Transnational monasteries: The economic performance of cloistered women

Abstract

Monastery research not only throws light on little-known aspects of Christianity in Africa, but also can make an important contribution to the understanding of the processes of social change and debates on globalization in African societies. The contemplative orders develop alternative economic forms, interact with their local environment, and build transnational networks or integrate into them. They emerge as local and transnational actors, change in the course of these processes, and contribute to the social change in the societies in which they participate. This interaction is the focus of the article, which is based on the analysis of a case study, a Benedictine abbey in Koubri, near the capital of Burkina Faso, Ouagadougou.

Introduction

The anthropological research carried out on Christianity in Africa has largely neglected monastic life. I would like to draw attention here to the fact that monastery research not only throws light on little known aspects of Christianity in Africa, but also can make an important contribution to the understanding of the processes of social change and to debates on globalization in African societies.

Sociological studies of monastic life are less common than historical ones. However, it is possible to draw on a few fundamental studies of the ‘consecrated life’ by the founding fathers of sociology. ¹ Most of the current sociological and anthropological studies on contemporary nuns, which focus not only on the structural organization of the orders and their relationship with the state but also on the individual motivation of the ‘religious virtuousi’, the internal functioning of the institutes of consecrated life and their relationships with society, consider active convents; few explore the contemplative orders. ² As examples of research on contemplative Catholic nuns, I would like to refer to two recent studies: Roselyne Roth-Haillotte’s ethnographic study on contemplative nuns in France (2008), and Isabelle Jonveaux’s thesis on the economic forms of contemporary convents in Europe (2011).

These studies clearly demonstrate that Catholic orders and their cross-border activities initiate changes in religion and civil society, just like the Pentecostal churches, Muslim prophets and charismatic Catholics. However, recent transnational religious research has largely ignored the study of Catholic nuns. In the context of the research on globalization, many authors focus on the role of the Pentecostal churches, which are analyzed as a global religion per se (Hoeber Rudolf and Piscatori, 1997; Meyer and Geschiere, 1999; Corten and Marshall-Fratani, 2001; Fourchard et al., 2005). However, Catholic sisters are exploring new ways of engaging with and on behalf of society, not only in West Africa but throughout the world. They are doing this with the help of transnational networks and through their involvement in development cooperation.

Although it is not possible to provide a comprehensive presentation of the social-scientific literature on African female religious convents here, and particularly the contemplative orders in Africa, it may be stated that this literature is generally scant and refers to neither the current transnationalization debate ³ nor the discussion about the interaction between religion and development. ⁴ This contribution, which is empirical in its orientation, connects with the theoretical debate about the multi-layered relationship between religion, development, and globalization.

The contemplative orders aim to live at a considerable remove from societal normality. However, in order to be able to survive materially as a community, they successfully develop alternative economic forms, interact with their local environment, and build transnational networks or integrate into them. They emerge as local and transnational actors, change in the course of these processes, and contribute to social change in the societies in which they participate. This interaction process is itself the focus of a larger research project that analyzes networks of different monastic traditions, their economics, and social change in three West African countries. As the project is still in its early stages, I will present here only a single case study. A Benedictine abbey in Burkina Faso is studied in relation to the following questions: How have transnational links been established since the foundation of the abbey? What are the conditions that enabled the abbey to become economically independent and remain so? Can the abbey be interpreted as a pioneer or model for sustainable development in Burkina Faso?

Hence I would like to focus on three thematic complexes: (1) transnational networks; (2) the monastic economy; and (3) societal change generated by the establishment of a monastery.

Monastic networks between Europe and Africa: The example of Koubri

With few exceptions, monasteries in Africa have been established since the 1950s, mainly in response to the request by Pope Pius XII in 1957 that the European orders spread to non-European countries (Encyclical Fidei Donum). However, the resulting monasteries are not equally distributed across the continent. Former Zaire and Tanzania attracted a particularly high number of monks and nuns, followed by the coastal states of the Gulf of Guinea and, finally, the landlocked states of West Africa (Gavrand, 1990: 9). Burkina Faso’s first monastery was established near the capital Ouagadougou (30 km away) in 1963. This Benedictine abbey in Koubri is used as a case study in my research. ⁵ At present (in 2013), 26 sisters and 5 novices live at the nuns’ abbey, while the nearby Benedictine monks’ abbey is home to 23 monks and 4 novices. ⁶

