“I Mean,They Have No Idea” – Girls’ and Young Women’s Perceptions of Media Representations of Marginalized Areas in Sweden and Their Consequences

Abstract

Knowledge about girls’ and young women’s perceptions of media representations of marginalized areas and their consequences is limited. Using theories of representation and territorial stigmatization, this study explores how girls and young women living in marginalized areas in Sweden perceive news media representations of these places and how theses representations affect their lives. Thematic analysis was used to analyse 21 interviews with girls and young women aged 13 to 22 years, resulting in four themes: a place marked by criminality, media’s lack of local knowledge, collective punishment and a lack of prospects, and challenging the media images. The exclusively negative media representations of marginalized areas are described to have consequences for girls’ and young women’s lives and living conditions. In contrast, the girls and young women in this study both acknowledge and contest the territorial stigma associated with their neighborhoods, by underscoring the positive aspects of growing up in these environments.

Introduction

In urban regions surrounding major cities across the globe, there are often neighborhoods commonly identified as marginalized, frequently associated with structural disadvantage, poverty, unemployment, criminality, and violence, often (uncritically) referred to as “no-go areas,” “rough neighborhoods,” “ghettos” or, as in Sweden, “vulnerable areas.” Research on these neighborhoods has a long-standing tradition, with a predominant focus on boys and young men. Still, research focusing on girls and young women in marginalized areas, shows that violence, security concerns, poverty and limitations due to gender affect the lives of girls and young women (Bromley & Stacey, 2012; Danic, 2012; McCurn, 2020), and girls growing up in deprived areas have a higher degree of mental health problems than other adolescents (Knowles et al., 2021).

Media similarly tends to highlight the lives of boys and young men in these areas, often portraying them through the lens of the violence and criminality said to characterize these neighborhoods (Karlsson et al., 2024). In contrast, the experiences and perspectives of girls and young women—particularly regarding what it means to grow up and live in these areas, and how they interpret representations of the neighborhoods—are rarely addressed in research, public discourse, or the media (Karlsson et al., 2024; Vogel et al., 2024). Better understanding of how girls and young women perceive and experience media representations of the places where they grow up are of great importance, as media representations affect people’s lives in complex ways (Hall, 1997b).

However, meaning should not be understood as fixed, but rather as something that is changeable and subject to constant struggle, and closely linked to power (Hall, 1997b). At the same time, through repetition, certain representations appear as fixed or true. Therefore, the struggle over representations and how something is represented is crucial for people’s life chances and experiences, why it is important to highlight the perspectives of girls and young women.

Given this, the aim of this study is to explore how girls and young women living in marginalized areas in Sweden perceive news media representations of these places and how these representations affect their lives. A special focus is directed towards how the girls and young women, through their own perceptions of their area, cope, and resist these images. As Wacquant et al. (2014) points out, it is of importance to understand the collective representation, inequalities and marginalities based on different urban settings and political formations – where girls’ and young women’s perspectives and the Swedish context can contribute to the existing knowledge.

Representations of Marginalized Areas in Sweden

In the past decade, several marginalized areas in Sweden have become marked by the Swedish Police as “vulnerable and particularly vulnerable areas,” defined with low socioeconomic status, criminal impact on the local community, parallel social structure, and a high concentration of criminals (Polismyndigheten, 2023). These areas attract the attention of politicians and media, and the focus has primarily been on the increasing number of shootings and links to gangs’ criminal activities (Sernhede, 2018).

The way in which these areas are portrayed by politicians and in the media have long been discussed and problematized in Swedish research (Dahlstedt et al., 2018; Kings, 2011; Sernhede, 2007). Research shows that these areas have become imbued with political symbolism, as it creates an opportunity for politicians, authorities and NGOs to show action through interventions, while for the residents, the place can function as an arena for identity construction and collective action (Tahvilzadeh et al., 2018). Furthermore, social relations and the local community have been shown to create a basis for senses of safety and belonging (Moberg Stephenson, 2021a).

