceJohn, A history of capital punishment (London, 1932), 177–80.
12.
BlochMarc, The royal touch: Monarchy and miracles in France and England (New York, 1989), 42. The only other significant studies of the royal touch are FarquharHelen, “Royal charities”, British numismatic journal, xii (1916), 39–135, xiii (1917), 95–163, xiv (1918), 89–120, and xv (1919), 141–84; CrawfurdRaymond, The King's Evil (Oxford, 1911).
13.
FortescueJohnSir, The works of Sir John Fortescue, Knight, Chief Justice of England and Lord Chancellor to King Henry the Sixth now first collected and arranged by Thomas Lord Clermont (2 vols, London, 1869), i, 70.
14.
John Browne identified Charles with “the first and last, the best and greatest Recoverer of all Diseases … our Saviour Christ” in his Charisma basilicon, the third part of Browne's Adenochoiradelogia (London, 1684); the first parts, Adenographia and Chaeradelogia, deal with the medical treatment of scrofula, whilst the third deals with the King's Touch. Born in Norwich, Browne arrived in London in 1678 and was appointed surgeon at St Thomas's Hospital in 1683. He served as Surgeon in Ordinary to Charles II, James II and William III, and died about 1710. See PowerD'Arcy, “John Browne”, The British medical journal, 31 August 1895, 7. See also Jonathan Sawday's discussion of Holbein's portrait of Henry VIII portraying the King as Christ-physician, in The body emblazoned: Dissection and the human body in Renaissance culture (London, 1995), 190.
15.
The complete liturgy is reprinted from The Book of Common Prayer in Crawfurd, King's Evil (ref. 12), 114–16; Lorenzo Magalotti provides the best description of the ceremony in Charles II's time, see DouglasDavid C. (ed.), English historical documents (6 vols, London, 1996), vi, 70. On the Banqueting House, see CharltonJohn, The Banqueting House, Whitehall Palace (London, 1964); StrongRoy, Britannia triumphans: Inigo Jones, Rubens and Whitehall Palace (London, 1980).
16.
BirdJohn, Ostenta Carolina, or the late calamities of England with the authors of them (London, 1661), 45.
17.
On London executions, see McLynnFrank, Crime and punishment in 18th century England (Oxford, 1991); MarksAlfred, Tyburn Tree: Its history and annals (London, 1909); TimbsMark, Curiosities of London and Tyburn Gallows (London, 1909); and more generally, FoucaultMichel, Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison (London, 1977), 32–69.
18.
HammondPaul, “The King's two bodies: Representations of Charles II”, in BlackJeremyGregoryJeremy (eds), Culture, politics and society in Britain, 1660–1800 (Manchester, 1991), 13–48. On the body as political representation in the Civil War, see also WilliamTamsyn, “Magnetic figures: Polemical prints of the English Revolution”, in GentLucyLlewellynNigel (eds), Renaissance bodies: The human figure in English culture, c. 1540–1660 (London, 1990), 86–110.
19.
LockyerNicholas, England faithfully watched (London, 1645), 164; CrawfordPatricia, “Charles Stuart, that man of blood”, Journal of British studies, xvi (1977), 41–61. See also BaskervilleStephen, “Blood guilt in the English Revolution”, The seventeenth century, viii (1993), 181–202.
20.
Bloch, Royal touch (ref. 12), 210; GardinerS. R., History of the great Civil War, 1642–1649 (4 vols, London, 1893), iii, 242; Browne, Adenochoiradelogia (ref. 14), 181.
Richard Sibbes quoted in Baskerville, “Blood guilt” (ref. 19), 193.
23.
Hammond, “The King's two bodies” (ref. 18), 16–17. On radical threats during Charles's reign, see GreavesRichard L., Enemies under his feet: Radicals and Non-conformists in Britain, 1664–1677 (Stanford, Calif., 1990). On reinventing Stuart monarchy, see ReedyGerard, “Mystical politics: The imagery of Charles II's coronation”, in KorshinPaul (ed.), Studies in change and revolution: Aspects of English intellectual history 1640–1800 (New York, 1972), 19–42.
24.
“The Declaration of Breda”, reprinted in DouglasDavid C. (ed.), English historical documents (London, 1996), vi, 57.
25.
Bird, Ostenta Carolina (ref. 16), 51.
26.
SancroftWilliam, A sermon preached at St. Peter's, Westminister on the first Sunday in Advent (London, 1660), 33.
