Social Positioning and Pathways of Social Mobility of Intermarried Ukrainian Migrants in Poland

Abstract

The article draws on the narratives of 40 migrants from Ukraine intermarried with Polish citizens, shedding light on their subjective dimensions of mobility and social positioning. The research captures the diversity of migration trajectories and socio-demographics and explores how individuals construct their own definitions of success and failure that guide their actions. It also investigates their perceptions of stratification systems in Ukraine and Poland, offering insights into the structural conditions shaping intermarried migrants’ social positioning and opportunities for advancement. The analysis indicates three non-linear pathways of social mobility through entrepreneurship, utilisation of cultural capital and legalisation of stay, challenging the assumptions on straightforward vertical mobility of intermarried migrants.

Introduction

Marriage and migration both exemplify horizontal social mobility, involving the necessity or desire to change one’s position in the social structure. They can also combine with vertical mobility, signifying advancement (upward mobility) or degradation (downward mobility). Nonetheless, individuals may apply their own criteria for evaluating these phenomena and employ their own definitions of advancement, degradation and maintaining social positions that contradict ‘objective’ measures of social mobility as defined and estimated by social scientists according to the conventions of social stratification research (Boese et al., 2022; Duru-Bellat and Kieffer, 2008; Evans and Kelley, 2004; Friedman, 2014; Gugushvili, 2021). Aside from the mismatch between ‘objective’ indicators and subjective perceptions of social mobility, discrepancies can also arise in assessing the role of intermarriage and migration in changing social location (Charsley et al., 2020; Rytter, 2012). Additionally, there is a gender dimension to this phenomenon, as marriage frequently entails mobility for women, who are conventionally expected to move to live with their husbands, although this is not the rule, as evidenced by research on transnational marriages (Charsley et al., 2020). The intersection of migration and marriage thus stands as a unique lens through which to explore the dynamics of social mobility and its reflection in the minds of individuals.

While intermarriage has gained increasing attention as a subject of inquiry (Moret et al., 2021; Rodríguez-García, 2015; Törngren et al., 2016), qualitative evidence on social mobility experienced by intermarried migrants remains relatively sparse, particularly in non-western countries. This article aims to expand this focus and provide an enriched understanding of the mobility experiences of Ukrainian migrants who have entered into marital unions with Polish citizens. By capturing subjectively perceived changes in migrants’ trajectories and incorporating agency and the reflexivity of individuals, the analysed data offered nuanced accounts of the intersection of spatial and social mobility, referring to the broader social context; that is, the structural conditions that shape the actions taken by migrants, both in the origin and host countries (Bertaux and Thompson, 1997). The study investigates social positioning and mobility pathways to discern mechanisms that either facilitate or impede the social mobility of intermarried migrants. The employed approach allows for exploring the meanings and significance migrants attribute to the relationship between intermarriage and different dimensions of social mobility, encompassing changes in social status, education, employment, earnings and wealth as well as overall quality of life as intragenerational mobility (like intergenerational) is a complex and multifaced construct.

Furthermore, the presented study deals with the ‘openness’ of Polish society, reflecting broader societal shifts in the country, which has gradually transformed from a migrant-sending state to a migrant-receiving state. Over the years, Ukrainians have formed the most significant migrant community that has settled and undergone naturalisation in Poland, with their settlement primarily facilitated through marriages of Ukrainian women with Polish citizens (Górny and Kępińska, 2004).

The legal situation of foreign spouses of Polish citizens is generally favourable as they are eligible to apply for a residence permit and enjoy certain privileges in the Polish labour market. They are generally exempt from the requirement to obtain a work permit, allowing them to work in Poland without restrictions. Additionally, they may engage in business activities in Poland on the same terms as Polish citizens. Consequently, mixed marriages undergo heightened scrutiny by state authorities, suspecting spouses of exploiting these unions for ulterior motives.

Moreover, Ukrainian migrants are perceived through the prism of ethnic and gender stereotypes, including the sexualisation of migrant women and the prevalent belief that they are employed in low-status jobs. This backdrop prompts questions about their subjectively perceived social mobility and interpretations of pivotal events that formed successive stages in their lives, such as internal or international migration, marriage or parenthood.