Despite this, Sernhede describes how these areas are alienated and that they are “included in territorial stigmatization processes that make the inhabitants second-class citizens” (2018, p. 201). Moberg Stephenson (2021b) also shows that these areas often are portrayed by outsiders as “failed neighborhoods,” which includes both the place itself and its residents, who are not considered to live up to an ideal of a “good citizen.” Meanwhile, the residents themselves experience a democratic deficit as they are not given the opportunity to influence the political development, which they believe has led to deterioration in the form of closures, privatizations and relocation of public activities (de los Reyes et al., 2014; Sernhede, 2018; Tahvilzadeh et al., 2018).

Girls in Marginalized Areas in Sweden

When it comes to girls and young women living in marginalized areas in Sweden, research shows that they tend to be positioned as the “marginalized girl.” Social workers, for instance, construct girls and young women in these areas as fragile and vulnerable, sometimes violent and dangerous, and in some cases with psychosocial problems (Vogel, 2016). In urban planning, they are often neglected, failing their specific needs, which creates spatial inequalities (Anneroth, 2024; Anneroth et al., 2024). Focusing on media texts on girls in marginalized areas, Karlsson et al. (2024) show that media representations often are simplistic, illustrating girls as either victims (of male danger/violence) or enablers, where they themselves are expected to “take space” [sw: ta plats] or be role models for others. Media representation, according to Karlsson et al. (2024), not only depicts girls as victims but also positions them as responsible for resolving the very issues the media associates with their communities.

Despite this, girls’ and young women’s own perceptions of media representations of marginalized areas and their own perspectives of living there are rarely in focus in research. However, in a study about the public debates on marginalized areas from both boys’ and girls’ perspectives, Dahlstedt and Frempong (2018) show that they experience their neighborhoods as safe places with a community that cares while society is failing to do the same – which is contrasted by the marginalization depicted in media representations. Hence, Swedish research has problematized the portrayal, stigmatization and the media representations of these areas, but we lack knowledge of how girls and young women living there understand and are affected by these media images. This study will thus advance the research frontier by generating new knowledge on the social consequences of media representations and, crucially, by foregrounding how girls and young women—an often-overlooked group in studies of marginalized areas—perceive, reinterpret, and resist stigmatizing portrayals.

Theoretical Perspective – Representation and Territorial Stigmatization

Representation is central to the production of meaning and our understanding of the world around us. Stuart Hall’s (1997a) approach to representation is that we attribute meaning to things and concepts by the way we represent them, that is, how we portray something, the images shown, the narratives shared, and the value assigned to them. Representation cannot be understood as a blank canvas as its meaning affects what is considered good and bad, right and wrong, normal and deviant, as well as who belongs and who is excluded. This, in turn, impacts social life, and how we act and behave. Therefore, representation is not merely a reflection of reality, and according to Hall (1997a), representations are clearly linked to power.

Furthermore, Hall (1997c) emphasizes that representations also create perceptions of things, places, and people even if we have never seen or met these places or people. As Hall (1997a, p. 10) points out, “how profoundly our lives are shaped, depending on which meanings of male/female, black/white, rich/poor, gay/straight, young/old, citizen/alien, are in play.” This binary division also includes a valuation, where one is valued higher than the other, which in turn creates notions of difference and otherness (Hall, 1997b). Examples of this are what Hall (1997b, p. 249) calls “a racialized regime of representation,” with traces of this in contemporary images of young black men as dangerous or criminals. Hence, how places defined as “particularly vulnerable areas” are depicted in the media have real consequences, as representations are linked to power, resulting in stereotyping and ultimately making these images appear as they are true (Hall, 1997c).

To further understand representation of marginalized areas, Wacquant’s concept of territorial stigmatization, as a “powerful stigma attached to residence in the bounded and segregated spaces” (Wacquant, 2007b, p. 169, italics in original), is used. It puts focus on the process by which neighborhoods—often socioeconomically disadvantaged and racially diverse—are marked as deviant, dangerous, or dysfunctional (no matter if it has bearing or not) (Wacquant, 1993, 2007a, 2016; Wacquant et al., 2014). This stigma has real consequences as it is marked by spatial isolation, institutional neglect, and political invisibility, and impact how residents are treated by institutions, perceived by outsiders, and how they come to see themselves (Wacquant, 1993, 2007b). Media often plays a central role in this process by amplifying and circulating negative imagery, often reducing complex realities of marginalized areas to simplistic and/or sensationalist narratives, distributing its burden to its residents (Wacquant, 2016). This process may also lead to experiences of social exclusion, discrimination, or shame, simply because of their address, having to negotiate (e.g., internalize or resist) the stigma attached to the place where they live (Wacquant et al., 2014).