The history of the foundation of African monasteries presents a distinctive network structure. A similar structure is to be found in the abbey in Koubri, which was founded by the Abbey of Notre Dame de Protection in Valognes (Normandy, France). Three sisters from Valognes established the new community in response to a request by the then bishop, Paul Zoungrana. Their charisma is based on acceptance of the love of God through intercessionary prayer and community life and work. One of the founders still lives there today. At 87 years of age, she is the abbey’s oldest inhabitant; the youngest is 33. The abbey’s first four African nuns are over 70 today and the average age of the African sisters is 47. The nuns arrived in Koubri a few months after the monks. The founders of the monks’ abbey came from the Benedictine monastery of Toumliline in Morocco, which, in turn, originated from the Subiaco congregation of the Abbey of En-Calcat in France. Hence, Koubri can be described as a twin monastery; the male and female Benedictines live in spatial proximity. Together they own over 200 hectares of land ⁷ , but they farm it separately. The monks’ abbey has been run by an African abbot since 1985, and an African sister, Mère Henriette Wendbala Kalmogo ⁸ , has been in charge of the nuns’ abbey since 1991. When a new abbey is founded, the abbess is appointed by the mother abbey; she can be replaced by an elected abbess as soon as the new convent has 12 sisters who have taken their perpetual vows. In the case of Koubri, the appointed abbess resigned, and Mère Henriette was appointed by her co-sisters in 1991. The founding abbess, Mère Marie Hamel, died in 1998. Although the abbesses are appointed for life, they generally resign at an advanced age.

The monastic networks of the various orders follow different patterns. The large Benedictine family is a federative association, within which the individual abbeys enjoy considerable autonomy. ⁹ Connections with the founding abbeys and with the Benedictine federation are close. Since 1961, all member congregations of the Benedictine federation can obtain support for their projects from the Alliance InterMonastères (AIM). Without the financial support of the mother houses and the federation, the new African abbeys would not be able to survive.

At Koubri, the abbess and four sisters form the Abbey Council. All of the sisters who have taken their final vows meet each week to discuss and decide on all matters concerning the community, for example the acceptance of postulants, the introduction of a new economic activity, the acquisition of materials, and travel. The abbess is responsible for the final decisions and all of the sisters must comply. ‘A Benedictine monastery is very democratic! We try to take everyone’s opinions into account. This takes time but once something is decided, everyone moves in the same direction – even those who were of a different view at the outset!’ (Sister Brigitte, interview, May 2010).

The development of monastic networks is influenced by the opposing forces of transnational mobility and geographical stability. The stability imperative that binds women to the same community for their entire lives is upheld to a greater or lesser extent depending on the role of the sisters within the community. The novice mistress, for example, travels to other West African abbeys for two months each year to supervise the novices there. The representatives of the Communio Internationalis Benedictinarum (CIB), the internal association of Benedictine women, travel to the association’s annual meetings. ¹⁰ Individual sisters, in particular the abbesses, participate in visits to other Benedictine abbeys. Several sisters are always touring other abbeys to provide support to new communities, participate in meetings, or complete further training courses. In addition, in the course of their religious lives, each of the sisters spends around one year in the mother abbey in Valognes. Despite visiting Koubri on numerous occasions, I never found the entire community together.

In addition to the Benedictine network, the Koubri abbey has links with various Catholic and secular organizations. A businessman from Ouagadougou acts as an advisor to the administrator and all of the abbey’s accounts are audited by the AIM. Several secular NGOs provide support for the abbey’s yoghurt factory and the new spirulina production operation in the form of consultancy, personnel, and material resources. ¹¹ These NGOs unite many individual initiatives in the context of town partnerships, school projects, and youth exchanges and save the abbey from having to negotiate with multiple partners. The Burkinabe charity Organisation catholique pour le développement et la solidarité (OCADES) also supervises the spirulina cultivation in Koubri. The abbey also cooperates with an agricultural network, the Centre International pour le Développement Agro-Pastoral. ¹²