The article is structured as follows. The initial section outlines the theoretical framework of the study and looks at how intermarriage impacts social mobility trajectories, concisely reviewing existing research. Subsequently, an overview of the utilised data and methods is provided. Then, the empirical sections capture the broad aspects of the social positioning of intermarried migrants by examining their perceptions of opportunity structures in Ukraine and Poland, since contextual explanations, such as differences in economic development and information about inequalities, matter for the self-assessment of social location. Furthermore, the main pathways of mobility are described along with the factors identified as crucial for this process extending beyond conventional dimensions of research in this field, which are typically measured separately in terms of occupational, educational or income attainment. The concluding section discusses the contribution to the current body of knowledge on mobility experiences in non-western countries.

The Social–Spatial Mobility Nexus and the Role of Intermarriage

Two forms of mobility – spatial and social – have long been a subject of scholarly inquiry, examining the intersection of geographic and social locations. However, over the decades, in migration studies, the notion of social mobility has often been equated with the integration of individuals or descendants of migrants motivated by the perceived potential to achieve higher incomes. There has been an underlying presupposition that upward mobility constitutes a prerequisite for integration or assimilation. Furthermore, classical theories entirely overlooked the differentiation of economic conditions and post-war changes in the occupational structure in the host countries, leading to the oversimplified assumption that mobility was primarily an individual responsibility of migrants who enjoyed equal opportunities according to meritocratic principles in modern societies. Given the dynamic nature of these changes, it becomes challenging to accurately gauge whether an individual has undergone advancement or professional decline. Recognising the subjective interpretations individuals attribute to the shifts in social milieus thus remains crucial in open and fluid societies (Folkes, 2022; Friedman, 2014; Lawler and Payne, 2018; Lizama-Loyola et al., 2022).

Only in studies from the first half of the 1990s did the possibility of downward mobility begin to be considered (Gans, 1992). However, integration and mobility remained analytically inseparable, and the groups with whom migrants and their descendants integrated were treated as monolithic entities. Furthermore, in classical theories of integration and assimilation, intermarriages were considered the best direct indicator of integration, which more recently was the subject of various well-developed critiques (Charsley et al., 2020; Rodríguez-García, 2015; Song, 2009; Törngren et al., 2016). The current examination of the assumed link between intermarriage and integration was accompanied by a noticeable shift in the public discourse on integration towards culturalisation, diverting attention from factors such as labour market dynamics, education, housing, social welfare and improved economic prospects to concerns surrounding cultural diversity and emancipation of women.

A different angle on exploring the nexus between mobility and intermarriage, known as the status exchange hypothesis, derives from assortative mating research and the Davis-Merton hypothesis, stating that members of ethnic and racial groups with low social standing entering into marriages outside their group offer high economic status to partners in exchange for their low social status (Davis, 1941; Merton, 1941). Within the framework of the economic theory of marriage (Becker, 1991), this phenomenon is described as the exchange of valued market and non-market resources.

Migration studies provide an additional perspective on it. The increased prevalence of intermarriages may signify a decrease in the distance between majority and minority groups but also indicate earlier experiences of marginalisation and obstacles faced by migrants with uncertain legal status in the labour market in the host country characterised by a restrictive migration regime (Guetto and Azzolini, 2015). Legalising the stay based on marriage with the citizen may thus be seen as an opportunity to improve migrants’ socio-economic prospects.

Despite a growing qualitative tradition within social mobility studies often following the Bourdieusian conceptual framework (Friedman, 2014; Sepúlveda, 2023), internal and international migrants’ experiences of social mobility have been less of a focus in the recent literature (Boese et al., 2022). The topic is still rarely addressed, especially in the context of migration in Central and Eastern Europe and post-socialist societies (Crăciun and Lipan, 2020). However, there are notable exceptions in studies that explore the coping mechanisms employed by female migrants experiencing downward mobility in the domestic and care services sector and ‘contradictory class mobility’, the term coined to describe the trajectories of female migrants who attain higher incomes through domestic work in western countries but undergo a decline in social status despite their often high levels of education (Cederberg, 2017; Parreñas, 2001).

Nevertheless, the realms of migration and mobility studies persist as intertwined yet predominantly distinct domains of literature, as illustrated by the call for a broadened approach that renews attention to several overlooked inquiries, including the relationship between migration and social mobility (Lawler and Payne, 2018). In this article, I aim to explore how the intersection of intermarriage and spatial mobility affects people’s subjective experience of intragenerational social mobility, trying to capture the heterogeneity of trajectories and the growing diversity in migrants’ social and educational backgrounds within the context of post-socialist societies, where individuals transitioned between social positions across two distinct socio-economic frameworks. To provide a multidimensional perspective on mobility, I conceptualised it as an evolving process of changing position in the system of coordinates defining the social structure, rather than a fixed outcome. This approach emphasises the need for a longitudinal outlook and includes two key heuristically identified dimensions: economic and social. The economic vectors of upward mobility refer to changes in income, wealth, education, employment status and living standards, leading to perceived greater financial stability and security, while the social dimension pertains to shifts in status positions and building fulfilling social relations and achieving enhanced personal stability and security within one’s social environment. Conversely, downward mobility results in less stability and security in both social and economic contexts.

