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Abstract

Seafarers’ experiences during the COVID-19 crisis have been associated with increased stress, anxiety and complaints of depression. The consequences of the crisis may have a cascading effect on seafarers’ retention, portraying the shipping industry as an indifferent working system for its workers’ well-being, with long-term impacts on seafaring as a career option. The paper reviews the literature on the consequences of the COVID-19 crisis for crew well-being and explores its effects on seafarers’ willingness to remain or quit their sea careers. Qualitative and quantitative methods were sequentially applied. These methods originated from 2 separate datasets and included semi-structured interviews with 12 seafarers from India and a survey questionnaire completed by 804 multinational seafarers. The concurring evidence indicates the lasting effects of the crisis on seafarers’ well-being and that many seafarers are reconsidering their options for careers at sea and contemplating quitting. A combination of factors, including stagnant monetary remuneration, contract instability, family separation and a working environment characterized by stress and excessive workload, is suggested as the main determinants affecting retention. Other factors of essential importance include low attention to seafarers’ well-being, inadequate recognition and unsustainable working conditions. While seaborne trade was never disrupted during the COVID-19 crisis, this has had a profound impact on seafarers’ work and lives, substantially affecting their well-being. The problems faced and the lack of support during the pandemic became a turning point for many, impacting their willingness to stay in the profession.

Keywords

COVID-19 crisis well-being retention seafarers workload monetary remuneration working environment

Highlights

● Concurring evidence suggests that the COVID-19 crisis has had lasting effects on seafarers’ well-being, and that many seafarers are reconsidering their options for careers at sea and contemplating quitting.

● A cultural shift is needed to transform the increased focus on well-being and mental health during the pandemic into effective and long-term practices.

● COVID-19 lessons learned suggest that enhanced consideration of seafarers’ working conditions, workplace and quality of life on board assumes significance for the industry’s sustainability.

“Most seafarers feel seafaring has degraded over the years.

It’s no more fun to be on the ship. It is a lot of work and a lot of stress.

And COVID time was kind of final nail in the coffin.

Saying, okay, that is enough.”

Oil/Chemical tanker Captain, 2023

Introduction

Seafarers’ well-being gained special attention during the COVID-19 pandemic, with research documenting mental health challenges among the seafaring population.^1
-4 The pandemic was seen to accentuate occupational health and safety deficiencies at sea and crew welfare.⁵ In addition, the consequences of the crisis, such as financial difficulties, lack of shore leave, contract extensions, increased workload and fatigue, have been widely reported as negatively impacting seafarers’ well-being.^6,7

Outside pandemics, seafarers are an occupational group that is adversely affected by poor and hazardous work environments, which impact their work effectiveness, job satisfaction, and career intentions.⁸ Facing long work hours and excessive workloads, resting insufficiently, being isolated from families and shore communities for long periods and engaging in physically and psychologically demanding job tasks are some of the work-related characteristics leading to health and well-being deterioration among seafarers.⁹ As a result, various studies have reported that seafarers present poorer well-being and more mental health issues^10
-12 and higher suicide risks¹³ than other occupations and the general population.

The COVID-19 crisis presented unexpected challenges to seafarers’ lives and work, locking them on board for even more extended periods, thereby heightening their separation from shore and depriving them of other citizens’ rights, such as access to healthcare and freedom of movement. Consequently, studies have reported higher stress, anxiety and depression during the period and after^14,15 with potential impacts on retention and attraction of newcomers.¹⁶ Indeed, in the current predicted shortage of seafarers,¹⁷ an unexpected but impactful event, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, might signify more seafarers quitting the profession, contributing to the low expectations of the situation improving.

The paper examines the role of the COVID-19 crisis on seafarers’ intention to quit the profession, resulting from the negative impacts on their well-being. The research questions were: (1) RQ1. How did the COVID-19 challenges experienced by the seafarers impact their well-being, which might prompt them to decide to quit? and (2) RQ2. How many seafarers claimed their intention to leave their profession due to their experiences during the COVID-19 crisis? Semi-structured interviews were conducted to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the retention of Indian seafarers, focusing on well-being and to answer RQ1. Indian seafarers represent around 10% of the global workforce and rank among the largest seafarers supplying nations to the world maritime industry. However, to increase the generalizability of the qualitative research findings and respond to RQ2, a survey was conducted to explore the crisis’s impacts on a worldwide sample of seafarers from diverse nationalities and work environments.

Before describing the study’s findings, the following section provides a literature review that compiles the main factors influencing seafarers’ well-being and mental health. The literature review draws upon recent systematic and scoping reviews conducted on the topic, offering a summary and comprehensive mapping of the relevant issues that scholars have identified as primary factors affecting seafarers’ mental health and well-being. Next, the paper synthesizes what is already known about the crisis’ impact on seafarers’ well-being and retention. While some exploratory studies have suggested a link between a decline in seafarers’ well-being and intention to quit, a quantitative analysis of the percentage of seafarers who want to quit and the role of their experiences during the crisis is lacking in the literature.

Literature Review

Factors Influencing Seafarers’ Well-Being and Mental Health

Studies on seafarers’ well-being emerged before COVID-19.^10,12,18 Four (non-systematic) reviews were published during the 20 years before the pandemic,^11,19
-21 associating seafaring with mental health risks, mainly anxiety and depression and ill-health conditions, as well as suicide.