Adding to this, territorial victimization and territorial responsibilization are discussed by Karlsson et al. (2024) to highlight the specific gendered and racialized stigmatization of girls in relation to place, or more specifically marginalized areas. Given the prevailing emphasis on violence and criminality associated with marginalized areas, they argue that such narratives risk producing a form of territorial victimhood, wherein girls residing in these neighborhoods are predominantly positioned as victims—a status that is intrinsically linked to the geographical location itself. In contrast, the concept of territorial responsibilization is informed by normative discourses portraying girls and women as inherently caring and responsible subjects. They are expected to acquire the capacity to “take space,” and are attributed responsibility for themselves, their families and other girls.

Furthermore, Wacquant (1993) uses the concept symbolic violence, referring to subtle and often invisible forms of domination/violence, which operates through language, norms, and representations and occurs when people internalize social hierarchies and accept them as natural. The concept of symbolic violence is crucial for understanding how power operates through representation, and how the girls’ and young women’s experiences and sense of place are shaped by the media. Especially as media representations often reinforce marginality by portraying these areas as outside the “normal” society, reducing them to stereotypes where the residents often are racialized and criminalized. The effects can, in relation to this study, include aspects such as feeling excluded, misrepresented, or invisible in public discourse (Wacquant et al., 2014).

However, residents’ moments of pride or acts of resistance in their community are by Wacquant called symbolic strategies (Wacquant et al., 2014). Sisson (2021) has developed this further with the term territorial struggles, building on an understanding of territory as a locus of resistance, reconceptualising territorial stigmatization as an active process “that is produced ‘from above’ but resisted ‘from below’” (p. 660).

Method

The empirical material is based on teller focused interviews (Hydén, 2014), with 21 girls and young women, aged 13 to 22, with the experience of growing up in marginalized areas in Sweden. The data was collected in one such area in a small city (with more than 100 000 inhabitants) and one in a large city (with more than 1 million inhabitants) between November 2022 and February 2024. To reach participants, various municipal and non-governmental organizations working with youth in these areas were contacted and asked if they could help disseminate information about the project to girls and young women in the areas. Subsequently, we visited these organizations to present the project for those who might be interested. Before participating, they received written and oral information about the project and provided written consent for their participation. In cases where the girls were younger than 15 years old, written information was also given to their parents before obtaining their consent. In addition, the planning and place for the interviews was decided together with the participants, adapted to their specific life situations. Ethical approval has been granted by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority (dnr. 2022-01193-01).

During the interviews the participants were encouraged to talk about their upbringing, their daily lives and what it is like being a girl living in these areas. Each interview also covered themes like family, school and leisure activities, important places, representations, and comparisons between boys’ and girls’ lives in these areas. More specifically, this study is based on one overarching interview question—“How do you perceive how others (e.g., other people, news media, and public discourse) view and think about [area]? Does this affect you, and if so, in what ways?”—where the analytical focus has been specifically on media representations. The length of the interviews was approximately between 30 min and little over an hour. All interviews have been recorded and transcribed in Swedish.

The data material was analysed through thematic analysis, inspired by Braun and Clarke (2006, 2019). We started with familiarizing ourselves with the interview transcripts. Mind maps were also used, to get an overall picture of the material. The analytical process also meant going back to the data multiple times, re-reading the transcripts, while generating the initial codes and searching for themes. The first author had main responsibility for the analysing process, but all authors have been working closely together to validate the analysis and discuss other potential ways of interpreting the material as part of the reflective work that goes into thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2019).

We then employed the theoretical framework to examine how the findings can be interpreted at a deeper analytical level. The concepts of representation and territorial stigma have served as analytical tools for developing an understanding of how the girls and young women perceive news media representations, and how such representations affect their everyday lives. The analysis has involved an iterative movement between theory and the themes that emerged from the thematic analysis of the participants’ accounts.

Four themes emerged from our analysis: a place marked by criminality, media’s lack of local knowledge, collective punishment and a lack of prospects and challenging the one-sided media representation.

Results

In the girls’ and young women’s stories, regardless of whether they live in the small or the big city, they express experiences of media representations of their areas that exclusively highlight negative aspects of the places. This one-sided reporting is also described to have consequences for their lives and living conditions.