Data and Methods

The article draws on individual in-depth interviews conducted in the Warsaw agglomeration from September 2015 to May 2016 with 40 Ukrainian migrants intermarried with Polish citizens. Additionally, four interviews with migrants engaged to Polish citizens were included as supplementary material. Interviewee selection was based on snowball sampling initiated at several independent points to avoid narrowing the circle of research participants to one social group or network. The sampling strategy was to capture the diversity of forms of differentiation among migrants in terms of migration trajectories (12 individuals moved to Poland due to marriage to a Polish citizen whom they had met before, 18 for educational purposes, 10 in search of employment and four for other reasons, such as accompanying family members). The sample covered 36 women and eight men (due to high gender asymmetry existing for years at a ratio of 8/2) aged between 22 and 65, ranging from low to highly educated (four participants with vocational education, six with secondary education and 34 with tertiary education, including five with bachelor’s degrees and two with PhDs) and with migration experience from three to 24 years. The interviewees were highly diverse in socio-economic terms (including 17 employed in different professions, such as teachers, clerks, healthcare and service workers, eight self-employed, 10 economically inactive due to parental leave, studies or retirement and nine individuals engaged in casual or temporary employment, such as translation work or partly covered by the official contract domestic service). Before arriving in Poland, 23 individuals were economically inactive as they attended secondary school or university in Ukraine. Nobody was unemployed, while 21 participants worked in various sectors and positions (marketing, banking, finance, textiles, catering, education, agriculture, commerce). Owing to the difficulties encountered in Polish offices in registering marriages contracted by homosexual couples in other countries, I did not include single-sex couples in the sample.

Interview questions focused on biographical issues and migrants’ positioning within the social milieu. One of the main assumptions was to follow the significance assigned to specific topics by the research participants and then deepen them to recognise people’s own terms of reference. Migrants spoke about vital conjunctures in their lives, reflecting their hierarchies of importance, giving meaning to migration and entering into mixed marriages according to their beliefs and values. Moreover, auxiliary visual tools were introduced to extend the analysis of subjective experiences of social positioning and mobility, both in the origin and receiving countries. The visual materials included the MacArthur Scale, a single-item measure that assesses a person’s perceived rank relative to others and five diagrams showing different types of society characterised by societal inequality (Appendix 1). However, the accompanying questions were not aimed at collecting numerical data on intragenerational and intergenerational mobility but at encouraging participants to reflect on the shape of the social structure, which is a highly abstract and multifaced concept (Irwin, 2015; Payne and Grew, 2005). There was also the invitation to contest the schematic drawings, transform them and propose new visualisations that better depict types of society in their country of origin and host country, following a suggestion to give interview partners interpretative freedom when faced with questions about class, social status and mobility (Friedman, 2014; Irwin, 2018; Lawler and Payne, 2018; Lizama-Loyola et al., 2022; Stock, 2023).

All interviews were conducted in Polish, transcribed without grammatical or lexical corrections (except for one interview due to lack of consent for recording) and then coded in the ATLAS.ti (version 7) software. The interviews lasted from one to two hours and 40 minutes. Coding involved two overlapping processes: initial (also known as open) and focused coding, aimed at identifying core themes and categories central to the research question (Lofland et al., 2005). Employing this approach allowed for both structural reading of the collected narratives, revealing the structural conditions that shape the actions taken by migrants, and cultural reading, which relates to the meanings assigned by participants to their individual experiences (Erel, 2007).

Perception of Social Stratification and Opportunity Structures

Understanding how individuals perceive social stratification and available opportunities and constraints within wider structures of inequalities is crucial for analysing patterns of social mobility, especially between different socio-economic systems (Rye, 2019). By exploring perceptions of social hierarchies, we can better understand how people assess their chances for advancement, which may be defined in broader terms than mere occupational or educational attainment, conceptualise their own place within these structures and navigate their mobility aspirations that can be fulfilled in their country of origin or abroad through intermarriage or other means.

