Abstract
Thailand has entered an aging society ahead of its economic readiness, with demographic pressures outpacing the capacity of existing health and social systems. Although the universal coverage scheme and the national long-term care (LTC) initiative provide an important policy foundation, elderly care remains fragmented across ministries, unevenly implemented, and heavily reliant on unpaid or undertrained community caregivers. This commentary synthesizes current evidence through 2025 and identifies key system gaps, including low utilization of local-level funds, shortages of trained personnel, and weak inter-ministerial coordination across the health, welfare, and local government sectors. Recent developments, such as community-based LTC models, expanded telehealth services, and Thailand’s emerging regulatory framework for advanced therapy medicinal products (ATMPs), illustrate the country’s growing innovation readiness, though major challenges remain. Digital platforms for chronic disease monitoring and post-stroke rehabilitation show early promise, whereas ATMPs require careful evaluation through health technology assessment, ethical oversight, and long-term cost-effectiveness considerations. As Thailand moves toward becoming a super-aged society, strategic reforms in financing, workforce development, digital infrastructure, and ATMP regulatory preparedness are essential. Without coordinated efforts, the country faces the risk of “aging before prosperity” and increasing care disparities. However, with strengthened collaboration and the careful implementation of existing initiatives and emerging technologies, Thailand can build an elderly care system that truly supports healthy and dignified aging.
Rapid Demographic Shift
Thailand officially became an “aged society” in 2023, when more than 20% of the population reached the age of 60 or older. 1 Projections show that the share of older adults will increase significantly: by 2030, nearly a quarter of the population will be 65 or older, and by 2037, Thailand is expected to become a super-aged society (≥28% aged 65 or older), with older adults nearing one-third of the population by 2040. 2 This transition is occurring at lower income levels than in OECD countries, a phenomenon referred to as “growing old before becoming rich.” Low fertility (approximately 1.2 births per woman) and outward migration of working-age adults further reduce the pool of available caregivers, while internal migration toward urban centers leaves many rural older persons without family support.3 -5
Compared with its ASEAN neighbors, Thailand is aging faster than Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines, and is second only to Singapore in the pace of demographic transition. 6 These demographic shifts have fiscal consequences: Thailand’s old-age dependency ratio is projected to nearly double by 2040, intensifying pressure on long-term care systems. 2
Policy Foundation and Fragmentation
Thailand’s elderly care policy rests on 3 main pillars: the National Plan for Older Persons (now in its third phase, 2023-2037), the Universal Coverage Scheme (UCS) providing nearly universal health entitlements, and the long-term care (LTC) program managed by the National Health Security Office (NHSO) since 2016.7 -9 In practice, however, responsibilities are distributed across multiple ministries. The Ministry of Public Health (MOPH) oversees clinical services, health promotion, and community health workforce development; the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security (MSDHS) manages social welfare, community support programs, and older-person registration; while the Ministry of Interior (MOI) supervises local governments and their administrative roles in LTC implementation.10,11 Although these roles are complementary on paper, in reality, they create overlapping mandates; for example, both MOPH and MSDHS operate home-visit and social-support programs, resulting in inconsistent service coverage across provinces.10,11
Thailand has attempted to coordinate these agencies through mechanisms such as provincial and district-level Older Persons Committees and joint MOPH–MSDHS working groups. While these platforms facilitate planning, their authority is limited, and coordination depends heavily on local administrative capacity. 11 Evaluations of the National Plan for Older Persons II (2002-2021) found that unclear role delineation and weak cross-ministerial communication contributed to delayed fund disbursement, duplication of assessments, and fragmented referral pathways, particularly between health services and social welfare programs.12,13
Long-Term Care (LTC): Progress and Limitations
Thailand’s LTC system represents its most significant shift toward community-based care for dependent older persons. Managed by the NHSO and implemented through sub-district administrative organizations (SAOs), the system covers a continuum of care that includes health promotion and disease prevention, early detection of functional decline, home- and community-based LTC services, and basic palliative and end-of-life care.8,11 Core actors within this system include village health volunteers, trained community caregivers, physiotherapists, nurses, and care managers who conduct home visits, rehabilitation activities, care planning, and health-promotion tasks.14,15 This interdisciplinary model aims to support aging-in-place and reduce reliance on institutional care.