However, the pandemic boosted researchers’ attention to the topic, expanding seafarers’ health research.²² Since the World Health Organization (WHO) declared COVID-19 a pandemic (March 2020), 6 literature reviews related to seafarers’ mental health and well-being have been published in peer-reviewed journals.^9,23
-27 A full description of this literature and a mapping of the studies content are presented in Supplemental Tables S1 and S2 (Appendix), respectively. Together with indicating enhanced attention given to seafarers’ well-being, these publications confirmed several critical aspects of seafarers’ mental health before and during the COVID-19 crisis.

First, all studies included in the reviews reported work culture and working environment-related factors as major contributors. The ship’s hierarchies, although less rigid than in the past, typically define onboard work culture as uncaring, divisive and with scarce workforce participation,^28,29 which then contributes to seafarers’ psychological health. Among working environment factors, inequality and unfairness in the shape of discriminatory behaviors, abuse and disrespect, primarily from higher ranks toward lower ranks and ratings, have been reported.³⁰ Besides, the type of management and leadership has also been repeatedly considered to significantly influence seafarers’ mental health and well-being. In this regard, the communication and leadership skills of superiors contribute to the risk of burnout for seafarers.³¹ Indeed, during the pandemic, crisis management by shipping companies played an important role in mitigating adverse mental health outcomes.³² On the other hand, onboard peer support has been found to play an essential role in reducing mental health issues and fatigue.⁶ Moreover, the physical environment of the seafarers’ workplace, characterized by natural and work-related hazards such as noise, vibration, ship movement or exposure to heavy machinery, among others, continuously strains seafarers’ physical and psychological capabilities, contributing to occupational health and well-being risks.^33,34

Second, factors affecting health (eg, fatigue, insufficient rest time, long working hours, stress) have also been described in most studies as major contributors to deteriorating well-being and poor mental health among seafarers. Fatigue and conducive factors, including inadequate and insufficient sleep, as well as irregular work shifts and crewing scarcity, adversely impact health and well-being.³⁵ Furthermore, post-COVID-19 studies have highlighted a significant increase in fatigue and work-related stress during and after the pandemic,^6,36 resulting from increased workload, insufficient sleep and intensified port activities.^33,37,38

A third group of factors impacting seafarers’ mental health and well-being relates to the social needs of seafarers. In this respect, sea workers work in isolation from shore and remain distant from their communities while spending time at sea. Their separation from families and friends for long periods limits the benefits and psychological support that immediate networks provide to shore workers.^11,39 Onboard isolation, resulting from being confined on board for a long time among changing and multicultural crews and having limited opportunities to interact with broader society, has also been reported in several studies as a primary contributor to psychological challenges.^29,40 Moreover, reduced shore leave opportunities are also stressed as having a significant impact on seafarers’ well-being, limiting their chances to rest and recover physically and mentally after work and socializing outside the ship.^41,42 While an internet connection positively impacts seafarers’ mental health and well-being by allowing them to stay more connected with loved ones and the wider society,^12,43 its introduction has also diminished socialization on board, thereby adding to isolation among peers.⁴⁴ Apart from the Internet, other recreational possibilities on board, which have a sound impact on seafarers’ well-being, are increasingly being reduced due to a lack of leisure time and facilities,^45,46 leading to even greater isolation for crews.

Fourth, employment conditions (eg, length of contract and type of employment) have been described in most studies as impacting seafarers’ well-being and mental health. Against this background, seafarers are typically enrolled in long-duration contracts (ie, 6-9 months on average), which contribute to fatigue and stress risks and impact their work-life balance.³⁴ In addition, seafaring is an unstable profession in which single-voyage agreements are standard, and possibilities of having social benefits, such as social insurance or unemployment benefits, are scarce. Several scholars have reported that the insecurity generated by these unstable contractual conditions poses a significant risk to the mental well-being of seafarers.^28,43,47 In fact, in the case of a crisis, such as COVID-19, seafarers under temporary contracts are more adversely affected due to the lack of job security and weak employment conditions.⁴⁸

Finally, individual factors such as sociodemographics, stress-coping strategies, risky behaviors or lifestyle are also reported to influence seafarers’ well-being and have been compiled in a bibliometric analysis of seafarers’ health.²² More recently, a study conducted among 955 Turkish seafarers has found that sociodemographic details influence their physical health, associating being older and unmarried with poorer physical condition. In the same study, the ranks on board also had a significant impact on mental health, indicating a poorer psychological status for cadets in comparison with senior officers.⁴⁹

In short, although not a new topic, the COVID-19 crisis has triggered renewed research and interest in seafarers’ mental health and well-being. Either before, during or after the pandemic, studies repeatedly conclude that seafarers are exposed to persistent structural shipping deficiencies that have a detrimental impact on their health and mental well-being. The working and social environment on board, as well as the industry’s work culture, must be revisited. A cultural shift is needed to transform the increased focus on well-being and mental health during the pandemic into effective, long-term practices that support industry sustainability.

Seafarers’ Retention: Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic

In the wake of previous industry estimates,⁵⁰ the 2023/2024 Manning Annual Review and Forecast report an unprecedented officer supply shortfall,⁵¹ which is connected to the deteriorating conditions of crews during the pandemic. Furthermore, the expected expansion of the global deep-sea vessel fleet and the enduring consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war suggest a future imbalance. On the other hand, some post-COVID-19 analyses⁵² propose that the shortage of seafarers reported during the crisis originated from difficulties in movements due to health-related restrictions and the structural imbalance in the labor market.