Although research participants emigrated from Ukraine in different periods, a common denominator in their narratives was the emphasis on immense income inequalities characterising the social structure of their home country. They usually chose a chart resembling a large base column topped by a capital (type A). Some interviewees even enlarged the base of the figure to illustrate a society composed of a great mass situated at the lowest part of the social hierarchy, with relatively few middle layers and an elite mainly consisting of oligarchs. The critics of the extent of inequality in terms of an uneven distribution of opportunities and economic prospects were commonplace across the sample and mirrored the national data (Simonchuk, 2020: 59). Thirty-four-year-old Nina, for example, who came to Poland for postgraduate studies in 2005, pointed to disadvantaged social strata:

It’s terrible. It’s indeed tough, and it’s a paradox. Ukraine has very rich and very poor people, while there’s not much difference in the middle. The opportunities are comparable if you’re a little higher or lower in that middle column.

This absence of a robust middle class, which is considered a symbol of successful political and social transitions in post-socialist states (Ryabchuk, 2015; Simonchuk, 2020; Tomescu-Dubrow et al., 2018) and a driver of prosperity and economic growth, can prevent many individuals from reaching their potential or improving their financial standing, regardless of personal merits or efforts, thus shaping mobility patterns.

Some interviewed migrants opted for slightly more balanced models, comparing Ukrainian society to a pyramid (type B) or a shape very close to it (type C). What they have in common, however, is that most of society consists of people in the lowest parts of the social hierarchy, described by study participants primarily in economic terms, echoing the Weberian distinction between class and status (Chan and Goldthorpe, 2007). In their narratives, individuals’ social positioning was predominantly shaped by their economic standing. An excerpt from the interview with 37-year-old Oleksandra, who in 2005 came to Poland for postgraduate studies, where she met her husband, is a showcase example of the discrepancy between status and economic position that can lead to feelings of failure and motivate people to seek better prospects abroad, where the perceived potential for social and economic advancement may be greater:

The status I had was supposedly high on paper, only I couldn’t touch it. What’s the point of having a status, hanging around a former foreign minister, having recognised lecturers come to us, attending conferences when I can’t even buy a pair of shoes for that conference? I’m just unhappy with life and feel humiliated.

Oleksandra’s trajectory is also an illustration of the complex dynamics of spatial and social mobility as her initial internal migration from Lviv to Kyiv, rather than providing opportunities for advancement, highlighted the structural barriers to upward social movement within the context of her country of origin. First, the structural conditions in Kyiv were harsh at that time. The salaries offered in the public sector were insufficient for newcomers, while slightly higher wages in the private sector were only partially covered by employment contracts, prompting persistent instability. In such cases, occupational prestige took a back seat and did not compensate for economic deprivation exacerbated by the ostentatious displays of excessive wealth prevalent in the city. Second, the linguistic landscape of Kyiv at that time significantly differed from Lviv, which was perceived as the cultural capital of the Ukrainian-speaking population. As a result, Oleksandra recalled living in Kyiv as a period dominated by a sense of alienation despite a solid national identity, which highlights how social mobility is shaped not just by economic factors but also by social and cultural capital, whereby the latter may be assessed differently even within one country.

Furthermore, study participants contrasted the structural composition of Ukrainian society with the times of the Soviet Union, indicating increasing polarisation as a 55-year-old labour migrant, Gala, who came to Poland in 2005 explained: ‘There are no such people in the middle, as it used to be.’ The reference to a shared biographical experience of the collapse of the Ukrainian economy and subsequent economic crises in the 1990s after Ukraine’s independence was a common topic that emerged prominently in the data. However, the perception of historical discrepancies (Gugushvili, 2017) was shared not only by those who were economically active at that time but also by younger interviewed migrants who vividly recall the times of successive crises. Permanent uncertainty and deteriorating living conditions were presented by the interviewees as formative experiences that bolstered their resilience in the face of migration challenges. Participants contrasted the resourcefulness and industriousness attributed to Ukrainians with what they described as Poles’ inclination towards an ‘easier life’, despite adopting the ‘shock therapy’ approach to economic restructuring in the 1990s in Poland. In these accounts, Poles do not demonstrate as much determination to improve their living conditions as migrants from Ukraine, regardless of the motives for migration. Contextual discontinuity was thus presented as an experience underlying the aspirations of Ukrainians for social and professional advancement and success in these fields that can, however, be achieved abroad rather than in the country of origin.

