Abstract
This article examines the transformations of the sex industry in the context of shifting structures of intimacy and labour in late capitalism, focusing on the post-socialist context in Slovenia. Using a mixed-methods approach, including an online survey, focus group discussions and netnography, it examines the evolving role of affective labour in sex work and its implications for the working conditions of sex workers. Findings indicate that affective labour, traditionally confined to high-end services such as escort and the ‘girlfriend experience’, is becoming generalised and normalised across the sex industry. In the Slovenian transitional context, the repositioning of affective labour stems from informalisation, deregulation and limited professionalisation of sex work, which – coupled with global shifts in intimacy and sex commerce in late capitalism – establishes an opportunity structure for new standards of service quality and compels workers to mobilise and navigate surplus affective labour that is no longer capitalised.
Introduction
In this article, we draw on research and theorisations that reflect changes in sexual markets, wherein clients actively seek intimacy, emotional connection and authenticity – qualities characteristic of non-commercial intimate partnerships (Bernstein, 2007; Constable, 2009; Lever and Dolnick, 2000). These sexual services incorporate elements typical of romantic discourse, such as the exciting atmosphere of initial encounters, conversational exchanges, and gestures expressing affection, including hugging, kissing and caressing. The most explicit embodiment of these trends can be observed in the ‘girlfriend experience’ (GFE), 1 a service strategically marketed to convey the illusion of an authentic intimate relationship within the context of a sexual transaction (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Huff, 2011).
These changes in sexual markets are reflected as one of the processes within evolving structures of intimacy and labour in late capitalism, particularly through the shifting boundaries between the economy and intimacy. Transformations of intimacy, evident in the growing industry of intimate labour and services, including sexual markets (Zelizer, 2005), involve the reconfiguration of boundaries between commodified intimacy, purchasable in the markets of intimate services, and non-commodified intimacy, tied to the private sphere. Boris and Parreñas (2010) define intimate labour as embodied and affective work of social reproduction increasingly provided by the market-oriented, monetised and global service economy. Markets of intimate labour, responding to the escalating commodification of intimacy, provide services such as physical and mental well-being, health and aesthetic services, household and family care, and the maintenance of social and emotional bonds, including romantic and sexual relationships. Such services require physical touch, emotional closeness and personal familiarity. Illouz (2007) frames these processes as ‘emotional capitalism’, in which emotional and economic relationships define and shape each other. Carbonero and Gómez Garrido (2017) argue that consumption in post-industrial Western societies is perceived as an expression of freedom, individuality and authenticity, particularly in leisure and luxury industries. Authentic goods and services hold high value in the market as they are distinguished from mass-produced and standardised goods of the Fordist era. Intimacy, perceived as the most authentic realm, becomes a high-value commodity shifting onto the market.
Some studies (Hardy and Cruz, 2019; Rivers-Moore, 2013) examine the intimate and emotional dimensions of sexual services in the context of the ‘affective turn’ that characterises the economy in late capitalism. Hochschild (1983) articulated the notion of emotional labour as the mobilisation of emotions in the workplace to increase profit, and the alienation experienced by workers when their emotions are subjected to hierarchical control. Hardt and Negri (2000) framed these processes as ‘affective labour’, a form of immaterial labour and a paradigmatic mode of work in the post-industrial information and service economy. They defined affective labour as embodied work that involves human contact and interaction, as well as the creation, production and manipulation of affect. The ‘products’ of affective labour are relationships and emotional responses, encompassing ‘feelings of well-being, content, satisfaction, excitement or passion’ (Hardt and Negri, 2004: 96). Lazzarato (2012: 34) states that in the present economy, the production of subjectivity is manifested as the primary and most important form of production, a ‘commodity’ that integrates into the production of all other goods. In interactive affective labour, personal human qualities become part of the transaction; relational and emotional abilities, such as empathy, attention to others and self-expression, become crucial for success and the capitalisation of one’s labour.
The concept of affective labour draws on feminist analyses of reproductive labour, which – as feminist critique emphasises – represents an overlooked continuity of the exploitation of gendered immaterial labour throughout the history of capitalism (Fortunati, 2007; Oksala, 2016; Weeks, 2007). The novelty of late capitalism lies in the normalisation and generalisation of the exploitation of women’s affective labour, inherent in reproductive labour, from the intimate sphere and the feminised care economy to the entire economy.
Affective labour has always been a part of the economy, encompassing fields such as intellectual, educational, therapeutic, care and artistic work, and sex work in particular. However, as Hardt and Negri (2000) argue, post-industrial capitalism has brought significant changes to the scope, organisation and importance of affective labour, positioning it as central to value creation. Its significance lies not only in its ubiquity but also in the way late capitalism has systematically incorporated affective labour into its mechanisms of value creation, accumulation and global market operations. As labour has become increasingly subjective, blurring the boundaries between the economy and intimacy, production and reproduction, and the private and public, this shift ultimately gives rise to new forms of exploitation (Weeks, 2007) and raises critical questions about working conditions and workers’ rights.