The first studies exploring post-COVID-19 retention of seafarers suggest that many intend to quit. Job insecurity, stagnant wages, COVID-19 anxiety and work stress factors impacting mental health and well-being have been reported for seafarers from different nationalities. For example, in a sample of 352 British seafarers who were asked through an online questionnaire about the reasons they intend to exit the industry after the pandemic crisis, they cited the adverse financial impact on their salaries, a reduction in job security and the neglect of their well-being. Similarly, in a purposive sample of 25 Vietnamese seafarers, qualitative analysis through semi-structured interviews revealed that the psychological strain experienced by seafarers due to crew changes and repatriation significantly impacted their satisfaction with the seafaring career and their intention to leave the profession.⁵³ Erdem and Tutar⁵⁴ have also documented the link between COVID-19 anxiety and burnout and intention to quit in a sample of 390 Turkish seafarers. In the same vein, salary decreases, an indifferent work environment, and the psychological impacts of the pandemic affected the turnover of Chinese seafarers, as reported by Hu.⁵⁵ Moreover, the experiences of seafarers during the pandemic also contributed to the spread of a negative image of the sector among Chinese seafarer students, leading to questioning seafaring as a viable career option for newcomers.¹⁶

The drop of seafarers becomes noticeable across the whole industry.⁵⁶ The most common reason seafarers choose their career is the financial benefits, which typically compensate for the trade-offs at sea, such as prolonged separation from family and friends.⁵⁷ There are other drivers, such as travel, the unique experiences and skills associated with a seafaring career and family influence or tradition that lead individuals to go to sea.⁵⁸ In the current seafarers’ shortage, enhancing remuneration, while the principal factor in choosing a seafaring career, may not alone be sufficient to retain quality seafarers. Seafaring as a long-term career engagement seems notably declining among seafarers who could prioritize personal factors over professional ones and identify hardships and restrictions during the pandemic as determinants not to return to sea. A recent study⁵⁹ concludes that seafarers, primarily Filipino, may balance remuneration factors with other priorities, such as contract length, crew management practices and working conditions.

Consequently, skilled and experienced seafarers may become rare. The seafarers’ experiences during the COVID-19 crisis may even exacerbate the shortage issue affecting global trade. COVID-19 lessons learned suggest that enhanced consideration of seafarers’ working conditions, workplace and quality of life on board assumes significance for its sustainability.⁶⁰

Methodology

The study aimed to explore the linkage between seafarers’ experiences during the COVID-19 crisis and their intention to quit the profession, extending previous research that attempted to establish this association. The first research objective was to investigate whether the challenges faced by seafarers during the COVID-19 pandemic might prompt them to consider quitting, primarily due to the impact on their well-being. Moreover, the study strived to identify the key factors that motivate seafarers to embark on a career at sea and to remain in the profession, potentially influenced by their experiences with the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the workforce’s well-being. The second research objective was to quantify the number of seafarers who intended to quit their careers at sea due to their experiences during the crisis. To generalize the results of the qualitative analysis and expand on the findings, the study was extended to a broader sample of seafarers worldwide, building on the initial research conducted among Indian seafarers. Moreover, the quantitative analysis aimed to distinguish seafarers who were rethinking their profession from those who were close to taking action and quitting. The Research Ethical Committee of the University approved the research protocols. Interview participants signed the consent forms before being interviewed, and survey respondents also agreed to the anonymous use of the data reported. This paper adhered to the EQUATOR guideline for quality of mixed methods studies GRAMMS (Supplemental File 1).⁶¹

Figure 1 outlines the research methodology. Sequentially applied qualitative and quantitative methods originating from 2 separate datasets were integrated.

Figure 1.

Flow diagram of the quantitative and qualitative research methodology.

First, the views of seafarers were explored through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 12 seafarers from India. Purposive sampling was used to select the participants, who were identified and shortlisted via professional WhatsApp groups of seafarers and superintendents. Interviews were conducted between March and August 2022. Inclusion criteria were (1) being an active seafarer during the COVID-19 pandemic (March 2020-2023) and (2) working on board or waiting to join a vessel during this period. Moreover, seafarers serving internationally in the dry bulk, liquid bulk and general cargo shipping segments were purposely represented. Seafarers who were not exposed to the pandemic, either sailing or waiting for a contract on board, were excluded from the research. The study reached data saturation with a range of 11 to 13 seafarers, indicating that there were fewer opportunities to identify further themes. Coding and thematic analysis were employed to identify significant patterns within the collected data. Descriptive and interpretive qualitative methods were used to analyze the interviews.