A Place Marked by Criminality

When the girls and young women describe their perceptions of the media representations of the areas they grew up in, they particularly underscore the portrayal of criminality and shootings, as exemplified by Asmaa:

The media kind of shows a very bad side of [the area]. Most of the time it’s like, yeah, another shooting in [the area]. [. . .] What’s shown the most is kind of the criminal stuff. But that’s also what people are most interested in. The media shows what people want to see.

The media representations of these places as burdened with violence, crime, and shootings are described as problematic–not necessarily because it is inaccurate, but primarily because of the one-sided reporting, as Noor expresses:

They often highlight like things that are just bad, bad. Maybe not so often, I mean, what is actually good. Because there are also a lot of good things happening there. So yes, it is perhaps not so, what’s it called, nuanced, or like that.

According to the girls and young women, this unbalanced media portrayal creates a negative perception of these places, where positive aspects are never highlighted. They underscore the need for more nuanced representations, expressing a desire for depictions that reflect the complexity of their communities beyond the dominant narrative of criminality:

The media portrayal is very, I mean, it’s the wrong image of the area as a whole, because it’s so much better and nicer than what’s shown in the media. The only things you hear, you never hear when someone does something good, you only ever hear when someone shoots, when someone robs, you only hear that. You never hear about anyone doing something good here in the suburb, so that feels very wrong. (Sanaa)

While the girls and young women criticize what they understand as media’s unbalanced focus on criminality, they also acknowledge that the shootings reported by the media have a tangible impact on their lives, creating a fear of violence occurring in their community. This fear is mostly based on media reports, but there are a few exceptions where some have themselves been closely affected by the shootings, as exemplified by Laila:

A lot happened [a certain month] and it was like, what is happening? I was even afraid to go out in the evenings. I couldn’t, like, after sunset I can’t go out anymore. [. . .] So that has also affected how I feel, how my brothers feel, how my parents feel.

Thus, the real-life criminality has a direct impact on some of the girls and young women, while for others the impact is channeled through the recurrent media reports, making it difficult to point out the actual source of the fear. Still, most of them emphasize that the local areas are safe places and shootings do not affect their daily lives, or as Mouna describes it, “We live there, and we come to school every day. We are fine. Nothing has happened.” The girls and young women thus have an ambivalent attitude towards the images portrayed in the media. These images affect their lives on various levels, and the violence depicted is described as creating a fear that influences when and where they go out, engage in activities, and meet their friends. At the same time, there is a great disappointment with what they perceive as one-sided reporting by journalists without local knowledge, where the positive aspects of growing up in these areas are missing.

Media’s Lack of Local Knowledge

The news images of the marginalized areas are not only perceived as characterized by criminality in an unvarnished way, but also discussed in relation to a lack of local knowledge, as described by Nala:

I mean, they have no idea. And that’s why I think there needs to be more, what should I say . . . more visits, I mean, that they come here and have a look how it works and stuff. Because there are many with prejudices, but once they come here, their prejudices disappear.

The quote is an example of what the girls and young women in general stress, that a lack of local knowledge among journalists leads to misconceptions and prejudices. They also highlight a need of knowledge of everyday life in the areas, for instance, an awareness of all the organized activities, as exemplified by Isha:

They don’t get across that we have, for example, a lot of clubs for basketball, football, tennis. You never hear that in the media. You only hear the bad things. You also don’t hear that we have swimming for immigrant mothers who don’t speak Swedish so well. You also don’t hear that, I mean, that there are now a lot of new shops here in the center, that weren’t here before. You don’t get to hear that. . . So yes, if you’re going to believe everything that’s in the media, they have to know what’s going on here in [the area]. [. . .] You have to come and see what it’s like, then start writing about something. Not just, just because ten people have said, yes, that it’s dangerous there.

Isha makes a point of things happening where she lives and that both local organizations and businesses are investing in the area. Still, the knowledge of what is being done for the residents does not stretch to the media depictions of the place. The girls and young women stress that the lack of local knowledge contributes to the one-sided media image of the places, as it misses out all the positive aspects. When they are asked about the positive aspects of the areas, the most highlighted is the community, or as Sara expresses it, “The community, [that] everyone knows everyone, and that creates a sense of safety.”