Some scholars consider sex work as a paradigmatic example of affective labour (Hardy and Cruz, 2019; Rivers-Moore, 2013). Sex work, particularly the creation of an illusion of an authentic intimate relationship, requires the mobilisation of surplus affective labour on the part of the sex worker (SW) and significant efforts to manage the boundaries between work and intimacy. Sexual services emphasising authentic intimacy, such as escort and GFE, are often marketed as luxurious and expensive services (Bernstein, 2007; Sanders, 2008). This suggests that SWs providing such services effectively capitalise on their surplus affective labour. However, it raises the question of whether the evolving role of affective labour in sex work under late capitalism enables other sectors of the industry to similarly capitalise on surplus affective labour, and how this affects working conditions. To address this, we draw on Bernstein’s (2007) concept of ‘bounded authenticity’ as a framework for theorising the global macro-level restructuring of sex work, highlighting how cultural and economic trends in late capitalism intensify the demand for emotional authenticity. To complement this macroeconomic perspective, we incorporate Pugh’s (2024) concept of ‘connective labour’, which highlights the micro-level, affectively charged labour processes in relational professions, to illustrate how workers actively negotiate emotional ties and relational obligations.
While Bernstein acknowledges the presence of affective labour in premodern and industrial-era sex commerce, she emphasises that economic and cultural shifts in post-industrial societies have fundamentally transformed intimacy, positioning affective engagement as a key commodity in late capitalist sexual markets. We argue that these changes reposition affective labour in sex work, making it more central, extensive and generalised across diverse sexual services. Globally, new forms of sexual services, including digital platforms like OnlyFans, are emerging, further blurring the line between personalised emotional experiences and sexual gratification. Considering the localised specificities of late capitalist sexual markets, these developments are especially intriguing within post-socialist contexts, which have undergone a distinct transition into late capitalism compared to Western societies.
Situated at the intersections of the global and the local and bridging macro and micro levels of analysis, our study draws on a mixed-methods approach to examine the prevalence, expansion and implications of affective labour in the sex industry in Slovenia, a post-socialist, Central and Eastern European country, while also exploring specific ways in which affective labour is mobilised to forge authentic connections between workers and clients.
We begin by outlining the transformations of intimacy and sex commerce in post-industrial capitalism. After discussing specific features of Slovenia’s post-socialist context of capitalism and sex commerce, we proceed by presenting the research methodology and the analysis of the empirical material. We conclude by reflecting on how affective sex work is reshaping the occupational landscape of the sex industry, particularly in the post-socialist context.
Transformations of Intimacy and Sex Commerce in Late Capitalism
Bernstein (2007, 2010) analyses how global socio-economic and cultural restructuring in late capitalism since the 1970s in the West has reshaped the boundaries of intimacy and has been reflected in the sex industry.
Studies in social history contrast the prototypically procreative orientation of preindustrial societies, where intimacy was subordinate to social and economic imperatives, with the emergence of uncommodified modern romance and emotional intimacy within the nuclear family. This development, accompanied by the division of gender roles and the separation of public and private spheres, was a defining feature of industrial capitalism (Bernstein, 2010: 161). The proliferation of the post-industrial, globalised information and service economy brought another transformation of intimacy. This era is characterised by ‘postmodern’ families composed of isolated individuals, flexible forms of intimacy, diverse relationships and the commodification of intimacy. Urban centres increasingly see the reorganisation of intimate life, which favours single-person living arrangements, intimacy through close friendships, and time-efficient, safely bounded commercial sexual encounters.
Bernstein distinguishes between prostitution in modern industrial society and the post-industrial sex industry, both coexisting in contemporary societies. She notes that industrial prostitution is marked by a greater prevalence of street- and brothel-based prostitution, spatially confined to specific urban locations. SWs in this context offer fast and emotionally void services for sexual satisfaction, contrasting with non-commodified sexuality characterised by feelings of affection and love.
In contrast, post-industrial sex commerce, argues Bernstein, is diverse, mobile and encompasses a specialised array of sexual products and services. Spatially dispersed throughout urban centres and their outskirts, it unfolds in residences, hotels and through phone and online platforms. The services provided are temporally extensive and involve a substantial amount of affective labour. In the post-industrial paradigm of sex commerce, sexual services are becoming increasingly invested with attributes associated with the intimate sphere, such as emotions, affects, closeness and authenticity. She highlights the central role of emotionally engaged conversation and expressions of affection, such as kissing, caressing, hugging and authenticity, which are explicitly integrated into transactions. She employs the term ‘bounded authenticity’ as a fundamental characteristic of post-industrial sexual services to articulate the specific form of authenticity in emotional and physical relationships between the client and the SW. Intimacy is bounded because it is temporally confined to a short-term paid transaction, during which the SW endeavours to create an illusion of a mutually desired, unique and romantic sexual encounter.