Second, a survey questionnaire was deployed to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on seafarers’ willingness and readiness to abandon careers at sea. Supported by the interviews’ qualitative analysis, respondents reported the determining factors previously identified as important drivers to remain, reconsider or quit the seafaring career. The initial survey questionnaire was validated by a limited number of respondents (7) before deploying the final survey, which was opened from February to May 2023. The internal consistency for the 3 items of the survey assessing the willingness and readiness to abandon careers at sea, as measured by Cronbach’s Alpha, was good (α = 0.86); and for the 12 items evaluating factors influencing the decision to quit yielded an excellent Cronbach’s alpha (α = .99). The sample size was determined considering that approximately half of the interviewed seafarers in our qualitative study expressed a desire to quit or had already quit primarily due to the COVID-19 crisis and that other studies have found rates of willingness to leave or intend to exit the seafaring industry ranging from 16% to 25%.^48,62 Therefore, the population potentially exiting was estimated at a proportion of 33%. Given that the population of seafarers is estimated at 1 892 720, with a 95% confidence level and a .05 margin of error, the sample size was estimated to be a minimum of 340 subjects. Due to the multi-country research approach and the heterogeneous study population, we aimed to double the sample size at least to ensure sufficient representation from the largest labor-supplying countries and to achieve statistical significance. Descriptive analysis using SPSS was conducted. Additionally, the survey included open-ended questions to allow seafarers to expand on their responses and validate the interviewees’ comments using thematic analysis.

As a strength of the study, combining the 2 data sources reinforced the validity of the findings by mitigating the weaknesses and intrinsic biases that can arise from using a single data source or research method. On the other hand, a potential bias originated from interviewing a limited number of participants from the same nationality. However, this limitation allowed the researchers to identify issues that inspired a web-based survey addressing selected themes, thereby enabling generalization by expanding the study to a broader sample of seafarers worldwide.

Findings

Participants’ Description

The interviewed participants included 6 masters, 3 chief engineers, 2 junior officers and 1 rating. Ten seafarers were males, and 2 were females. The mean age of the seafarers was 39 (ranging from 27 to 47 years), and most were married with children. Most (09) work for the liquid bulk segment, while 2 work on dry bulk carriers and 1 on general cargo vessels. Out of 12 seafarers, only 4 had a permanent contract. Two seafarers were not on board when the pandemic broke out but were at home waiting for a new contract. The remaining 10 were on board, and all suffered a contract extension between one and a half and 7 months (mean = 4 months). Of the 12 participants, 3 were active seafarers, 3 were trying for shore opportunities, and 1 was trying to set up a business ashore. Further participant characteristics are provided in Supplemental File 2 (Table S3).

The survey analysis included 804 responses, with higher expression from Indonesia, the Philippines, India and China. The mean age of the seafarers was 36. Most (85%) were officers from the deck department (65%) and worked for tankers (31%) and bulk carriers/general cargo ships (25%). Full sociodemographic and work-related characteristics of the survey-based questionnaire respondents are included in Supplemental File 3 (Table S4).

Results from the Interviews

Seven main topics were discussed concerning retention matters: reasons to become a seafarer and motivation to remain in the profession, perceived changes in shipping since the start of the career, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on personal and professional life and quitting seafaring, the aspects of shipping which the pandemic revealed and recommendations for a career at sea. The themes and sub-themes for this analysis are shown in Table 1.

Table 1.

Summary of themes, subthemes and categories (interviews).

Themes	Sub-themes	Categories (Frequencies)^a
Reasons to become a seafarer	Financial/family support	Economic stability at an early age (10)
	Adventure/traveling	Adventure and traveling (6)
	Maritime culture	Growing up near a coastal city (3)
	Maritime culture	Family or community influence (1)
Motivation to remain in the profession	Financial	Monetary considerations (8)
	Professional	Career growth (5)
	Professional	Professional pride and accomplishments (4)
	Personal	Job flexibility-time with family (3)
Changes in shipping since career started	Negative-Workload and pressure	Increased workload and pressure (12)
		Increased paperwork (12)
		Reduced staffing (12)
	Negative-Psychosocial	Increased inspections at ports and terminals (12)
	Negative-Psychosocial	Implementation of new regulations (4)
	Negative-Personal and social	Restrictions/no shore leave (12)
		No socializing onboard (8)
		Dry ship policies (2)
	Negative-Psychological	Lack of respect, harassment and bullying at ports and criminalization of seafarers (8)
	Positive changes	Equipment’s onboard improvement (3)
		Enhanced safety culture (1)
		Salaries’ improvement (1)
Impact of COVID-19 on personal and professional life	Psychological	Psychological-big impact (10)
	Personal	Personal- delayed sign-offs and no shore leave (10)
		Personal-feeling of hopelessness (8)
		Personal-Traumatic experience (4)
	Social	Social- reconsider seafaring career (9)
	Social	Social-realization that seafarers are not important (4)
Impact of COVID-19 on quit		Yes, the pandemic influenced (11)
Impact of COVID-19 on quit		No, the pandemic had no influence (1)
Reasons to quit	Personal	Spend more time with family (8)
	Personal	Having attained financial stability (1)
	Professional	Stagnant salaries and no career growth (6)
		Excessive stress and workload (5)
		Difficult as a female officer (1)
		Control/exploitation by the company (2)
		Inspections (1)
	Social	Social isolation on board (1)
	Effects of COVID-19	Impact of COVID restrictions (2)
What COVID-19 reveals	Personal-lack of recognition	Seafarers are inconsequential (12)
	Psychosocial	Exploitation by authorities/companies (12)
	Institutional shortcomings	IMO and international organizations lack commitment/power (4)
	Organizational support (positive)	Companies tried to help with sign-off (3)
Recommendation for the seafaring profession	Yes	Yes, I will explain pros and cons, and the person decides (8)
	No	No, I will discourage (3)
		No, I will discourage unless those from under-privileged families (1)
		No, I will not recommend to females (1)

One participant can mention multiple factors.