Together with a dominant focus on criminality, media’s perceived lack of local knowledge is also part of the construction of the one-sided depiction of the areas, missing important aspects such as the sense of community, leading to prejudices and negative societal attitudes towards these areas.

Collective Punishment and a Lack of Prospects

In the girls’ and young women’s narratives, it is highlighted that they think the media’s lack of local knowledge also creates negative perceptions of the people living there, or as Meulu expresses it: “The media plays a huge role in how people actually view us, because they think we’re like, we all have guns.”

The girls and young women express that the negative media image of the residents in marginalized areas extends beyond criminality, creating negative societal attitudes. Being first- or second-generation migrants, they talk about prejudices related to perceptions of school problems, social issues, religion, and race, as exemplified by Nasrin:

They say it’s not good to live here and, like, almost that people are criminals here. You don’t get a good education here, which isn’t true. Often, there are people who say, if you have a different, I mean, if you don’t have a Swedish background, then maybe you’re, like, in some gang, I mean, gang like criminality and stuff, don’t have a good education, maybe not behave in school and stuff.

Thus, an image has been created of these areas’ residents as being criminals. According to the girls and young women, this has also led to a public perception of the criminality being linked to migrant background and bad education, and these portrayals lead to (often racial) prejudice towards those growing up in these areas. Mouna expresses that, “They tend to generalize everyone. It often happens immediately.” Against this background, the girls and young women, again, emphasize that it is crucial for the media to highlight positive aspects of these areas, “so that people can get a real understanding of how it actually is” (Mouna).

Moreover, it is important to recognize that the media portrayals are described to affect the girls and young women on a personal level. One example is the various prejudices that position girls from these areas in negative terms, as illustrated by Khadra:

People have prejudices about you personally, what you are like. That, “well, watch out for her, she is [trouble].” You know, even at school, a lot of people thought I was a “problem child.” [. . .] As if it should define me as a person. . . it affects you on a personal level. These prejudices and demonisations.

As Khadra describes, the others also feel that the media representations of the areas affect how others perceive them, which in Khadra’s case involves being seen as a “problem child” in school. However, there are several arenas where this perception takes hold, and the girls and young women describe how the prejudice affect their daily life. They give examples of being affected by prejudice by co-workers when doing an internship, by friends whose parents do not allow them visiting the areas, when they are visiting other areas in the cities where knowledge about marginalized areas and their daily lives is limited, and they also know they may be met by prejudice when applying for a job. Hawaa expresses it like this:

I think it affects very many who live here, or come from here. I think so, people don’t understand that everyone, or most of them, aren’t involved in that [crime]. [. . .] Everyone is tarred with the same [brush], so it’s like yes, but it will be harder for me to look for a job, or maybe, when I say at school “yes, but I’m from [the area]”, it’s like, “yes but, she’s from there, maybe she doesn’t care about her studies.”

The media images and the preconceived notions of girls from marginalized areas are described by the girls and young women as having a significant impact that extends beyond prejudices, where negative societal attitudes become a form of collective punishment, meaning that society attributes negative behaviors to an entire group based on the actions of a few.

The prejudices and negative attitudes also have negative consequences on the girls’ and young women’s self-image and their belief in themselves and their life chances. They are described in relation to a lack of prospects and questions about whether they have the same opportunities as children growing up in other areas, as exemplified by Noor:

I sort of never believed in myself, because it was like, when you’re from these areas, I mean no one, like, you’re always like the worst, I mean no one believes in you, so how can you even, well, believe in yourself, do you understand? [. . .] Because it’s like other people’s image of you, well yes, “they’re not like going to become anything.” So, you take the, what’s it called, the image that others have, yes.

The negative media images are, as shown, described as having a direct impact on the girls’ and young women’s lives and self-image. This occurs despite their expressed love for the place and the people living there, with a particular emphasis on the sense of community they have experienced during their upbringing. One example of this is given by Nour:

You don’t want to live here if that’s the image you’re going to have of me, like. If I’m going to give you my CV and you’re just, well, just look at me: “Well, you live in [the area], I don’t want you.” You get a little, yeah, this area may not be that great, but it feels like home, like, because I grew up here, and most of the people I know are the nicest people that exist.