While Bernstein’s framework captures the macro-level restructuring of sex work within the political economy of late capitalism, Pugh’s (2024) concept of ‘connective labour’ offers a particularly illuminating account of the micro-level, affectively charged labour processes in relational professions. Defining connective labour as ‘creating and sharing an emotional recognition of another person, through a process of “seeing” or reflecting them, in order to create value’ (Pugh, 2021: 23), Pugh highlights how workers actively negotiate emotional ties and obligations, often perceiving this labour as meaningful and inherently humanising. Whereas Bernstein emphasises how intimacy is commodified, shaped and constrained in market transactions, Pugh brings attention to the labour necessary to produce and sustain these bounded intimacies.
These perspectives are supported by studies of GFE and clients of SWs, demonstrating that GFE is highly desired and valued among clients. By cultivating the illusion of an authentic romantic relationship, GFE provides clients with both sexual and emotional satisfaction (Huff, 2011; Pruitt and Krull, 2010). Also, beyond GFE, Sanders (2008) reveals that regular clients exhibit characteristics of the traditional male sexual script typical of non-commodified intimate partnerships. This includes conversations, a desire for genuine emotional connection, mutual physical pleasure, and a sense of emotional and physical security. This trend has been further amplified by the global rise of digital sex work during the COVID-19 pandemic, as platforms like OnlyFans, along with clip-selling and camming sites, have not only facilitated the creation of pornographic and erotic content, but have also emphasised fostering a sense of connection and intimacy (Benjamin, 2024; Laurin, 2019).
Bernstein (2010: 151, 159) emphasises that the categories she has developed should be viewed as heuristic tools for understanding transforming social realities. They have not emerged without historical precedents, nor do they entirely replace prior frameworks, but coexist with and build upon them. Bernstein suggests the proliferation of new varieties, qualities and practices of intimacy implies a repositioning of affective labour within late capitalist sex commerce. This repositioning requires SWs to provide highly personalised and authentic experiences, necessitating a profound engagement of their subjectivity, personality, emotions, thoughts, social skills and personal time. This shift aligns with Hardt and Negri’s theorisation of the increasing centrality of affective labour in late capitalism.
Opportunity Structure for Affective Sex Work in Slovenia
While both post-socialist and Western societies share features of late capitalism, the specific historical, economic and political trajectories of post-socialist societies create distinct dynamics. In the 1990s, these societies experienced the abrupt shock of transitioning to capitalism, a process Blagojević (2013: 168) describes as ‘de-development’ – a profound structural change associated with the depreciation of human, institutional and infrastructural capital. This transition fostered an ‘economy of survival’, characterised by high structural unemployment, the erosion of workers’ rights and significant emigration. In Slovenia, the social security system withstood the shock of transition relatively well, preserving citizens’ livelihoods, maintaining the socialist legacy of public childcare and sustaining high levels of female employment. However, the 2008 economic crisis severely impacted Slovenia due to its dependence on exports. The following decade of austerity measures strained the welfare state and public sector, leading to a sharp rise in labour precarisation.
The transition to capitalism in post-socialist societies was also marked by a lack of state autonomy, the legitimisation of greed and self-interest, and the persistence of informal economic practices. Bandelj (2016) highlights that these processes reflect broader neoliberal trends, contributing to the rise of a new elite and widening social inequalities. Godina (2014: 256) identifies a unique feature of capitalism in Slovenia, which she terms ‘domestic capitalism’. In this model, the formal rules of capitalism and the market economy do not function as they do in classic capitalist systems. Instead, domestic capitalism is heavily influenced by local and familial networks, operating through informal relationships, personal connections and clientelism. Although Slovenia is no longer formally considered a transitional economy, the legacy of transition and its semi-peripheral status continue to structure its institutional and economic dynamics.
In socialist Yugoslavia, prostitution 2 was officially criminalised but widely tolerated as part of the ‘grey economy’ (Radulović, 1986). In independent Slovenia, the decriminalisation of prostitution emerged as a political issue in 2001, pushed forward by the Liberal Party. Advocates framed prostitution within the context of human rights and individual freedoms, presenting it as a legitimate economic activity and a potential source of supplementary income. The relatively high status of prostitution in Slovenia, exemplified by practices such as mobile-phone prostitution, weekend and student prostitution, and the rarity of street prostitution, was not considered problematic. By 2003, all parliamentary parties had expressed support for decriminalising prostitution (Hrženjak et al., 2005; Pajnik, 2017).
While prostitution itself is no longer subject to criminalisation, the law still retains the possibility of sanctioning it in public places, and the Criminal Code criminalises the exploitation and abuse of prostitution, specifically targeting third-party involvement and economic exploitation. This is why the Slovenian model can be seen as one of partial decriminalisation (Pajnik et al., 2017). A significant portion of sex work continues to operate within the informal economy, as decriminalisation has effectively led to its deregulation. While sex work can be formally registered under the Standard Classification of Activities and the Standard Classification of Occupations, there are no regulatory measures that would define the working conditions and formal professional standards of performing these occupations (Pajnik, 2017).