Reasons to Become a Seafarer, Motivation to Remain and Changes in Shipping

Interviews identified money as the leading factor for taking up seafaring as a career in the search for financial stability at an early age and career opportunities:

The reason for choosing the seafaring career was to earn good money [. . .]. (S-6)

Other essential reasons include a sense of adventure and travel to different places associated with the profession:

I just chose this field because it is challenging and adventurous. (S-4)

Another reason cited was to absorb the essence of the maritime world around them, receiving the influence of family or nearby community members who were already in the shipping industry or growing up in a maritime region:

My father used to work in the dockyard, and from him, I came to know about shipping. (S-9)

Financial consideration also remains the principal motive to continue at sea, followed by the unique professional and skills associated with the profession, such as the possibility of career growth, professional happenings and consequential pride:

First one was to earn the money, and the second was to become a master, which motivated me to remain a seafarer. (S-6)

Interviews also captured the perceived changes in shipping, as evidenced by the seafarers since they began their careers at sea. As shown in Table 1, the negative impacts of change on seafarers’ work and life outnumbered the positive changes. Participants highlighted the increase in work pressure and paperwork, resulting from the ever-reducing staffing onboard, as the most substantial changes observed in the shipping industry affecting them:

The one thing that has impacted work and personal life onboard is the increasing workload, which is increasing every day, and the manpower is reducing. (S-10)

The increased frequency of inspections at ports and terminals has nearly similar effects as the increased workload and psychological pressure:

Every port, someone or the other visits the ship for inspections, be it some auditor, inspector, PSC, vetting inspections or superintendent visit, etc. Every visit entails preparation [. . .], ship staff get overloaded, which is never-ending. (S-3)

The restrictions imposed on seafarers’ shore leave, the lowered workforce and the implementation of dry ship policies were other significant changes. These have resulted in loneliness with minimal opportunities for seafarers to de-stress, affecting their overall well-being:

There is no longer life on board; the ship has become more like a factory now. With no shore leave, the seafarers are stuck for months with no respite and no way of letting it go. (S-2)

The majority of the participants professed that criminalization, lack of empathy toward seafarers and instances of harassment and bullying by authorities are rising, and this triggers a feeling of helplessness, leading to low self-esteem and poor quality of well-being:

There are growing instances of criminalization of seafarers where maritime incidents are treated at par with true crimes [. . .]. (S-7)

Seafarers face constant harassment from shore authorities during sign on and sign off and also during port calls. (S-4)

Impact of COVID-19 on Personal and Professional Life

The principal reasons the pandemic might negatively affect retention included the psychological implications, poor treatment and lack of respect.

All participants reported being significantly affected by the COVID-19 crisis both onboard and ashore, with restrictions on seafarers’ movements, including curtailing shore leaves, delaying crew changes and varying quarantine requirements across different countries. These prolonged periods of isolation and loneliness harmed the mental well-being of seafarers and triggered some reactions:

[. . .] I had crew members onboard on the verge of breakdown cases, where one or two guys were getting suicidal, trying to cause self-harm. [. . .] gave me a lot of trauma and probably was responsible for me not thinking of going back to sea. (S-1)

The treatment dispensed to seafarers during and after the pandemic has resulted in a growing sense of abandonment and a feeling that their lives matter less, to the extent that the event has forced them to rethink their seafaring career:

It has affected us a lot; there were no sign-offs, and we realized that we are not important to anyone. (S-12)

In certain ports, we were told to go inside the accommodation and lock ourselves up; we were under surveillance, and no one was allowed to come out. [. . .], it is very discouraging. (S-5)

Reasons to Quit

The major reasons named by a majority of the participants for exploring alternatives for seafaring included a desire to spend more quality time with family (personal factor), stagnant salaries and absence of career growth (professional):

First thing is the family life, and with sailing, it is not very easy to strike a balance between the two. (S-4)

In 10 years, there is no increase in the wages of the second mate [. . .], there is an exploitation of seafarers by the companies, by the governments. (S-10)

Other weighty reasons for a switch to shore-based jobs included an array of professional issues and stressors, such as excessive workload, onboard stress, new regulations, frequent inspections and pressures from the company. Seafarers often presented these factors as caused by the imbalance between staffing and workload:

The mental pressure which we are getting as a master, combined with busy and hectic schedules, has made me look for alternative career options. (S-4)

Social isolation and loneliness on board, which compromises seafarers’ well-being, often caused by restrictions and the confined environment, is another reason for looking for a different career:

Social isolation was one of the biggest reasons I left shipping, and I think if there is an option to stay ashore and work and stay connected with people, I would choose that rather than being isolated onboard. (S-11)

Interviews with seafarers also confirmed the determining role of the COVID-19 pandemic for most. All interviewees, except 1 who was already working ashore during the crisis, extensively recognized the significant contribution of COVID-19 to looking for an alternative career to seafaring:

Yes, it was a big factor to look for alternative career options. If there was no COVID-19, I would have still been sailing now and wouldn’t have quit. (S-1)

It has made me look for alternatives; had it not been for COVID-19, maybe I would have been a chief mate by now. (S-10)

The uncertainties, privations and restrictions the seafarers had to go through during the COVID-19 pandemic, while onboard or at home, significantly contributed to many of them considering alternative career options:

Because of COVID restrictions, I decided I would find work ashore and never go back to sea again. (S-7)

What COVID-19 Reveals

The COVID-19 crisis revealed previously hidden aspects of shipping that affected seafarers (Table 1), which had existed but remained largely invisible. In short, seafarers felt abandoned and exploited.