When the participants were asked about the composition of Polish society, the majority chose more balanced models, like type C resembling a pyramid, except that there are slightly fewer people at the bottom or diagram D depicting a society in which most people are in the middle. The interviewees also pointed to more egalitarian social relations and greater stability of the system and social strata, juxtaposing them with the subsequent crisis triggered by the war in 2014, which contributed to the renewed impoverishment of Ukrainian families. Heavy industry and infrastructure destruction compounded existing issues in the Ukrainian economy, such as declining gross domestic product (GDP), hryvnia devaluation, decreased foreign trade and rising inflation. The subsequent political and economic upheavals brought unemployment, mass internal migration and increased uncertainty about the possibility of satisfying existential needs, thus exacerbating social inequalities. For some interviewees, these factors were crucial to consider when evaluating subjective social standings, extending beyond occupational mobility and prestige to encompass the overall quality of their life and well-being rooted in feelings of security and fulfilling social relations (Boese et al., 2022; Friedman, 2014; Gugushvili and Präg, 2024; Irwin, 2015).

On the contrary, if the interlocutors reflected on changes in Poland, they focused on a perceived increase in living standards and the development of infrastructure. However, some of the interviewed migrants suggested that their perception of the social structure in Poland can be skewed or incomplete due to jobs undertaken or their experience of living in the capital city. Forty-eight-year-old Olesia explained, for example, that as a domestic worker since 2006, she observed predominantly the lifestyle of people who could afford to employ her:

I lived with affluent families, so I didn’t see any poor people here. It’s only on TV that they show so much that Poland is a poor country or a collapsed state, but I don’t see it. I don’t see any poor people here, like on TV, that they are undernourished.

In other cases, underestimation of the extent of inequality in Poland resulted from patterns of homophily that structure network relations, limiting the information migrants receive (Bottero, 2005). Polish partners’ social position and their homogeneous social network may not provide sufficient information about inequality across different segments of society or when considering regional disparities.

While Olesia initially mentioned wealthy individuals, the collected narratives highlighted the middle class as a more significant reference category, which was considered more visible in Poland than in the interlocutors’ country of origin. Furthermore, the interviewed migrants emphasised quantitative (numbers and ratio) and qualitative differences (i.e. purchasing power and standard of living) when defining the middle class in both countries, echoing sentiments expressed by individuals like 33-year-old Tetyana, a migrant spouse who has lived in Poland since 2008:

This middle class in Ukraine and Poland is something completely different. Let’s say that my friends who stayed in Ukraine are now middle class. After some years, they hold high positions and salaries but can afford less than someone who earns less here in Poland. Put another way, a person who lives in Poland and earns less can afford, let’s say, the same amount as a person living in Ukraine and earning a lot.

When evaluating social mobility in Poland and Ukraine, the interviewees referred not only to the economic conditions but also to their agency within the context of changing social structures and the meritocracy they perceived in Poland and widespread ‘cronyism’ in Ukraine (Veira-Ramos and Golovakha, 2020). Even interlocutors flagging the discrimination of foreigners indicated the opportunities available for newcomers in the labour market in the capital city. In most of the analysed assessments, the position achieved in Poland by migrants hinges both on their diligent effort and determination to pursue self-defined goals, as well as on competencies comprising formal qualifications and proficiency in the language. The focus on hard work was also a rhetorical device for fear of being accused of making a marriage of convenience and abusing the system.

The interviewees also touched on the topic of ‘contacts’ presented as social capital, the value of which is based on mutual trust among individuals, not in terms of nepotism. Thirty-two-year-old Mariya, who met her husband through the owner of the flat she was renting 10 years ago, summarised: ‘It’s good to have connections here, but determination and self-discipline are enough to achieve something. Having an idea for oneself is crucial in Poland.’ Contrary to expectations, the role of Polish spouses in the career development of the interviewees was limited to assistance with paperwork or single cases of employment in their family business as they had limited professional networks and resources through which migrants could find employment commensurate with their qualifications or cultural capital. Thus, some interviewed migrants used bridging social capital instead of bonds inside the family established with the Polish citizen to enhance their social positioning.

Self-Assessment of Social Location and Main Pathways of Social Mobility

Although (inter)marriage is a vital conjuncture in the lives of individuals, its significance varied in the analysed trajectories, which spanned labour, educational and marriage migration. It should be noted, however, that the original purpose of their migration did not define how the participants perceived their social mobility. Instead, they aligned it with their own definitions of success and failure constructed in relation to their social contexts and diverse priorities and motivations that guide individuals’ actions and decisions.