In this article, we argue that the (de)regulatory legal framework in Slovenia, combined with the global transformations of intimacy and sex commerce under late capitalism, creates an opportunity structure (Cloward and Ohlin, 1960) that facilitates the emergence of a specific organisation of sex commerce – at the macro level, through the increasing commodification of intimacy and the embedding of affective labour in sexual transactions, and at the micro level, through the specific ways in which SWs mobilise and navigate affective labour. The concept of opportunity structure, when considered in the context of the affective turn, should be understood not only as a framework of material and institutional opportunities that shape individuals’ material conditions, but also as a determinant of the emotional dispositions and responses individuals develop within this framework (Ahmed, 2010). As we will demonstrate, this structure is characterised by the predominance of individual service providers who typically operate without intermediaries, in private homes, unregistered, and often as a supplementary income alongside regular employment. While this form of sex work offers greater autonomy and control over working conditions, the informalisation, deregulation and lack of professionalisation also cultivate conditions that demand heightened levels of affective labour.
Methodology
The study employs a mixed-methods and multi-perspective approach, incorporating the viewpoints of SWs and clients, and utilises methodological triangulation to provide an insight into the complexity of the examined subject.
First, an online survey questionnaire was conducted among SWs in Slovenia. A set of questions measured the characteristics and organisation of sex work, including services offered, workplace, working hours, payment and employment statuses. Another set of questions addressed various forms of affective labour, namely intimate, emotional and aesthetic labour, with various sets of items applying either a five-point Likert scale (ranging from 1 = Never to 5 = Very often) or dichotomous items (see Table 1 for items). Respondents were recruited between March and May 2022. Most contacts were obtained through social media and online portals where SWs advertise their services. In addition, several nightclubs and erotic massage parlours were contacted, as well as companies offering hotline services and non-governmental organisations that advocate for SWs’ rights. Participation in the survey was anonymous and rewarded with a shopping voucher. Prior to participation, all respondents provided informed consent. The study sample comprised 106 SWs. The sample included 83 cis women, 21 cis men and two transgender women. The largest proportion of participants (39.6%) fell within the age range of 25 to 34 years. Approximately half of the respondents (46.2%) had completed high school. The majority of participants were born in Slovenia (92.5%). We focused our analysis on comparing two groups – those offering GFE/BFE (n = 25) and those who do not offer it (n = 81) to test for differences and similarities in the extent of affective labour. Data analysis was based on computing descriptive statistics (frequencies and mean values), comparing frequency distributions by applying the Chi-square test or Fisher Exact Test and comparing mean values using the t-test of difference for independent samples or Mann-Whitney U Test in cases where variables were not normally distributed. The analysis was performed in SPSS software (IBM SPSS Statistics 25).
Descriptive statistics for intimate, emotional and aesthetic labour items as well as for average monthly income and estimated daily and monthly working hours with test statistics for differences between the groups of GFE/BFE providers (n = 25) and non-GFE/BFE providers (n = 81).
Additional data were collected through the focus group discussion (FGD) method. Participants were recruited through snowball sampling, using the research team’s personal contacts, as well as through social media and online advertising portals. Two FGDs were conducted, one in person with four SWs in November 2022 and one online with four different SWs in December 2022. Each discussion lasted two to three hours and was moderated by two researchers, one of whom is an author of this article. A total of eight SWs between the ages of 22 and 61 participated, seven cis women and one transgender woman. Most participants had a secondary school degree, and some had a university degree. All discussions were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Written informed consent was obtained from all the respondents prior to participation in the study, and participants were given pseudonyms to protect their privacy. Open coding was employed to generate a coding scheme inductively using MAXQDA 2020 (VERBI Software, 2020).
To examine the clients’ perspective, we employed netnography by examining a web forum for clients of SWs on the Sloescort portal, which is a major advertising site for SWs in Slovenia with 117,261 users. Online ethnography was applied as an observational approach since we did not participate as members of the online community. In October 2022, targeted keyword searches such as ‘GFE’ and ‘girlfriend experience’ identified 38 relevant forum topics. Researchers manually reviewed and selected 47 users’ comments, posted between 2007 and 2022. We employed content analysis and open coding techniques, facilitated by MAXQDA 2020 (VERBI Software, 2020).
As researchers from an independent, non-profit research institute with a long history of supporting the sex work paradigm and self-organisation of SWs, our work is grounded in advocating for SWs’ rights and agency. As white, middle-class sociologists, we critically acknowledge our privileged backgrounds and remain mindful of this in our work with marginalised communities. With several years of experience researching sex work and personal connections with SWs, we approach our work with a deeper understanding of their lived experiences.