Monastic economy in Koubri

During the first ten years of the abbey’s existence, the Koubri nuns tried out various activities to secure their material existence: breeding laying hens, selling fruit and vegetables, running a guesthouse and a photocopying service for the diocese, and making liturgical vestments. However, they managed to survive in this early period only through the contributions of the mother house and private donations. ¹³ It was only with the development of their yoghurt production, which they launched in the early days of the abbey’s existence, that they succeeded in attaining financial independence. ¹⁴

Three typical forms of monastic economy may be found in Koubri today. The first is subsistence farming, with the barter or sale of surplus produce. The second consists of domestic production, which includes craft/artisan and agricultural activities originally intended for subsistence, the scale of which assumes a level that enables constant sales (for example, mango production in Koubri). The third form of monastic economy is one with expressly commercial objectives: this often involves external companies in which the monks or nuns participate in a variety of ways. This commercialization is essential to secure the livelihood of the religious community. The Burkinabe Benedictine nuns’ abbey shop, guesthouse, and yoghurt operation all belong to this category of monastic economy. The guesthouse is open to tourists, Catholic groups, priests, and individuals seeking repose and tranquillity. The nuns sell their own produce and that of other Benedictine abbeys and monasteries in the abbey shop. In principle, the choir and kora music CDs recorded by the nuns and a film about the history of Koubri are also sold at the shop; however, these must be obtained online, as the nuns’ own CD stock is exhausted and they only sell the remaining video-tape recordings. The stock is not organized systematically and depends on goods being brought back from other abbeys by travelling nuns. The yoghurt factory, in contrast, is a rationally organized operation, though its location has given rise to certain restrictions.

The nuns started yoghurt production in 1964 in the cloister, not realizing that it would become such a big operation and further employees would be required. In the beginning they used a small machine, which produced only six tubs at a time. They worked with this machine for ten years because they did not want to take out a loan for major investment. However, increasing competition prompted the abbey to invest first in a refrigerated truck and, ten more years later, in an industrial yoghurt-making machine. With this acquisition, the artisan operation was transformed into one of Burkina’s biggest yoghurt factories. ¹⁵ In the early years, fresh milk produced in Burkina was used to make the yoghurt. Today, however, the yoghurt is based on imported powdered milk. ¹⁶ This alleviated the problems posed by the storage of fresh milk and meant that interruptions in production could be avoided. Moreover, the powdered milk is imported by the state and subsidised by Europe and is, therefore, cheaper than local fresh milk. The nuns are criticized by various parties for this practice, as the labelling of their yoghurt as Yaourt du Burkina (‘Burkina yoghurt’) does not clearly indicate the origin of the milk, but this is the only way that the nuns can market their yoghurt at a competitive price. ¹⁷

Apart from the sisters (five of whom work full time and all of the others part time to varying degrees), five permanent workers are employed at the yoghurt factory along with two drivers and around ten female casual workers. The yoghurt is distributed from two large warehouses in Ouagadougou. The distributors are contractually linked with the abbey and comply with its wishes for the business; for example, there is no television or radio advertising and customers must be treated respectfully. The nuns describe the structural changes in the yoghurt operation over the years as complicated and risky, and say that they only accepted them out of material necessity.

We saw that the yoghurt business had been profitable for the monks at Boake monastery, but they did not invest in the business and it went downhill. So, to avoid this, we took advice from some priests and from traders in Ouagadougou. They all told us, ‘You have to invest’! We bought nothing for the first twenty years; then every ten years we moved up a level. (Sister Brigitte, interview, May 2010)

In both Africa and Europe, the monastic economy is located at the interface between informal economic activity and the industrial market economy. According to the Koubri nuns, yoghurt production is their most important source of income and it is a profitable operation, as it enables the community to cover its operating costs. They limit the operation to a level that is compatible with abbey life. For example, they decided against availing of tax relief from the state for a second major investment, as the tax relief would have been subject to the obligation to create new jobs and the nuns preferred not to increase the size of their external workforce. However, in the opinion of the abbey’s auditor the yoghurt factory is not economically viable and he has advised the nuns that they should diversify their economic activities. Koubri has therefore been investing in an innovative project for two years: spirulina, a microalga which is used as a food additive. Part of the spirulina production (10–20%) is earmarked for malnourished children and is made available at a subsidized price; the rest is sold on the commercial market with a view to generating a profit. The specific nature of the abbey’s economy emerges clearly here, and also the tensions within this special economy, which aims only to produce enough to cover the sisters’ own requirements but must nonetheless adapt to the surrounding consumer society. Market economy principles ultimately prevail to guarantee the material survival of the abbey.