27.
See Crawfurd, King's Evil (ref. 12), 106.
28.
LathamR.MatthewsW. (eds), The diary of Samuel Pepys (11 vols, London, 1970–83), ii, 83.
29.
See HarrisTim, London crowds in the reign of Charles II: Propaganda and politics from the Restoration until the exclusion crisis (Cambridge, 1987), 39.
30.
LaqueurThomas, “Crowds, carnival and the state in English executions, 1604–1868”, in BeierA. L.CannadineDavidRosenheimJames M. (eds), The first modern society (Cambridge, 1989), 305–55.
31.
Foucault, Discipline and punish (ref. 17), 52.
32.
A Proclamation for the better ordering of those who wish to repayre to the court, for their cure of the disease called the King's Evill. June 18th 1626, reprinted in Crawfurd, King's Evil (ref. 12), 164–5.
33.
A Proclamation appointing the times for His Majesties healing of the disease called the King's Evill. July 1st 1638, ibid., 183–4.
34.
Ordinance for the management of the Royal Household, quoted in ibid., 107.
35.
Mercurius publicus, no. 30, 19–26 July 1660, 465. KnightJohn, Sergeant-Surgeon to Charles II from 1661, had served the King on his journey from the Hague to Dover at the Restoration. He was assisted by numerous other surgeons, Humphrey Painter, Sergeant-Surgeon from 1661 to 1670, and then his successor, Richard Wiseman, from 1670 to 1676, at his home, also in Covent Garden. On Knight, see CalvertE. M., Sergeant-Surgeon John Knight 1664–1680 (London, 1939); on Wiseman, LongmoreThomasSir, Richard Wiseman, Surgeon and Sergeant-Surgeon to Charles II (London, 1891) and Dictionary of national biography, xxi, 717–18. Painter's name appears sporadically in the Calendar of Treasury papers between 1667 and 1670, but nothing is known of him otherwise. The King's other surgeons were Richard Pile, c. 1671, and Sackville Whittle; see Farquhar, “Royal charities” (ref. 12), xiii (1917), 126–7.
36.
BrayWilliam (ed.), The diary of John Evelyn (2 vols, London, 1952), ii, 199 (28 March 1684).
37.
Howard quoted in CadoganEdward, The roots of evil (London, 1937), 122.
38.
An exact narrative of the bloody murder and robbery committed by Stephen Eaton (London, 1669), 8. See SharpeJ. A., “Last dying speeches: Religion, ideology and public execution in seventeenth century England”, Past and present, cvii (1985), 144–67.
39.
SpratThomas, History of the Royal Society of London, for the Improving of Natural Knowledge (London, 1667), 58–59.
40.
Shapin, “The House of Experiment” (ref. 5), 401.
41.
On witnessing, see ShapinStevenSchafferSimon, Leviathan and the air-pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the experimental life (Princeton, 1985), 55–60; on demonstration, see HankinsThomas L.SilvermanRobert J., Instruments and the imagination (Princeton, 1995), 37–71.
42.
Michael Lynch notes this strategy of achieving transcendent knowledge in experimental ‘sacrifices’ of laboratory animals. See LynchMichael E., “Sacrifice and the transformation of the animal body into a scientific object: Laboratory culture and ritual practice in the nuerosciences”, Social studies of science, xviii (1988), 265–89.
43.
GolinskiJan, “A noble spectacle: Phosphorous and the public cultures of science in the early Royal Society”, Isis, lxxx (1989), 11–39. See also SchafferSimon, “Natural philosophy and public spectacle in the eighteenth century”, History of science, xxi (1983), 1–43, and idem, “The consuming flame: Electrical showmen and Tory mystics in the world of goods”, in BrewerJohnPorterRoy (eds), Consumption and the world of goods (London, 1993), 489–526.
44.
BoasMarie, Robert Boyle and seventeenth-century chemistry (Cambridge, 1958), 207.
45.
Michael Hunter notes courtiers and politicians made up the majority group (25%) of Fellows in 1660–64: The Royal Society and its Fellows 1660–1700: The morphology of an early scientific institution (Oxford, 1994), 126.
46.
On Moray, see MartinD. C., “Sir Robert Moray, F.R.S.”, in HartleyHaroldSir (ed.), The Royal Society: Its origins and founders (London, 1960), 239–50; RobertsonA., The life of Sir Robert Moray (London, 1922).
47.
See Shapin, “House of Experiment” (ref. 5), 392–3.