Results and Discussion
In the upcoming sections, we initially outline the findings on the characteristics and organisation of the sex industry in Slovenia. Within this framework, we then demonstrate the specific configurations of affective labour at both macro and micro levels, exploring how the specific post-socialist context of sex work, along with global transformations of intimacy and sex commerce in late capitalism, has established an opportunity structure for the generalisation of affective labour beyond the domain of GFE service. Following this, our exploration centres on the capitalisation of affective sex work and its implications for working conditions within the sex industry.
‘Informal, Deregulated and Under-Professionalised’: Characteristics and Organisation of the Slovenian Sex Commerce
Our results confirm that the sex industry in Slovenia largely operates within the informal economy, with 62.3% of surveyed workers operating without any formal employment status. For as many as 65.1% of them, sex work serves as a secondary source of income.
Sex work predominantly occurs indoors in private settings such as apartments (71.7% of surveyed respondents), hotels (39.6%), clients’ homes (30.2%) and private parties (18.9%). Home-based sex work most commonly occurs in rented ‘working apartments’, though some SWs operate from their personal homes, further blurring the boundaries between private and professional life. In the last decades, the prevalence of home-based sex work has risen significantly due to widespread use of mobile phones and the internet, which facilitate online advertising of sexual services (Pajnik, 2017). This shift was further accelerated by the rapid digitalisation due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which expanded sex work on various online platforms. In our study, we observed that 19.8% of surveyed respondents engaged in work conducted through online platforms, a mode of labour that is predominantly performed from home.
Most surveyed workers (87.6%) engage in independent sex work, operating without intermediaries to organise or supervise their activities. Moreover, SWs typically work alone (80.0%) and not together with other SWs. There is a notable lack of community self-organisation, unlike in several European and global contexts, where such initiatives can promote the professionalisation of sex work through mutual education, collaboration and experience sharing (Pajnik, 2017; Šori and Markelj, 2022).
It is within this framework that we examine how the role of affective labour has evolved in late capitalism, with particular reference to the specific post-socialist context of sex commerce.
The Role of Affective Labour in the Post-Socialist Context of Sex Commerce
In line with Bernstein’s findings on the emerging post-industrial paradigm of sex commerce, our research highlights a similar trend in Slovenia, where intimate services are witnessing a surge in demand, with a noteworthy 23.6% of surveyed SWs engaging in GFE/BFE services.
Crucially, our survey reveals that practices of affective labour are pervasive across various sectors of the sex industry, challenging previous research (Bernstein, 2007; Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Huff, 2011; Tewksbury and Lapsey, 2017), which suggested that the performance of affective labour was confined to high-end segments of the industry, such as escort and GFE.
Our findings indicate that SWs who provide GFE/BFE more frequently report incorporating activities such as kissing, cuddling, hugging and caressing, as well as entertainment and animation in their work, compared to non-GFE/BFE providers (Table 1). While the statistical difference between the groups is significant, it is imperative to acknowledge that SWs who do not identify as GFE/BFE providers, and are not expected to provide surplus intimate services, still reported engaging in these activities as part of their work. This aligns with the observation that clients, regardless of whether a SW explicitly identifies as a GFE provider, anticipate and value spontaneous connections and intimate exchanges: ‘You can get GFE even from those who do NOT advertise it at all!’ (Sloescort, 20 May 2011). The centrality of affective labour extends beyond GFE boundaries, as demonstrated by various bodily practices and interactions described by SWs in FGDs. For example, Nina (40) explains:
If it’s without GFE, I still talk to clients. I’m not a robot. When they finish, sometimes I give them a little massage, depending on the time, ask if they want to have a drink, if they need a shower.
Working from home, the infrastructure and setting of a SW’s private apartment introduces a specific dynamic that shapes the course of meetings. Beyond sexual encounters, clients are often offered a drink, a shower or a casual conversation, creating a sense of intimacy that distinguishes these interactions from more impersonal settings, and fostering an atmosphere where business relationships can potentially develop into romantic or friendly ones. Research on indoor sex work in Slovenia (Fabijan, 2017; Pajnik, 2008) highlights how this personal approach is inherently tied to the private, domestic setting of apartments, as clients find it ‘more personal going to an apartment, especially when some relationship has already been established’ (Pajnik, 2008: 109). This dynamic of increased familiarity, however, can blur professional boundaries, as clients sometimes push for greater intimacy by attempting to extend meetings into a SW’s personal leisure time:
Business and private are blurred when you offer them [clients] time for free, which most often happens in drunken and drugged circumstances, when you forget about the time and keep on partying with them. At first, it’s fine, but then they get used to it and it becomes normal for them. (Nina, 40)
This illustrates how ‘bounded authenticity’ has the potential to become ‘boundless’ as it occupies SWs’ personal lives and extends beyond temporally limited paid transactions. Within a largely deregulated legal framework marked by the absence of occupational standards, performance codes and professionalisation in sex work, these findings reveal how such conditions create an opportunity structure that allows clients to assert greater control over the conditions, duration and quality of intimate encounters, further intensifying the emotional and relational demands placed on SWs. Importantly, our study confirms the global trend of workers being subjected to the commodification of affect, a process further intensified by the specific post-socialist conditions of sex work. At the same time, it complements macroeconomic perspectives by foregrounding the subjective, micro-level experiences of workers, revealing that SWs are individually responsible for maintaining the relational infrastructures their livelihoods depend on. Workers are actively involved in ‘connective labour’ (Pugh, 2024), the effortful work of constructing, sustaining and repairing emotional and relational bonds, and must continuously invest in cultivating affective ties with clients. In this context, the centrality of affective labour is underscored by several factors and is manifested in various forms.