The media representations of marginalized areas create negative perceptions of both the place and the people living there. According to the girls’ and young women’s narratives, such portrayals establish a collective punishment, whereby the residents are stigmatized and demonized. This not only fosters negative societal attitudes but also instils self-doubt in them, stemming from their encounters with various forms of prejudices and racism. It also may lead to polarization, and that people are being denied access to opportunities, resources, or social acceptance due to prevailing negative attitudes, as well as a chance to contribute fully to society and are left with a feeling of lack of prospects.

Challenging the One-sided Media Representation

We have seen the girls’ and young women’s perceptions of the media images of marginalized areas, and their experiences of the representations and societal attitudes towards them and these areas. However, they also express, as we have seen glimpses of, a contrasting image of how they experience the areas and their lives there. One aspect is the sense of community, as this is knowledge they argue is lacking in the media representations.

What I love about [the area] is that it is such a strong community between everyone. [. . .] There is a real sense of community among people here, and you respect each other. (Sara)

Sara talks, like all the others, about the strong community feeling, which is strengthened by respect for one another and a sense of safety. The community feeling emerges as the most important and valuable aspect of the areas in both cities. Furthermore, as we have seen above, the girls and young women experience that youth in these areas are depicted as having no prospects in life, which affects their self-image and believes in their future, but they also try to challenge this image in their narratives. They stress that there in fact is a chance for them to do something good with their lives, which Hawaa gives example of:

I think that if you grow up with the right family and is brought up good, then like everything will go well in life. Especially here in [the area].

Other girls and young women also highlight that if they have support from home and in school, and avoid problems, the areas are safe and there is a possibility to both contribute to the place and to do something with their lives. They also point out that investments in the areas by residents and organizations are important, and it’s a problem when activities are canceled, or organizations close. Nevertheless, they highlight that there is still a lot of activities for the residents, especially for girls in the areas, which is never included in the one-sided media representation of the places, which Mouna points out:

But then, one should be able to bring up the positive a bit. For us all. For us girls at least also. That there really are things to do.

Not only are there things to do, but some of the girls and young women also talk about their own engagement in various activities and organizations, and the value this has for themselves and their neighborhood. For example, they coach younger girls in sports, educate others on equality and human rights, organize start up meetings for youth who want to build their own brand, and organize summer activities for children—aspects that challenge the media portraits of these areas and girls growing up there.

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore how girls and young women living in marginalized areas in Sweden perceive news media representations of these places and how these representations are understood to affect their lives. A special focus was directed towards how they, through their own perceptions of their area, cope, and resist these images. As shown, they talked about being negatively affected by media representations of marginalized areas, while resisting these representations with counter stories of their neighborhoods. Here, we discuss these results in relation to theories of representation and territorial stigmatization.

A Need for More Nuanced Representations

The girls’ and young women’s narratives reveal how they perceive media portrayals of their areas as reductive and overly focused on violence and crime—depictions marked as deviant, dangerous, or dysfunctional. Drawing on Hall (1997b), these media portrayals stand in stark contrast to representations of places deemed good, normal, and socially beneficial. Moreover, Hall refers to this as part of a “racialized regime of representation,” where young black men are depicted as inherently dangerous or criminal. Regardless of whether such images reflect reality, they contribute to stereotyping and ultimately make these portrayals appear truthful. This form of media representation can also be understood through the lens of territorial stigmatization (Wacquant, 1993, 2007a; Wacquant et al., 2014), showing how urban areas are marked by medial conceptions of them as unsafe and problematic, with the risk that those inhabiting the areas internalize this spatial taint.

The girls and young women emphasize a need for critical and nuanced media representations. Media narratives not only shape public perceptions but also instil fear among girls consuming depictions of violence and crime. Media representations are tied to power, and they influence how places and people are understood—even by those who have never visited these communities (Hall, 1997c).

The girls and young women also stress the importance of local knowledge, and that those who report on their areas often lack genuine familiarity. This absence results in one-sided portrayals that ignore the positive aspects of growing up there. They highlight how this leads to misconceptions and prejudices about the areas and residents—an example of territorial stigmatization in practice (Wacquant et al., 2014).