All the participants realized that the pandemic has made seafarers inconsequential in the collective conscience of the stakeholders and that their welfare is not a priority for the industry:

There was a feeling of being abandoned by the world during the pandemic. I feel port authorities, oil majors, charterers, and maritime organizations could have supported seafarers better in those tough times. (S-2)

All the participants also believed there was rampant exploitation of the seafarers during the peak of the crisis. There were enough cases where seafarers were stuck onboard for prolonged periods, with instances of “no crew change clause” inserted in the charter party. Also, in the pretext of avoiding crew change expenses, many companies cited “force majeure” and were complicit in systematically breaching labor contracts tantamount to forced labor:

Some management companies started thinking of saving money in the garb of delaying crew change. (S-8)

The participants added that the pandemic dilapidated seafarers’ faith in institutional frameworks for protecting their rights and welfare. They felt that these frameworks slumped in the face of commercial priorities:

I realized these (IMO) are powerless organizations when difficult things come up and commercial implications are involved. Cargo was moving, and nothing stopped. The people who made it possible were given absolutely no priority at all. (S-1)

However, the interviewees also felt that sensible companies and authorities, although late, did their best to facilitate crew change and look after their welfare to the extent possible:

Shipping companies paid through the nose to get their seafarers home; manning worked hard during the pandemic phase and also had to take the brunt of the seafarers stuck onboard ships. (S-2)

Recommendation for Becoming a Seafarer

The participants offered mixed views on the advice they would give to their family members or friends regarding seafaring as a profession.

The prevailing seafarers, with their outlook and opinions, have the potential to influence the attraction of youngsters into the profession. Most of them suggested that before recommending, they would explain the advantages and disadvantages of the profession:

I would explain to them the pros and cons in detail, and see if the boy is physically and mentally tough to handle life at sea and would rather encourage him. But if it’s a girl, my answer will be strict: No. (S-1)

While most seafarers enjoy their profession, the “kind of seafaring” they are exposed to nowadays makes many of them reticent to recommend it. Some participants will discourage their relatives or youngsters from working at sea based on their low job satisfaction levels and motivation:

If a person comes from an affluent family [. . .], I will probably not advise. But if he comes from a poor family that needs to make his own life, I will advise him to keep an eye on what is happening outside so that he can step out any time he wants. (S-7)

Results from the Survey

The survey results confirmed the interviews’ findings concerning the main reasons for becoming a seafarer in a broader sample of multinational seafarers. First, it revealed that remuneration was the most frequent reason seafarers chose when being attracted to a career at sea (Figure 2). Life skills development and unique experiences linked to the profession were also important or essential. Adventure and travel to other countries were the third leading reasons for choosing the profession, which drew parity with family tradition or maritime culture. Recognition and prestige were also selected as essential reasons by around 60% of seafarers.

Figure 2.

Survey responses to the question: How important were the following factors in your decision to become a seafarer?

The survey also explored whether, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, seafarers intended to quit their seafaring careers, how close they were to quitting and the other main reasons influencing their decision.

Intention to Quit

The responses indicated that out of 804 participants, over half were reconsidering their careers at sea (Figure 3). In doing so, for most of them, their experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic had influenced or been a determining factor, while some had been reconsidering their careers even before the COVID-19 crisis.

Figure 3.

Survey responses to the question: Has your experience during COVID-19 made you reconsider your seafaring career/explore an alternative career to sea?

In alignment with the interviews’ results, survey respondents added spontaneous justifications for the role of the pandemic in their decision to quit. As an example, a participant with 26 years of experience at sea in command of an LPG tanker provided further details in support of his response on how COVID had been a determining factor in reconsidering his career at sea:

How the seafarers have been treated during the pandemic has definitely influenced me to look into options to quit active sailing job.

COVID-19 has evidenced the pre-existing negative changes related to working and living standards at sea reported by the seafarers, reducing the crew’s desire or intention to stay in the profession, as also illustrated by other survey participants who wanted to expand on their responses:

The environment is closed, there is little communication with people, too little time with family members, and seafarers are almost out of touch with society. [. . .] they are hardly recognized by society, and do not feel the care of the government and society. (Second officer, China, bulk carrier, 10 years of experience)

Life at sea is no longer the fun it used to be. The regulations are killing the seafarer. (Captain, India, LPG tanker, 22 years of experience)

Close to Quitting (State of Change)

Survey respondents who answered positively to the first question about reconsidering seafaring after the COVID-19 crisis were also invited to identify how close they were to taking action and quitting. The importance of this question lies in differentiating those seafarers who would rethink the profession from those who would be close to quitting or have already quit. The responses indicate that nearly 40% of respondents were seriously considering or planning to leave within the next 1-2 years, although they had not yet begun practical preparations for departure. In contrast, 37% were already investing time and energy in preparing for their departure or had already quit (Figure 4).

Figure 4.

Survey responses to the question: Concerning reconsidering/quitting your seafaring career, choose the one that fits your current state best.