48.
Sawday, The body emblazoned (ref. 14), 54–84; see also idem, “The fate of Marsyas: Dissecting the Renaissance body”, in GentLlewellyn, Renaissance bodies (ref. 18), 111–35; RuppJan C.“Matters of life and death: The social and cultural conditions of the rise of anatomical theatres, with special reference to seventeenth century Holland”, History of science, xxxviii (1990), 263–87.
49.
On dissection at the Royal Society, see GuntherR. T., Early science in Oxford (Oxford, 1930), iii, 86–88. On physiological experiment see FrankRobert G.Jr, Harvey and the Oxford physiologists (California, 1980).
50.
SchafferSimon, “Piety, physic and prodigious abstinence”, in GrellOle PeterCunninghamAndrew (eds), Religio Medici: Medicine and religion in seventeenth century England (Aldershot, 1996), 171–203, pp. 195–6.
51.
Pointing to a case of swelling caused by a fall, Wiseman noted “This was the case … Dr. Needham and myself were lately consulted about and such are frequently seen at our public Healings”. WisemanRichard, Severall chirurgical treatises (London, 1676), 295–6. On Wiseman's connections, see ibid., 252, 291. On Ent, see CookHarold J., The decline of the old medical regime in Stuart London (Ithaca, 1986), 145. Thomas Sprat later acted as Clerk of the Closet to James II. See WoodAnthony À, Athenae Oxonienses (5 vols, London, 1813), iv, 727–30.
52.
SchafferSimon, “Regeneration: The body of natural philosophers in Restoration England”, in LawrenceChristopherShapinSteven (eds), Science incarnate: Historical embodiments of natural knowledge (Chicago, 1998), 105–16. On Greatrakes see DuffyEamon, “Valentine Greatrakes, the Irish stroker: Miracles, science and orthodoxy in Restoration England”, Studies in Church history, xvii (1981), 251–73; KaplanBarbara B., “Greatrakes the stroker: The interpretations of his contemporaries”, Isis, lxxiii (1982), 155–78.
53.
LloydDavid, Wonders no miracles (London, 1666), 14. Joseph Glanvill forwarded similar arguments — See his A praefatory answer to Mr. Henry Stubbe (London, 1671), 60–61.
54.
Browne, Adenochoiradelogia (ref. 14), 78–79.
55.
FullerThomas, The appeal of injured innocence (London, 1659), quoted in Bloch, Royal touch (ref. 12), 415, n. 37.
56.
HeylynPeter, Examen historicum or a discovery and examination of the mistakes … in some modern histories (London, 1659), 47–50.
57.
RustGeorge to GlanvillJoseph (undated), Conway letters: The correspondence of Anne, Viscountess Conway, Henry More and their friends, 1642–1684 (London, 1930), 274.
58.
MoreHenry to ConwayAnne, 18 June 1654, ibid., 103.
59.
StubbeHenry, The miraculous conformist (Oxford, 1666), 9.
60.
See PinkusSteven, “Republicanism, absolutism and universal monarchy: English popular sentiment during the third Dutch war”, in MacleanGerald (ed.), Culture and society in the Stuart Restoration: Literature, drama, history (Cambridge, 1995), 241–66.
61.
On the Test Act, see Journal of the House of Commons, ix, 276–81; Parliamentary history of England (London, 1808), iv, 559–62; MillerJohn, Popery and politics in England 1660–1688 (Cambridge, 1973), 55–56; Harris, London crowds (ref. 29), 91–93.
62.
SpurrJohn, The Restoration Church of England (New Haven, 1991), 65. For an overview of religious politics in the period, SewardPaul, The Restoration, 1660–1688 (London, 1991), 40–69, and essays in HarisTimSewardPaulGoldieMark (eds), The politics of religion in Restoration England (Oxford, 1990).
63.
AshcraftRichard, Revolutionary politics & Locke's two Treatises of Government (Princeton, 1986), 17.
64.
MontañoJohn, “The quest for consensus: The Lord Mayor's Day shows in the 1670s”, in Maclean, Culture and society (ref. 60), 31–51, p. 43.
65.
For attacks on the Royal Society, see Hunter, Science and society (ref. 2), 136–61; SyfretR. H., “Some early critics of the Royal Society”, Notes and records of the Royal Society, viii (1950), 20–64; JacobJames R., Henry Stubbe, radical Protestantism and the early Enlightenment (Cambridge, 1983), 80–108.