Apart from the cellarer, the novice mistress and the Abbess, the 26 sisters in Koubri do not have specialized roles; each can do the work of any of the others. Despite being unprofitable, some aspects of production, e.g. the sealing of the yoghurt cartons, which is done by hand, are retained because they enable the older sisters, who are not able to operate the complex modern machines, to continue to participate in the production process. Nevertheless, the necessity of material survival meant that the ideal of a non-specialized division of labour, in which each member of the community is productive in line with her age and aptitudes and generates income exclusively for the abbey’s subsistence, has been consigned to the realm of utopia. External personnel now work alongside the nuns, as, according to the sisters from Koubri, ‘we can no longer do it alone. We need employees whom we trust and whom we know to be Christian in their behaviour’. The abbey needs external personnel and well trained sisters to manage the factory and the new employees. This is carried out within the Benedictine network, inter-congregational training centers or Catholic universities. This professionalization of the contemplative nuns is seen as a necessary sacrifice that enables them to assert themselves in the world as an economically viable community of religious virtuosi.

Since the launch of their yoghurt operation, the nuns have employed external personnel to deliver the products, as the sisters are bound to the cloisters and may leave only under exceptional circumstances. Since the extension of the plant, they also regularly employ women and girls, mainly from the surrounding villages, as casual day labourers. The employment of girls started as a social project to support the population during a famine. Today, it provides the abbey with access to cheap labour. Despite the low rate of pay, the work is more attractive to the girls than the alternative: moving to the nearby capital and working as a domestic servant. ¹⁸ The notoriously precarious position of servant girls from the country is discouraging. ¹⁹ The girls usually work for the nuns for a few months only, until they marry.

Integration of the monasteries into local society – social change

Although numerous studies on missionaries and the Catholic Church have clearly shown how the latter influenced their environment through their agricultural activities (Comaroff, 1991; Harries, 2007) – for example, through the introduction of new species or agricultural methods, the deforestation of large areas, and the resulting eradication of wild animal species – no such studies have been carried out for African monasteries. Burkina Faso, formerly the Republic of Upper Volta, was evangelized from 1900 by the White Fathers and White Sisters. ²⁰ These orders tried to finance their mission in a variety of ways and set up small industrial operations (e.g. a carpet factory), planted orchards with new species (grafted mangos, tangelo), and introduced previously unknown animal species (e.g. Merino sheep) to the country (Benoist, 1987). ²¹ These enterprises have since been abandoned or are no longer of economic significance. However, the species and technologies they introduced remain. Like the missionaries, nuns and monks have disseminated new methods and technologies, for example in the areas of architecture, medicine, engineering, and cattle breeding, and introduced new trade links. ²² Detailed social scientific studies on the economic and social changes to the surrounding population caused by the establishment of monasteries have yet to be carried out, however. With specific reference to the establishment of the Koubri abbey in 1962, such changes included electrification and dam construction, improvement of the roads, the establishment of three new villages close to the abbey, and an increasing curtailing of the bush. ²³ ‘St Paul is the place where we built a home for our first gardener and moved him in there with his family. People came to join them and the village is now known as St Paul, which was our gardener’s name’ (Sisters Odile and Marie, interview, December 2012).

The integration of the orders into global Catholic networks and their relationships with development aid organizations had a significant influence on their economic activities and their integration into the local society, as it was only with this support that the monasteries could develop activities that would help the local population. In one of the poorest countries in the world, all religious institutions, contemplative as well as active, are faced with the people’s daily requests for assistance and have to find acceptable solutions.