One survey respondent, a Chinese second officer of a bulk carrier with 11 years of experience, provided further details concerning his response and stated:

I actively explore and take action, but economic pressure makes me return to sailing.

Stopping sailing when seafarers find something suitable land-based or have financial clearance/security to establish a business on land is highlighted by several seafarers in support of their responses, as stated by an Indonesian experienced motorman sailing on a bulk carrier:

I stop when I have sufficient money to establish a business on land.

Reasons to Quit

The survey results provided confirmatory content concerning the main factors responsible for seafarers seeking an alternative career. Survey respondents indicated salary remuneration, stability of the contracts, family separation, workload and fatigue on board as the most influential factors to reconsider their seafaring career (Figure 5). Safety practices and culture on board were also revealed as essential factors, followed by attention to seafarers’ health and well-being and recognition of seafarers’ work.

Figure 5.

Survey responses to the question: How important are the following factors in your decision to reconsider/quit your seafaring career?

Seafarers who added further details reiterated the previous aspects and also emphasized the pressure from the office, frequent new regulations and insufficient staffing, as exemplified below:

Working like a machine without any Sundays or shore leave away from the family is hard to bear. [. . .]. The company and port authorities want every bit of the ship to be perfect, both physically and on paper, which is quite impossible with a staff of 20 to 28. Especially the paperwork sucks. (Chief Officer, Pakistan, product tanker, 14 years of experience)

Work overload regarding maintenance, admin work, plus commercial pressure. Aside from regular inspections from port authorities, there are too many local and national regulations to comply with. Many companies provide minimum manning onboard. (Chief Engineer, Philippines, crude oil tanker, 13 years of experience)

Discussion

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly impacted the well-being of seafarers, potentially having long-term effects on their retention rates. The study confirmed the limited attention to seafarers’ well-being during the pandemic, as evidenced by international governmental and non-governmental organizations.^63
-65 COVID-19 degraded existing challenges related to working and living standards at sea, downgrading crew morale with consequences on the desire or intention to quit the profession.

In line with previous research findings, seafarers reported both through interviews and a survey an increased workload and concomitant stress as a result of COVID-19 protocols and supplementary tasks conducted by crews, including disinfection, remote inspections requiring multiple evidence-gathering and new administrative duties. Excess work-related stress among seafarers resulting from pandemic-related tasks was reported in the initial stages of the crisis in a sample of 72 multinational seafarers working onboard container ships calling at a port in Europe.⁶⁶ This perceived work stress has also been significantly associated with depressive symptoms among Chinese seafarers.⁶⁷ Additionally, another sample of Chinese seafarers reported a significant workload increase during the pandemic. This increase was mainly associated with the restrictions and protocols that required observation and action, contributing significantly to the fatigue levels of Chinese seafarers.³⁶

Moreover, the literature confirms that unchosen but prolonged periods at sea have led to chronic fatigue during the pandemic. As highlighted by the interviewees, the COVID-19 period exposed most of them to persistent structural shipping deficiencies, including repatriation delays, restricted shore leave, difficulty accessing medical facilities, isolation problems, excessive workload related to operational changes, and increased stress levels, which corroborates previous studies.^5,23,25,26 In the study, unsurprisingly, those who endured such quasi-forced labor situations and harsh conditions during COVID-19 questioned their profession and considered an exit.

The interviewees, supported by comments from survey participants, also reported a general feeling of “abandonment” by shore organizations, including companies and authorities, particularly when managing illness, which reiterates findings from other studies.^23,68 It appears that while instrumental in protecting seafarers from the pathogen, relying solely on COVID-19 personal protective equipment and protocols for their health did not suffice to address all the crisis dimensions, such as mental and social well-being aspects.⁶⁹ Moreover, seafarers conveyed different and unfair treatment in some ports and terminals. While their movements and access to facilities were strictly restricted to protect local communities, visitors or surveyors boarded ships to ensure smooth trading operations, sometimes disregarding crew health and concerns. This discrepancy in treatment reflects ancient prejudices against seafarers, who are often portrayed as health and social risks, contributing to the neglect of support and attention.^70
-72

The survey outcome confirms the hypothesis that, after the COVID-19 crisis, seafarers will reconsider their seafaring careers (more than half in the study sample). Apart from corroborating the qualitative data, this number indicates that seafarers are highly committed to leaving the profession under motivational theories of change.⁷³ The “readiness to change” theory, conceptualized by Prochaska, describes an individual’s readiness to change their behaviors and has been consistently applied and validated to understand health-related behavioral changes.⁷⁴ If applied to the decision to quit the seafaring profession in our sample, a significant number of seafarers state to have progressed toward exiting (preparation stage), investing time and energy in actions related to quitting (action stage) or already taken action and quitting (exit stage). Two previous studies have examined the relationship between seafarers’ experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic and their desire to quit the profession. In a sample of 87 Indian seafarers, 24% reported their willingness to change their profession as seafarers.⁶² In a sample of 99 British seafarers, 16% of respondents to a questionnaire-based survey also reported intending to exit the industry.⁴⁸ Although the studies’ percentages of quitting are lower in both cases than in our study, the differences can be attributed to the surveys’ questions, which in our research distinguished between intentions, planning and the actual action of quitting. In contrast, in the other studies, the questions were formulated as “willingness or desire to quit/change profession.” Moreover, the moment of surveying and the sample characteristics might also contribute to different impacts on the seafarers and consequently affect their plans or decisions to quit. In this respect, conducting our study at a late stage of the pandemic in comparison with the other 2 studies and the multinational sample surveyed could indicate more conviction about the decisions to take.