66.
Quoted in CookHarold J., “The Society of Chemical Physicians, the new philosophy, and the Restoration court”, Bulletin of the history of medicine, lxi (1987), 61–77, p. 75. See also Cook, Decline of the old medical regime (ref. 51), 133–59; ThomasHenrySir“The Society of Chemical Physicians: An echo of the Great Plague of London, 1665”, in UnderwoodE. Ashworth (ed.), Sciences, medicine and history (2 vols, London, 1953), ii, 56–71.
67.
My italics. Johnson quoted in Thomas, “Society of Chemical Physicians” (ref. 66), 67–68.
68.
Johnson quoted in Cook, “Society of Chemical Physicians” (ref. 66), 75.
69.
Quoted in Hunter, Science and society (ref. 2), 45. On Stubbe and physick, see Cook, Decline of the old medical regime (ref. 51), 172–6; Jacob, Henry Stubbe (ref. 65), 107.
70.
GlanvillJoseph, Plus ultra; or the progress and advancement of knowledge since the days of Aristotle (London, 1668), 7–8. On Stubbe at court, see Jacob, Henry Stubbe (ref. 65), 109–28.
71.
The letter was printed in English translation in the Philosophical transactions, no. 94 (1673), 6039. The complete letter and an account of experiments with the styptic liquor in France are given in DenisJean-Baptiste, Recueil des mémoires et conferences de l'Académie des Sciences (Paris, 1672–74), 277–316. See also HallA. RupertHallM. B. (eds), The correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (Madison, Wisc., 1965–), ix, 612–14, 642, and x, 21–25. On Denis's transfusion experiments, see BrownHarcourt, “Jean Denis and the transfusion of blood”, Isis, xxxix, 15–29.
72.
The trials are described in a report, written by Needham, and read to the Society on 4 June by Sir Robert Moray. See Philosophical transactions, no. 95 (1673), 6052–3, and BirchThomas, History of the Royal Society of London (London, 1756–57), iii, 91–92. For Wiseman's account of the trials, see his Severall chirurgical treatises (ref. 51), 272–3.
73.
Birch, History of the Royal Society (ref. 72), iii, 91.
74.
Philosophical transactions, no. 95 (1673), 6053.
75.
NiceronJean P., Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire des hommes illustrés (Paris, 1737), 77–78.
76.
See ChristieW. D. (ed.), Letters addressed from London to Sir Joseph Williamson while Plenipotentiary at the Congress of Cologne (London, 1874), 67.
Christie (ed.), Letters … to Sir Joseph Williamson (ref. 76), 67.
80.
HaleyK. H. D., The first Earl of Shaftesbury (Oxford, 1968), 331.
81.
Philosophical transactions, no. 95 (1673), 6079.
82.
Denis, assisted by the royal surgeon Elian, did perform experiments with the liquor before the Dauphin and his court at Chateau St Germain in June 1673, but the King was not present. See Denis, Recueil des mémoirs (ref. 71), 294.
83.
Ibid., 294.
84.
Sprat, History of the Royal Society (ref. 39), 352.
85.
DearPeter, “Miracles, experiments and the ordinary course of nature”, Isis, lxxxi (1990), 663–83.
86.
Biagioli, “Etiquette, interdependence and sociability” (ref. 4), 216–25. On Reason of State, see ibid., 204.
87.
On the laboratory, see Gunther, Early science in Oxford (ref. 49), i, 41–42; BryantArthur, King Charles II (London, 1964), 82. On the apothecaries, see MatthewsLeslie G., The royal apothecaries (London, 1967), 113–14.
88.
HallHall (eds), Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (ref. 71), x, 210–12.
89.
London gazette, no. 804, 31 July 1673. See also HallHall (eds), Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (ref. 71), x, 136–7.
90.
DouglasJohn, The criterion or miracles examined with a view to expose the pretentions of pagans and papists (London, 1752), 200. David Hume likewise suggested the touch “was attended with ridicule by all men of understanding”, History of England (London, 1792), iii, 179. See also FrenchRoger, “Surgery and scrofula”, in LawrenceChristopher (ed.), Medical theory, surgical practice: Studies in the history of surgery (London, 1992), 85–100. On the end of the English healing rite, see Bloch, Royal touch (ref. 12), 219–23.
91.
DrydenJohn, “Threnodia Augustalis”, in The poetical works of John Dryden … with notes by the Rev. Joseph Warton (London, 1862), 97.