The data gathered revealed that intermarried migrants employed three main lines of argumentation to define measures of advancement and degradation, demonstrating that these concepts extend beyond simple occupational or educational attainment (Boese et al., 2022; Duru-Bellat and Kieffer, 2008; Gugushvili, 2021). The first group of narratives centred on personal life, particularly fulfilment within family and social relationships. Here, the interviewees framed failure or decline broadly, emphasising the inability to form meaningful personal connections, such as starting a family. The second group focused on economic success, defining it primarily in terms of work and career aspirations while associating decline with taking jobs below one’s qualifications or facing financial difficulties. The third group highlighted the balance between professional fulfilment and family life, with failure described as missed opportunities.

The intermarried interviewed migrants, who came to Poland for work or education, often described their initial position after arrival as quite low. However, they generally reported a gradual improvement in their social standing over time, commonly choosing the middle position in charts depicting the social structure of the host country and establishing the identity of the ‘ordinary’ citizens (Irwin, 2015; Savage et al., 2001). Assessments of the evolution of migrants’ positionings over the years were primarily related to perceived differences in the standard of living between both states and opportunities in the labour market that allowed them to support themselves in Poland and their families in Ukraine. Initially, their reference groups were family and friends back home, as illustrated by 29-year-old Anna, who came to Poland in 2005:

If we go back to those 11–12 years, it was a success that I left Ukraine, went to university, and was able to make a living as a cleaning lady or babysitter. It was a great achievement for my friends.

After years spent in Poland, interviewed intermarried migrants evaluated their position within social structures by comparing themselves with the socially near others, seeing themselves as part of the consumer middle class that leads a ‘decent life’, which was interchangeably used in the collected narratives with notions like ‘peaceful’, ‘normal’ or ‘easier life’. These findings resonate with recent analyses of migrants’ aspirations from post-socialist states (Crăciun and Lipan, 2020), emphasising the importance of finding a job that provides for one’s family and offers stability and predictability.

However, intermarried migrants reflected on their upward mobility not only through improved earnings but also through language proficiency and positive, respectful social connections with Poles outside of the spouse’s family, highlighting the social dimension of ‘moving up’ and adaptation to the new social environment. The significance of the social dimension in assessing social location is illustrated by Olesia, who was still working as a domestic worker: ‘I’ve gone up a bit, haven’t I? I earn better. I’ve learned the language, not very well, but at least I can speak.’ Another example that highlights the social dimension of mobility is the trajectory of 54-year-old Svitlana. Her upward movement was largely shaped by leveraging patron–client relationships and securing better jobs through personal recommendations. Despite being encouraged by her employer to pursue further qualifications and explore opportunities in another sector where her knowledge of Ukrainian and Russian would be valuable, Svitlana’s deep bond and loyalty to her employer during difficult times led her to remain in the domestic care sector as she concluded: ‘I couldn’t leave her’, emphasising the importance of belonging and connectedness.

Meanwhile, many of the interviewed migrants who had decided to migrate due to marriage to Polish citizens had a stable occupational position in Ukraine and succeeded professionally. After marriage, they gave up their jobs but had limited ability to gain new employment beyond elementary low-skilled occupations in Poland. Consequently, the change of country of residence entailed initial downward social mobility in terms of perceived status and a lower standard of living shortly after their move. For example, 40-year-old Olena, who has lived in Poland for 11 years, described her migration decision as ‘giving up a better life’, explaining: ‘As much money as I was earning there, I was not earning in Poland yet, I could say.’

However, migrant spouses arrived in Poland with aspirations that extended beyond a single dimension. In some cases, marriage migration served as a way to balance personal and professional life in line with the already established definition of success. Despite acknowledging setbacks and adversity, the interviewed migrants emphasised the role of individual agency, understood as their efforts to overcome limitations. These attempts to navigate structural barriers and initial setbacks manifested in three main pathways of upward mobility aligned with their definitions of success and advancement, leading not only to improved employability and rebuilding their social position but also enhanced personal stability and ontological security, as described below.

Mobility through Changing Legal Status

The process of obtaining legal residency or citizenship, often facilitated by intermarriage, frequently acts as a form of social mobility in itself in a restricted migration system outside the EU as it provides access to basic rights and social services and, thus, a greater sense of stability. This is particularly significant given the time-consuming and stressful nature of securing successive residence permits, as illustrated by 31-year-old Liliana, a labour migrant who met her husband after arriving in Poland. She summarised her experience: ‘Now I already have citizenship, so it’s enough. Well, finally, you can breathe a sigh of relief.’