In addition, the mixed-methodology approach deployed in this study provided a comprehensive view of key factors influencing seafarers’ intention to quit their careers at sea, both pandemic-related and non-pandemic-related. The results suggest that the main reasons influencing seafarers to reconsider their careers at sea vary and are most probably combined. Notably, remuneration no longer compensates for the sacrifices (separation) and efforts (workload) required by sea life for the participants. As reported in a recent longitudinal survey with thousands of seafarers, the combination of unsatisfactory wages and excessive workload is the prevailing factor for reconsidering working at sea, particularly in association with growing bureaucratization, paperwork and demands.⁷⁵ It is, therefore, unsurprising that some seafarers in our research would not recommend this job. Notably, at least 60% of the survey participants reported that the limited consideration for seafarers’ well-being, safety and recognition precipitated their decision to reconsider working at sea. Consequently, without motivating remuneration and a healthy psychosocial work environment, an exhausting workload and limited company support, it becomes clear that separation from family and home seems unacceptable, as concluded also in preceding works.^76
-78 These studies reflect the industry’s inability to consider seafarers and its failure to adapt correctly, confirming previous claims that labor market instability and insecurity are severe concerns.^79
-81

The study’s main limitations include, first, the lack of analysis of influencing aspects such as sociodemographic and work-related factors, as well as or the different motivational profiles of the participants in exiting seafaring. Moreover, the COVID-19 pandemic had several stages, and the impact on seafarers evolved during these stages. When the study assessments were conducted (in June 2022 and June 2023), it ma have distorted seafarers’ memories of COVID-19.

The research may inform future studies focusing on the recruitment and retention of seafarers, investigating the long-term impacts of the COVID-19 crisis on the workforce to determine whether seafarers who initially desired or planned to quit the profession took action or if their intentions were reversed and the reasons involved. Moreover, the role of the pandemic in the current shortage of seafarers may also be weighed against other decisive factors, such as remuneration and working or employment conditions, to establish priorities when retaining and attracting the workforce for industry sustainability.

Conclusions

The pandemic exacerbated the already harsh working and living conditions of seafarers, demonstrating that the culture of prioritizing the ship’s interests persists,⁸² as shown by the chronification of issues such as excessive workload and fatigue and a lack of shore leave in its aftermath.^37,83,84

The study calls for industry action to reconnect seafarers’ work engagement after the COVID-19 pandemic, which has led to emotional exhaustion. This means considering seafarers’ psychological well-being to promote their engagement at work, reinforcing conclusions from other studies.^85,86 The health and well-being of sea workers require enhanced attention from both the regulatory and industry sides to avoid trade disruptions and reduce ship operation risks.^87
-89

The denial of certain labor and human rights for seafarers questions the direction of the industry. Indeed, shipping has the advantage of a long history. The past has demonstrated that seafarers’ initial reaction to inhumane or unacceptable working conditions was often desertion before revolt.⁹⁰ Considering legal changes in most flags’ regulations, the word “exiting” the profession may be more appropriate than desertion. On the other hand, the maritime community might decide to invest in its workers by providing them with decent working and living conditions and securing their lives through a stable employment scheme. It would restore appeal in the sector and avoid jeopardizing its long-term sustainability.⁹¹

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-1-inq-10.1177_00469580251375264 – Supplemental material for COVID-19 Crisis – Lasting Effects on Seafarers’ Well-Being and Its Potential Impact on Retention

Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-inq-10.1177_00469580251375264 for COVID-19 Crisis – Lasting Effects on Seafarers’ Well-Being and Its Potential Impact on Retention by Maria Carrera-Arce, Raphael Baumler, Harinder Singh and Johan Hollander in INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing

Supplemental Material

sj-docx-2-inq-10.1177_00469580251375264 – Supplemental material for COVID-19 Crisis – Lasting Effects on Seafarers’ Well-Being and Its Potential Impact on Retention

Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-inq-10.1177_00469580251375264 for COVID-19 Crisis – Lasting Effects on Seafarers’ Well-Being and Its Potential Impact on Retention by Maria Carrera-Arce, Raphael Baumler, Harinder Singh and Johan Hollander in INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The research team would like to thank the seafarers who participated in the research.

ORCID iDs

Maria Carrera-Arce

Harinder Singh

Ethical Considerations

The Research Ethics Committee of the World Maritime University approved the research protocols (#REC-22-05(M) and # REC-22-99(R)) on April 6, 2022 and September 9, 2022.

Consent to Participate

Participants signed the consent forms before being interviewed. Survey respondents also accepted the anonymous use of the data reported.

Author Contributions

Maria Carrera-Arce: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation, Formal analysis, Writing original draft. Raphael Baumler: Project administration, Funding acquisition, Supervision, Writing—review & editing. Harinder Singh: Investigation, Formal analysis, Writing—review & editing. Johan Hollander: Writing—review & editing, Validation.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was partially supported by a Grant from the Ministry of Rural Affairs and Infrastructure of the Government of Sweden (project no. I2021/02298).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Reporting Guidelines

The manuscript adhered to the EQUATOR reporting quality guidelines for mixed method studies (GRAMMS).

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