In our study, conversation emerged as the most prevalent form of intimate labour across all sectors of the sex industry, with no statistically significant differences found between GFE/BFE and non-GFE/BFE providers on the variable ‘discussing private matters with clients’ (Table 1). Similarly, studies (Bernstein, 2007; Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Fabijan, 2017; Pajnik, 2008; Sanders, 2008) show that in post-industrial sex commerce, communication plays a crucial role in the relationship between the client and the SW. This trend was also confirmed in our FGDs: ‘It seems to me that they always seek some connection, something more than just a sexual service, a conversation and so on’ (Vanja, 42). These conversations often go beyond negotiating service terms, evolving into more profound conversations and mutual sharing of thoughts and feelings. Conversations involve discussions about well-being, daily life, and can even extend to assisting in resolving clients’ personal matters.
Engaging with clients through conversation requires SWs to mobilise emotional labour. Our survey analysis indicates a high valuation of emotional labour on the frequency scale, with no statistically significant differences between GFE/BFE and non-GFE/BFE providers (Table 1). This aligns with existing research (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Hoang, 2010), which identifies emotional labour as a defining feature of sex work in general. In FGDs, modification of emotions is particularly evident in ‘surface acting’ (Hochschild, 1983), where SWs manage their outward expressions to maintain a positive demeanour during conversations with clients, even when they are in a bad mood: ‘I won’t be telling them now, this and this happened to me, I’m in a bad mood [. . .] some pay to get a girlfriend who is happy, in a good mood, who will talk to them and respond positively’ (Špela, 29). Such communication establishes a sense of close connection associated with intimacy and cultivates a feeling of an authentic relationship between the SW and the client.
Other ways to establish a commercial transaction as authentic include various bodily practices, such as kissing, cuddling, hugging and caressing. For SWs in our study, kissing holds significant importance as a key indicator of intimacy, corresponding with findings from other research (Bernstein, 2007; Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Huff, 2011). Constituted as one of the most intimate services, some SWs opt to deliberately exclude kissing from their offer as a strategy to establish intimacy boundaries. However, survey analysis reveals that kissing is not exclusive to GFE and transcends into non-GFE encounters as well. This finding highlights an important aspect of affective sex work, because it shifts the boundaries between work and privacy more and more into the intimate lives and private identities of workers.
Such sexual and bodily practices can become uncomfortable for SWs, requiring emotional labour to navigate these challenges. Our findings indicate a frequent reliance on ‘deep acting’ (Hochschild, 1983), with 84% of surveyed workers reporting they often or very often perform work professionally despite their true feelings. Hoang (2010) describes this as repressive emotional labour, which requires suppressing discomfort or disgust towards clients:
I remember at the beginning when I was still getting used to it, even if he [the client] was not ugly, but just if the meeting was a bit longer and he hung around for the whole evening, I felt really uncomfortable [. . .] over time, you really get used to it. Literally, a new neural pathway is established in the brain, on, off. (Nina, 40)
Conveying an illusion of an authentic intimate relationship often involves the portrayal of mutual pleasure, which is closely linked to non-commercial sexuality (Kontula, 2008). This is explicitly evident in clients’ expectations, linking a satisfying service to the attainment of the SW’s orgasm (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Huff, 2011; Kontula, 2008; Sanders, 2008). Similarly, 43.4% of surveyed SWs in our study reported frequently pretending to enjoy themselves during work. Pleasure thus becomes a commodified part of the transaction and is associated with both surface acting, through which SW ensures an appropriate visual representation of orgasm, and deep acting, which demands the actual experience of pleasure from the SW while simultaneously suppressing genuine feelings (of disgust or discomfort).
Various forms of affective labour discussed so far constitute the discourse of authenticity and collectively create a semblance of a (sexually and emotionally) exclusive relationship. SWs are expected to evoke a sense in the client that they are ‘the one’ and that ‘everything revolves around them’. SWs emphasise that the client should not feel like they are part of an ‘assembly line’ or a mere ‘industry’, employing specific operational strategies:
While you have a client, keep the phone on silent, just so they don’t know that you’re immediately dealing with the next one, like in the assembly line industry. No, they must feel something special when they are with you. You can call back later and arrange things, but don’t negotiate with the next client in front of the current one. (Nina, 40)
Nina’s insight aligns with the thesis that authentic services hold significant market appeal precisely because they deviate from the standardised, industrial production model prevalent in the Fordist era. In this context, where goods were mass-produced with uniformity, the SW’s commitment to creating unique and individualised experiences stands out as a deliberate departure from the mechanised and depersonalised nature of industrial processes. These processes are further intensified due to the individualised sex work without intermediaries, who would traditionally organise meetings and handle client communication. Without these buffers, SWs must navigate the dual roles of worker and manager, bearing the full responsibility for creating the appropriate atmosphere in their home-based settings.