Furthermore, the acquisition of rights through intermarriage mitigates the uncertainties associated with undocumented migration and facilitates official employability. However, marrying a citizen of the host country and securing legal status does not necessarily translate into immediate or improved labour market outcomes. For example, the aforementioned Liliana, who has lived in Poland for 12 years and been married to a Polish citizen for nine of those years, had only worked fully legally for the last four years. Initially, she was employed in the domestic and care services sector. Encouraged by one of her employers, she pursued a bachelor’s degree and, upon graduating, transitioned to formal employment aligned with her education. She continued working in the care sector as a nanny, but this time under a formal contract.

Pragmatic considerations were prominent in the narratives of migrants who decided to undergo naturalisation as part of their broader strategy for advancement. In several cases, the labour market challenges faced upon arrival motivated interviewees to apply for Polish citizenship as soon as possible, as it could enhance their prospects for employment in the public sector or securing a permanent contract. Additionally, the type of employment contract is a significant factor for banks when considering long-term loan applications, making it an important consideration for intermarried migrants when weighing the benefits and drawbacks of naturalisation.

While intermarriage can facilitate upward mobility by providing legal recognition and opportunities for integration, the process can involve a series of negotiations and setbacks that challenge the linear model of vertical mobility. Olesia’s story epitomises this multidirectional process influenced by factors such as legal barriers, gendered labour markets and the need to balance economic survival with family responsibilities. Arriving in Poland in the late 1990s, she married a Pole, but their marriage ended two years later, soon after their daughter was born in Ukraine. Hindered by her first husband’s resistance, Olesia struggled to obtain a Polish passport for her daughter, leaving her in uncertainty. With limited job opportunities in her hometown, she could not adequately support her child and retired mother. Unable to bring her daughter to Poland, Olesia spent years circulating between the two countries, working in the domestic sector due to its flexibility. Only through her marriage to her second husband could she regularise her residency status and reunite her family in Poland, marking a significant leap in subjectively perceived advancement.

Nonetheless, it is important to highlight the increasing number of marriages where Ukrainians living permanently in Poland marry Polish citizens. In these instances, formalising the union does not necessarily involve obtaining a permanent residence permit and is not considered part of a settlement strategy, contrary to what has traditionally been emphasised in the literature (Górny and Kępińska, 2004). However, the migration regime may accelerate couples’ decisions to marry, primarily due to difficulties in crossing borders and obstacles in obtaining a residence permit. In those cases, the perception of progress arises from a sense of security essential for achieving greater stability.

Mobility through the Usage of Cultural Capital

The second identified pathway of social mobility was utilising cultural capital, particularly through linguistic fluency, as a competitive advantage in the labour market (Cederberg, 2017; Erel, 2010) or adaptation to the new social environment. This strategy was used by migrant spouses who, after arriving in Poland, tried to find a job, intermarried migrants graduating from Polish universities as well as labour migrants seeking better employment conditions in the service sector.

While marrying a Polish citizen provided significant opportunities for practising and improving language skills, several interviewees still assessed their proficiency as inadequate for securing better job prospects. They pointed to various structural barriers, such as the lack of organised, open forms of childcare and their limited social networks, combined with gender role attitudes concerning motherhood and the division of domestic and care work in families. These factors constrained their opportunities for language acquisition, particularly for those who primarily spoke Ukrainian or Russian with their spouse at home. In these cases, knowledge of these languages was a major component of cultural capital that enhanced employability, especially since the legal framework and procedures related to the recognition of education and professional qualifications place intermarried migrants at a disadvantage, making it difficult for them to have their qualifications recognised and to access opportunities that match their skills and experience.

Language proficiency was perceived primarily as a prerequisite for finding a white-collar job, which was challenging at the time of the interviews, even for migrants holding degrees obtained in Poland. Oleksandra, who completed her postgraduate studies in Poland and had been living here for 10 years, explained it succinctly:

I do have limited opportunities here. I have a specific sector where I can navigate and look for a job, for example, where I can use the Russian language. Maybe I have a complex about it. I don’t know. On the other hand, I feel more confident and comfortable in fields where Russian or Ukrainian is used, doing something that Poles cannot do. Then, when I feel competitive, I can somehow exist there.

However, the multicultural labour market segment, where linguistic skills and intercultural competencies were advantageous, was relatively underdeveloped at the time, even in larger Polish cities. Furthermore, previous studies have reported that this sector offers limited career development prospects (Liversage, 2009), while the assessment of migrants’ knowledge of a particular language and culture depends on the broader socio-political context (Erel, 2010). Nevertheless, cultural capital extends beyond knowledge of the culture of one’s country of origin. Migrants also activated other resources they could leverage in the labour market, often including knowledge of other languages.