Despite these strengths, several structural limitations persist. First, human-resource mismatch remains a central challenge, as many community caregivers are older adults themselves and often lack formal LTC qualifications. 16 Second, administrative bottlenecks continue to impede implementation: in some provinces, only 20% to 25% of allocated LTC funds are utilized due to complex reimbursement procedures. 8 Third, Thailand faces pronounced urban–rural disparities; rural communities benefit from strong social cohesion but lack professional staff, while urban older persons often live alone with limited informal support. 17 Evidence nonetheless suggests that community-based rehabilitation and day care programs can reduce avoidable hospital readmissions and improve the overall quality of life. 17
Family and Community Care: A Shifting Landscape
Family members, traditionally daughters, continue to be the main caregivers for the elderly in Thailand, but this model is increasingly strained by shrinking household sizes, women’s participation in the workforce, and internal migration. 18 Although gender norms still influence caregiving expectations, recent studies show that sons and formal caregivers are becoming more involved as families adapt to changing socioeconomic conditions.18,19 The reliance on unpaid family labor has significant effects on household well-being. Caregivers often spend a large amount of time, with many working over 20 to 40 h weekly, helping with daily tasks, which increases the risk of burnout, limits job opportunities, and causes income loss, especially among women.19,20 Caregivers’ mental health issues, such as depression and chronic stress, are more frequently reported but still not adequately addressed in policy frameworks. 20 Community-based support programs exist, such as respite services and caregiver training initiatives, but their availability varies widely across provinces. Insufficient caregiving capacity can accelerate older adults’ functional decline, increase fall risk, and lead to avoidable hospitalizations, highlighting the need for more structured support mechanisms. 21 Strengthening caregiver protection through standardized training, fair compensation, and accessible respite services is therefore crucial to reduce disparities and maintain community-based care.
Financing and Governance: The Missing Link
Thailand’s LTC financing remains predominantly tax-based and decentralized, with sub-district administrative organizations (SAOs) managing local budgets and the NHSO providing conditional grants that fund home visits, rehabilitation services, assistive devices, caregiver payments, and care-manager supervision. 8 The LTC payment mechanism operates through a mixed model: SAOs submit care plans to the NHSO; approved activities are reimbursed on a capped-budget basis, while certain services, such as home modifications or respite support, are financed through local welfare funds.8,9 Older adults assessed as “dependent” under the national functional-screening tool are eligible for scheduled home-care visits, basic rehabilitation, and caregiver assistance. 8
Despite these benefits, the current tax-funded structure faces long-term fiscal challenges. Unlike Japan and South Korea, where dedicated LTC insurance provides a stable revenue base, Thailand relies on annual budget negotiations, contributing to service uncertainty.22,23 Frailty and cognitive impairment, major predictors of care dependency, hospitalization risk, and LTC expenditure, are increasing with an aging population.24,25 Incorporating these gerontological indicators into eligibility criteria and resource allocation could better align LTC financing with actual need. A contributory LTC insurance layer, initially targeting higher-income workers, may offer a more sustainable approach. However, its introduction remains politically sensitive and would require phased implementation with protections for low-income households.8,26
Innovation, Digital Enablers, and Advanced Therapies
Building on prevention- and community-based approaches, digital innovation has increasingly been used to extend care delivery for older adults in Thailand. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the adoption of telehealth and e-care platforms, especially among older adults with chronic diseases. Real-world applications include remote monitoring for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), where district hospitals use Bluetooth-enabled spirometers and LINE-based reporting systems to detect early exacerbations and reduce hospital visits. 27 Post-stroke tele-rehabilitation programs, in which physiotherapists supervise home-based exercises via video consultations, have also demonstrated feasibility and functional benefits. 28 In parallel, teleconsultation services for diabetes and hypertension have expanded within community hospitals, reducing travel burdens for mobility-limited older adults. 27
Despite these advances, digital innovation remains unevenly accessible. National data indicate that many older persons continue to face barriers related to digital literacy, smartphone affordability, and rural broadband infrastructure, limiting independent technology use. 29 As a result, digital care often relies on caregiver mediation, raising concerns about sustainability in households with limited support capacity. To address these constraints, hybrid care models that combine periodic in-person visits with remote supervision have become a practical solution. Provincial pilot evaluations suggest that such models can improve continuity of care while remaining compatible with Thailand’s existing community-based long-term care system. 8
Beyond digital health, advanced therapy medicinal products (ATMPs), including stem cell-based, gene, and tissue-engineered therapies, represent potential interventions at the later stages of the care pathway. Japan’s conditional and time-limited approval system under the Pharmaceuticals and Medical Devices Act illustrates how adaptive regulatory pathways can facilitate controlled clinical use of regenerative products. 30 In Thailand, regulatory capacity for ATMPs is gradually being developed, with attention to good manufacturing practice (GMP), clinical governance, and ethical oversight. 31 From a health technology assessment (HTA) perspective, however, ATMPs present substantial challenges, including high upfront costs, uncertain long-term effectiveness, and the need for ongoing post-market surveillance. 33 Ethical considerations, especially informed consent capacity in cognitively impaired older adults, equitable access, and data protection for genomic information, should remain central to policy planning.31,32 Strengthening HTA capacity and regulatory alignment will be essential to ensure that digital and regenerative innovations complement, rather than widen, existing disparities in elderly care.