All of the land around Koubri is now farmed and it is highly sought after by the urbanites from the nearby capital. Between 2009 and 2010, the city of Koubri issued 161 certificates for rural land ownership, over half of which were made out to ‘new farmers’ from the capital. ²⁴ Since the foundation of the abbey, 120 dams have been funded by the monks and nuns to improve the cultivation potential of local farmers. ²⁵ Numerous farms established around the dams benefit from this irrigation service. Due to climate conditions ²⁶ , agricultural production in Burkina Faso, which is dominated by cereal and cotton cultivation, is subject to enormous fluctuations. Hence, dams, which enable consistent irrigation even during the dry period, are very important. The irrigated area of Burkina Faso has increased overall and is promoted by the state in the context of the national programme for the rural sector (MAFAP, 2013). ²⁷ The Koubri plane, which benefits from its rich soil, is now referred to as the vegetable, fruit, and rice supplier to the capital. The economic viability of the cultivated products, the demand for labor and the market possibilities in Ouagadougou have made this area an attractive arena for state initiatives, agro-speculators, and humanitarian projects. ²⁸ Using German aid, a group of nuns founded an infirmary in the vicinity, which was initially managed by a lay nurse before being handed over to active congregations (initially the White Sisters and then the Sisters of Saint Gildas). They, in turn, established contacts and opened up new financing options for building schools in the surrounding villages, operating school canteens, and procuring school equipment.

In contrast with the lack of scientific interest in African monsteries, international organizations like the World Bank and small NGOs have identified the potential of the monasteries as catalysts for economic development, and support monastic projects in the areas of sustainable development, food self-sufficiency, and the protection of biodiversity. For example, Koubri received support from an international programme (Global Environment Facility (GEF), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS)) for the conservation of biodiversity. While the land surrounding the abbeys is completely farmed, the remaining 232 hectares have been developed into a biodiversity reserve. ²⁹

Monasteries and development

This brief presentation of the economic aspects of the abbey in Koubri enables us to answer the question asked at the beginning of the article that remains unanswered: Can this abbey be viewed as a pioneer or model for sustainable development as argued by international organizations?

Sustainability means development that serves the needs of the current generation without threatening the capacity of future generations to satisfy their needs. Hence, the concept of sustainability coincides with the solidarity-based mission of Catholic orders who wish to counteract unhampered progress, which poses a threat to the future of human life and nature. According to their founding charisma, the nuns and monks oppose inhuman structures and developments through their lifestyle. However, monasteries are also subject to market conditions if they aim to sell their products at a profit. Therefore, the nuns in Koubri made a conscious decision to opt for the importation of subsidized powdered milk from Europe rather than use local fresh milk in the production of their yoghurt. This shows how profit-oriented strategic calculations can overlap and conflict with local development strategies. The Koubri nuns conceal this market-based decision by labelling their product Yaourt du Burkina, which does not tell consumers anything about the origin of the milk. While the nuns are very aware of the environmental problems around Koubri (in particular those caused by water pollution), do not use any chemical fertilizers or insecticides in their vegetable and fruit cultivation, and support responsible agriculture, they do not reflect (at least publicly) on the origins of the powdered milk and flavourings used to produce their yoghurt. Instead, they benefit from the general reputation of monastic production, which is associated with authentic, natural, and traditional raw materials and methods. ³⁰

With between 10 and 15 permanent jobs and a further 10–20 casual day positions, the yoghurt factory – and the abbey as a whole – are important employers in the region. Although the girls and workers are poorly paid – so that the nuns can keep the price of the yoghurt competitively low – their employment conditions are better than those that prevail in the informal sector. The unemployment rate among young people is particularly high in the big cities and their surroundings. While the national average is 15.4%, it climbs to 23.1% for the 15–29 age group (INSD, 2012: 59).

The schools and infirmaries have contributed to improving the lives of the local population. The new infrastructure around Koubri and its proximity to the capital have also resulted, however, in a huge increase in land speculation and prices. While the forest areas and the associated flora and fauna around the abbey and monastery have disappeared, it has been possible to conserve the abbey lands as a biodiversity reserve thanks to careful management. Hence, the picture that emerges regarding the sustainability of the social change initiated by the abbey is, at best, an ambiguous one.

Variables such as the size and age structure of the communities, integration into the local contexts, and networking with church and secular organizations are crucial factors that determine the survival and stability of the monasteries and abbeys. According to the nuns’ cautious statements about their economic situation, the abbey is economically self-sufficient today, as all of the community’s running costs can be covered by the income from the various activities. Thanks to the wide-ranging transnational links, the support of the mother abbey and the Benedictine network, the Koubri abbey has enjoyed this relative independence for over 30 years. However, new investments can still only be made today with the help of external finance.