By discussing alternative narratives and showcasing local activities, organizations, and businesses that positively impact the community, the girls and young women actively resist the spatial stigma and symbolic violence imposed on their areas (Wacquant, 1993; 2007a). Their resistance aligns with the symbolic strategies described by Wacquant et al. (2014), reflecting pride and agency within their communities, also reflecting a subversive reconceptualization of territorial stigmatization as something resisted “from below” (Sisson, 2021). More specifically, the girls and young women distance themselves from the criminality portrayed by the media and defend their areas by challenging such unvarnished representations.

Balancing Internalized Stigma and Counter Stories

The prejudices highlighted by the girls and young women illustrate how power operates through representation, language, and normative expectations, which influences how residents are treated by institutions and are perceived by outsiders, but also how they come to see themselves (Wacquant, 1993; Wacquant et al., 2014). The territorial stigma created by media representations creates prejudices, positioning the girls and young women as problematic, school failures, or as victims of a failed neighborhood, rather than problematizing the failure of state officials, street level bureaucracies and specialists (including the media, scholars, and politicians) (Wacquant et al., 2014), and their relegation and avoidance of responsibility (Wacquant, 2016).

Furthermore, the girls and young women internalize the media representations, at least partly, which affects their self-image and their belief in themselves and their life chances—relating to both the fear of violence and crime, and the lack of prospects. Karlsson et al. (2024) also argue that girls residing in these areas in Sweden are predominantly positioned as victims—powerless and with a lack of agency—and international research shows that violence, security concerns, and limitations due to gender affect girls’ and young women’s lives (Bromley & Stacey, 2012; Danic, 2012; McCurn, 2020). Still, this media representation of girls as victims (Karlsson et al., 2024), do not go unchallenged by the girls and young women in our study.

In trying to challenge the media representations and the stigma attached, they are pointing to various positive aspects of their areas and the residents. All highlight the sense of community, and a sense of safety and respect for one another, which is also shown in previous research (Dahlstedt & Frempong, 2018; Moberg Stephenson, 2021a; Moberg Stephenson et al., 2026). In contrast to the lack of prospects, they also argue that there is in fact a chance for them to do something good with their lives, and mention their own engagement in various activities and organizations, in line with previous research (Karlsson et al., 2024). They also highlight different forms of “investments” in the areas, both by residents and organizations, which they believe is of great importance for their areas and children growing up there. Even though this challenges the media representations—showing positive aspects of the areas and their communities despite the territorial stigma—it can also be understood in relation to the concept of territorial responsibilization (Karlsson et al., 2024). The territorial responsibilization positions girls as inherently caring—expected to take responsibility for their own, their families, and other girls’ life situations—putting the burden on them as individuals. It is thus important to understand the gendered and racialized dimensions of marginalized areas and the territorial stigma media representations are creating.

Limitations and Future Research

A limitation of this study is that participants were not explicitly asked to specify the media sources referenced in their narratives. The accounts nevertheless suggest that these primarily concern images produced by mainstream news media, including daily newspapers’ online platforms, with some exposure via social media, where content may originate from non-professional actors. Given the study’s focus on girls’ and young women’s perception, the analytical emphasis lies less on media source and more on how representations are perceived, interpreted, and negotiated.

Although the sample size is limited, it is not intended to be representative. Its contribution instead lies in generating empirically grounded insights into girls’ and young women’s perceptions of media representations. However, further research could contribute by examining different media forms and focusing on underrepresented groups and contexts, particularly those seldom visible in media or research on marginalized areas. Addressing this is important for fostering more responsible and inclusive media practices and research in the future.

Conclusion: Agency Amidst Territorial Stigma

In conclusion, a nuanced portrayal of girls and young women living in marginalized areas is essential, particularly considering that girls should not be tasked with bearing the weight of a failed welfare system and the lack of political priorities. Taking responsibility for the production and circulation of media images is thus crucial. Media representations, lack of local insight, and collective stigmatization are symptomatic of urban relegation (Wacquant, 2007b, 2016), where structural failures of society denigrate and demonize these spaces and their inhabitants—rather than addressing institutional inequalities and the power dynamics that perpetuate urban marginality. Unlike the media representations, the girls and young women in this study both acknowledge and contest the territorial stigma associated with their areas. They speak candidly about local challenges while also underscoring the positive aspects of growing up in these areas. Accordingly, more nuanced representations of marginalized areas, and those who inhabit them, are being produced.