Toward an Integrated Elderly Care Vision
Thailand’s elderly care reform requires a coherent framework that links policy, financing, service delivery, and innovation. The WHO Integrated Care for Older People (ICOPE) Framework, which emphasizes maintaining intrinsic capacity, preventing functional decline, and coordinating care across sectors, offers a structured lens through which Thailand’s systemic challenges can be interpreted. 33 When mapped onto the WHO Health System Building Blocks: governance, workforce, financing, information systems, service delivery, and technologies, the sources of fragmentation and opportunities for integration become clearer. 34 Here, 6 priorities have been proposed:
Strengthening governance is essential. Establishing an inter-ministerial Elderly Care Council would align mandates across the Ministry of Public Health, Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, and local governments, improving accountability and reducing duplication, an approach consistent with UN regional recommendations for aging societies.
Professionalization of the workforce. Creating competency-based training, accredited pathways, and fair compensation for caregivers aligns with ICOPE’s principles for person-centered, community-based care.
Financing reform for long-term sustainability. A hybrid model combining tax-based funding with contributory LTC insurance would stabilize funding streams and better match the rising burden of frailty and dependency, consistent with international LTC financing models and regional policy analyses.
Local service delivery capacity improvement. Through simplified fund utilization, supervision structures, and municipal-level planning, the approach would support continuity of care across prevention, rehabilitation, and long-term support in line with ICOPE’s community delivery model.
Digital and data infrastructure investments. Robust information systems are essential for monitoring caregiver skills, tracking functional trajectories, and identifying unmet needs, serving as core components of integrated care systems.
Embedding advanced therapy medicinal products (ATMPs) and geroscience preparedness into national elderly care and research strategies. This includes strengthening regulatory science, HTA capacity, and ethical oversight to ensure equitable and safe deployment of emerging regenerative technologies, consistent with WHO guidance on responsible innovation for aging populations. 35
Conclusion
Thailand’s rapidly aging population continues to expose longstanding gaps in financing, coordination, and service delivery. Simply expanding coverage is not enough; older adults need systems that are practical, coherent, and adaptable to their evolving needs. To address this, Thailand must integrate health, social, financial, and technological strategies within a more accountable national framework. Essential steps include enhancing long-term care financing, developing a trained and sustainable workforce, upgrading digital and data infrastructure, and strengthening regulatory capacity for emerging therapies. These reforms will help shift Thailand from fragmented, reactive care to a coordinated system that supports functional ability, eases household burdens, and upholds dignity in later life. Ultimately, Thailand must move beyond reactive aging management to proactively prepare for aging by building a comprehensive elderly care system that enables healthy, secure, and meaningful aging for all.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors appreciated the collaborators in Thailand who provided invaluable information and insights into the realities of elderly care in Thailand.
Author Note
The views shared in this paper are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the stance of their affiliated institutions.
Author Contributions
SS contributed to the conceptualization, writing – original draft, and writing – review and editing; PT - writing – review and editing.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