Mobility through Entrepreneurship

Another pathway of upward mobility as well as a means of coping with language issues and structural problems, such as discrimination in the labour market and scarce availability of flexible employment beyond low-skilled and low-wage sectors, was starting one’s own business. Despite having valid documents confirming their right to work, foreign spouses of Polish citizens often faced reluctance from employers due to a lack of knowledge about their legal entitlements and related concerns about their employability. Consequently, the pursuit of upward mobility through self-employment was a response to social exclusion, regardless of gender (Lawler and Payne, 2018). Furthermore, particularly for migrant wives, it was also a way to balance professional fulfilment with family life. For example, 32-year-old Nadiya, who moved to Poland in 2010, saw migration and entrepreneurship as opportunities to bring more harmony between these spheres, a goal she found difficult to achieve in her country of origin:

I admit I was fed up with corporate life and wanted a break. Maybe it wasn’t reasonable. Maybe it was better to go to work and then take maternity leave. I didn’t know Polish then. I hardly knew it at all. So, I knew I wouldn’t get a great job there. [. . .] When I moved here, I thought it was the chance that life gave me and that I definitely wouldn’t return to any corporation.

Alyona’s trajectory, arriving in Poland in 2005 as an 18-year-old bride, further illustrates this process. Four years into her marriage, she secured a position in a call centre serving Russian-speaking customers, taking this time to adapt to her new social environment and learn the Polish language. She also used this gap to finish her studies in Ukraine but discovered that converting her qualifications to ascend into better market positions would be very costly. This barrier prevented the translation of her educational capital into labour market opportunities. After the birth of her second child, she decided to start her own business unrelated to formal education to reconcile childcare, domestic duties and professional work. Self-employment afforded her greater control over her schedule and financial independence, as she emphasises: ‘Just sitting at home, doing nothing, I can’t imagine that. It can’t be that only the guy earns, and then I depend on him.’

Conclusion

Understanding migrants’ intragenerational mobility requires a departure from the conventional linear paradigm that focuses primarily on vertical movement within social strata. Instead, a multidimensional approach is essential to capture factors influencing the mobility patterns of individuals positioning themselves in divergent social stratification systems that might be based not only on economic inequalities but also on non-class forms of social divisions, such as gender and ethnicity (Anthias, 2001).

The study revealed that migrants’ perception of place in an unequal and hierarchical society is not solely dependent on an assessment of one’s material position, challenging the assumption that they are driven mainly by a pursuit of economic benefits. The findings suggest that understanding mobility requires not only examining the roles of intermarriage and agency but also considering the middling tendency in subjective social location (Evans and Kelley, 2004; Irwin, 2015), underestimation of the extent of inequalities in Poland and the perception of the social system as more open and meritocratic than in the country of origin. The interviewees often compared themselves with others based on consumption and belief in accessibility of consumer practices rather than occupation. This tendency may be reinforced by the prevailing neoliberal discourse on the middle class covering different occupational categories and lifestyles and the simultaneous absence of the working class from the repertoire of social identities in post-socialist countries (Stenning, 2005). Paradoxically, although the narratives emphasised Poland’s meritocratic principles, suggesting opportunities for advancement, the frequent reliance on self-employment as a pathway of social mobility indicates that the social system may be less open than migrant narratives depict.

The analysis shows that the trajectories and mobility pathways of intermarried migrants are heterogeneous and influenced by their definitions of success and failure. Accordingly, migrants engage in varied strategies, such as obtaining legal residency or citizenship, utilisation of cultural capital and pursuing self-employment to enhance employability, social standing and stability. These strategies demonstrate that mobility is neither straightforward nor linear. Instead, it involves continual negotiation and response to the structural constraints. This study, therefore, provides a more nuanced understanding of mobility within the post-socialist migration context, emphasising the need to consider stability and security in both social and economic dimensions.

Given recent structural changes, it is crucial to note that the research was carried out during the crisis stemming from the war in Donbas. Such critical events highlight that perceptions of social location may evolve in response to major disruptions, underscoring the importance of considering temporal dynamics when studying mobility (Gugushvili and Präg, 2024). Future research could build on this study by employing panel (both qualitative and quantitative) or cohort surveys to track how migrants adjust their strategies and aspirations in response to critical events like pandemics, wars or economic crises. Such research would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of mobility as a dynamic process shaped by the interplay of structural conditions, individual agency, employed definitions of success and failure as well as external events.