While practices aimed at establishing authenticity in sexual encounters are particularly pronounced in direct interactions with clients in home-based work settings, intensified by the unique conditions of the post-socialist context of sex work, our study highlights that expectations of intimate and emotional closeness also extend to digital sex work. In this regard, it is crucial that our analysis also accounts for the implications of the global transformations of sex commerce and intimacy. As one SW working on OnlyFans noted, ‘the internet is saturated with professional pictures and videos [. . .] clients usually pay for contact with the person, so they can talk to you, so they can see that you’re a real person’ (Špela, 29). This aligns with a global shift in the cultural perception of pornography, moving from professionally produced studio content to a competitive, oversaturated marketplace, in which viewers increasingly value content that can convey a feeling of authenticity and relatability (Benjamin, 2024). Real-time interactions, such as sharing everyday routines, allow clients to not only consume content but also engage directly with creators (Cardoso et al., 2023). OnlyFans content creators in our FGDs emphasised the necessity of consistent platform presence to foster long-term personal relationships with clients: ‘The job is not just about the picture and its publication, you have to have an average of 100/200 daily contacts. Everyone tells you what they did that day, you are on a personal level with everyone’ (Katja, 23).
As Katja explains, SWs must simultaneously balance content creation and customer service, making work–life balance difficult, especially since platform-based work occurs within private homes. The constant need to stay online and respond to clients often intrudes on personal leisure time and pressures workers to produce content during daily activities (Hamilton et al., 2022). In this regard, OnlyFans content creators in our study refer to the ‘homemade’ or ‘do-it-yourself’ scene, evoking the ‘girl next door’ fantasy. This aesthetic signals social homology – class, social and geographical proximity to clients – in contrast to ‘prostitute imagery’, often associated with distinctive make-up and attire (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017). Casual, everyday looks have thus become a new standard of aesthetic labour. One client remarked: ‘You say she was dressed more casually – well, I actually like these girlfriend-experience types – the feeling that you’re not with a prostitute – and even some “cute confusion” contributes to that a bit’ (Sloescort, 24 April 2007). Although emerging aesthetic standards favour casual, everyday looks, both groups of SWs in our sample still report significant pressure to invest in their physical appearance to meet these expectations (Table 1).
Capitalising on Affective Labour and Its Impact on Working Conditions
While some scholars (Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017: 396) have recognised affective labour as a meaningful experience for SWs, arguing that authenticity is not only a characteristic of the service but also connects with the idea of work as a place of self-realisation (Bourdieu, 1984), our findings call for a more complex reflection on the implications of affective sex work for working conditions in the sex industry. To this end, we draw on Pugh’s (2024) conceptualisation of ‘connective labour’, which is seen as inherently humanising, nurturing empathy and mutual recognition in ways that resist the dehumanising logics of automation and market rationality. Yet, Pugh emphasises that this labour is often performed under conditions of economic precarity and frequently lacks institutional support or formal recognition.
Similarly, our study suggests shifts in working conditions in the sex industry, where surplus affective labour is increasingly utilised without being compensated as a luxury service. We draw this conclusion based on the findings of our survey, which show that the majority of GFE/BFE providers (70%), as part of the high-end sector, report the highest average monthly incomes (2000 euros or more), indicating a successful capitalisation of the surplus affective labour. However, SWs who do not offer GFE/BFE services, despite a comparable amount of affective labour performed, report lower average monthly incomes. Importantly, there are no statistically significant differences between the groups in the estimation of average working time, both daily and monthly (Table 1).
Our exploration into clients’ communities revealed a similar trend – an emerging norm where non-GFE providers refrain from additional charges for affective labour: ‘They don’t charge extra for it. And that is what is most “valuable” – when one, without asking or anything, kisses you and gives you something extra’ (Sloescort, 20 May 2011). ‘Non-payment’ for affective labour is seen as part of the authenticity and contributes to a sense of its ‘boundlessness’. Having fun at work, being excited and willing to do anything, such as working more hours or performing services that were not part of the agreed-upon service, as part of authentic discourse, constitutes both work for itself and can complicate negotiations over other working conditions (Berg, 2017: 678). Consequently, practices of affective labour should not be recognised solely as an example of liberal praxis, but rather as an additional workload for SWs that is no longer capitalised in certain segments of the sex industry.