This case study highlights two general trends. First, like the entire local Catholic Church, African monasteries are living communities which, unlike their European counterparts, continue to attract young people. ³¹ Nevertheless, like the local churches, they can survive only with the help of money from the North. The orientation of the contemporary transnational Catholic networks may have changed in terms of the mobility of the actors and ideas, but not in terms of the financial flows. ³² The second trend that can be observed from this example is the increasing recognition of religious communities by international organizations and NGOs. While the nuns from Koubri have emjoyed support from Benedictine and Catholic networks since the establishment of their abbey, the support from secular NGOs and international bodies is a relatively new development (since the 1990s). This period has also seen the general intensification of the relationships between large international financial bodies like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) with civil society and religious organizations, in particular (Haynes, 2013). The first meeting between the leaders of the different religious traditions and the World Bank took place in 1998 in the context of a debate on the concept of ‘poverty’ (Marshall and Keough, 2004: 16). Other development bodies followed suit regarding the integration of religious leaders in development programs; for example, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) in its collaboration with the Norwegian government. In 1999, the IDB initiated a programme entitled ‘Social capital, ethics and development,’ which involved economists, religious leaders, and former state leaders (Marshall and Keough, 2004: chapter 6). The impact of religious actors as development actors was also recognized by the British government’s Commission for Africa in 2005, while the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs established a forum on the topic of ‘Religion and Development Policy,’ thereby recognizing the powerful links between the religious and development networks (Ellis and Ter Haar, 2006: 352; Carbonnier, 2013). All of these organizations – that is, the NGOs, international bodies, and European and African governments – realize that the involvement of the religious and development sectors is necessary to find solutions to the current global crises and problems, in particular in the areas of health, the environment, and food self-sufficiency.

The NGOs and international bodies rely on religious groups to execute their projects, as the latter benefit from many years of experience and have proved to be responsible administrators. ³³ Catholic institutions, in particular monasteries, have a reputation for not associating local development with aggressive evangelization, as practised by some Protestant and Islamic groups. ³⁴ To the secular NGOs they therefore represent ideal partners for development. It was only through the cooperation of the nuns in Koubri that the NGO Terre solidaire was able to establish its spirulina project in just two years. With the spirulina cultivation, Koubri became involved in a new sustainable development project which is intended, first, to improve the food situation of the rural population, particularly that of the children, and, second, to provide the nuns with an additional source of income. Whether this project will meet the expectations and succeed in evolving into a model for sustainable development will only become clear in a few years.

However, it can be stated today that, through their wide-ranging economic activities, Koubri and other Catholic monasteries are integrating into modern society – sometimes reluctantly and sometimes willingly – and reaching audiences that they would be unlikely to reach through religious services and prayer.

Conclusion

Social-scientific research on Christianity in Africa has focused on missionaries, the clergy, and the Catholic Church and largely neglected the role played by nuns in contemporary African societies. Catholic convents are undergoing major changes due not only to the transformation of the Catholic Church but also to their multicultural composition and transnational connections. This constellation renders their analysis particularly informative for the research on aspects of the change in modern African societies. The mixture of formal and institutionalized networks within the monasteries enables the long-term development of a transnational space, opens new business opportunities, and initiates fundamental social changes in the local societies and local Catholic churches.

This article shows how African monasteries are changing their economic activities so that they can survive in a consumer society. The attempts by the nuns to reconcile market integration with the monastic ethos and to overcome the obvious contradiction between neoliberal business activity and religious virtuosity is leading to changes that affect their religious activities and have political and social impacts at the same time. Koubri may illustrate the way in which some Catholic female monasteries are becoming integrated into consumer society through their wide-ranging business activities – sometimes under protest and sometimes willingly – and are thus attracting an audience that they would be unlikely to reach through religious services and prayer.

This article also demonstrates how the spotlight in the context of development cooperation is shifting to the promotion of the religious representatives of civil society with a view to initiating or stimulating processes of change. This includes, for example, the United Nations’ support of the Burkinabe monastery in the area of biodiversity protection. The development industry selects religious partner organizations on the basis of its own criteria. However, the latter implement development strategies on the basis of their religious charisma. The case study empirically documents the otherwise much debated interplay of religious values and economic growth. While doing so, it pays considerable attention to the views of cloistered women on economics, which remain inadequately investigated in development studies.