In Slovenia, SWs operating informally and often in isolation must bear full responsibility for establishing trust, loyalty and affective rapport with clients. In the absence of institutional or organisational structures to mediate these relationships, their economic survival increasingly depends on their capacity for affective labour. Sex work in Slovenia often serves as a source of additional income, reflecting broader labour market precarity in which individuals supplement low wages or unstable employment in other sectors. Engaging in affective labour thus functions as a ‘marketing strategy’ to build a loyal, regular clientele, helping to counteract the instability of sex work. We argue that under post-socialist capitalism, the convergence of deregulation and intensified affective demands produces a distinct form of emotional exploitation, where affective labour emerges as a vital yet unprotected resource for survival. Without professional or collective support, such as unions or peer networks, connective labour becomes a strategic means for navigating risk, asserting dignity and preserving relational agency within precarious market conditions (Pugh, 2024).
Conclusions
Our findings shed light on the evolving nature of affective labour within the specific post-socialist context of sex work in Slovenia. While this study does not provide sufficient empirical evidence on the shifting dynamics of affective sex work, it identifies problems, reveals trends, and offers a basis for hypotheses to guide future research into the repositioning of affective labour in sex work within post-socialist contexts.
To fully grasp the organisation of sex work under late capitalism, it is necessary to move beyond general analyses of the exploitation of affective labour and attend to the specific relational demands embedded within the Slovenian sex industry. Our study addresses this by examining the intersections between global and local dynamics, and between macro- and micro-level processes. Two main streams of results emerge. First, building on Bernstein’s notion of ‘bounded authenticity’, we show how macroeconomic transformations of intimacy have intensified the commodification of affective performances within sexual transactions, thereby establishing affective labour as a new labour standard within the sex industry. In contrast to previous research (Bernstein, 2007; Carbonero and Gómez Garrido, 2017; Huff, 2011; Tewksbury and Lapsey, 2017), we reveal that affective labour is not confined to high-end sectors but is generalised and normalised throughout the industry.
SWs who do not offer GFE also engage in affective labour as they invest significant time with each client, engage in emotionally charged conversations, participate in a variety of bodily activities and mobilise a great deal of emotional labour to establish authentic intimate connections with clients, surpassing the significance of the sexual encounter itself. Following Pugh’s concept of ‘connective labour’, these findings illustrate how the commodification of intimacy at the macro level translates into micro-level affective processes, where SWs must continuously invest in cultivating emotional ties with clients as a strategy for survival in an informalised and deregulated market.
While the global shift towards heightened affective labour is evident, we argue that its pervasive presence in sex work in Slovenia is strongly influenced by the unique post-socialist organisation of sex commerce. Under a deregulatory legal framework, sex work predominantly occurs unregistered and in private settings, making interactions more personal and emotionally charged. The individualised nature of work without intermediaries further amplifies affective demands as workers must create suitable atmospheres, manage client relationships, and navigate the dual role of worker and manager. The absence of formal standards and self-organisation among SWs reinforces their fragmentation and deprofessionalisation, leaving sex work in an amateurised state (Pajnik, 2017). Thus, in the Slovenian context, heightened demands of affective labour paradoxically arise as a result of informalisation, deregulation and the lagging professionalisation of sex work under post-socialist conditions. However, beyond these local specificities, our findings also reflect global trends, showing that the repositioning of affective labour is rooted in broader transformations of intimacy and work under late capitalism. Particularly in platform-based sex work, often conducted from private homes, authenticity and relatability have become increasingly central, mirroring the affective dynamics of home-based services.
Second, despite a comparable amount of performed affective labour and working hours, workers in certain sectors of the sex industry receive lower pay. Notably, GFE/BFE providers report significantly higher monthly earnings in comparison with workers in other sectors of the sex industry. Our findings suggest that the affective turn exacerbates working conditions in the sex industry by the absence of capitalisation on surplus affective labour, altering the content and form of labour in the industry. This shows how SWs are structurally pushed into presenting their work as effortless and ‘labourless’ since it bolsters the appearance of authenticity and intimacy (Cardoso et al., 2023). Consequently, sex work in Slovenia generates not only material insecurity but also profound affective precarity, as workers navigate intensified affective demands without the protections or recognition that professionalisation might afford.
Berg (2017) argues that the perception of intimate experiences as distinct from commercial transactions serves to conceal unpaid labour within the capitalist framework. Given that the newly established labour standards exert disciplinary measures on SWs across diverse sectors, unveiling these often-overlooked forms of affective labour becomes even more crucial.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Irena Bolko for her assistance and support in analysing and interpreting the empirical material for the article. We sincerely thank the anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and constructive feedback, which substantially improved this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: this research was funded by the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency through the project Occupational risks in sex work at the intersections of policy framework and social stigma (J5-2556 (B)), and the research programme Equality and human rights in times of global governance (P5-0413).
Ethics statement
All respondents in the study gave their informed consent before they participated in the study, affirming their willingness to take part and acknowledging their understanding of the research objectives, procedures and data protection regulations. The study was performed in accordance with the ethical standards of the Declaration of Helsinki.
