Abstract
This phenomenological study explores the reintegrating experiences of nine prison torture survivors in the community of Gondar, Ethiopia. Data were collected through in-depth interviews and then thematically analyzed, revealing three major themes: the nature of reintegration, personal challenges of integration, and available supports for reintegration. The findings revealed prison torture survivors’ successful integration was based on their community social bonds. Poorly reintegrated prison torture survivors gradually become violent and committed other crimes. Providing community-based psychosocial support and well-organized social services is necessary for the well-being and sustainable reintegration of prison torture survivors into the community.
Introduction
Ethiopia has a long history spanning over thousands of years. With this rich history, the country has experienced numerous political administrative systems and leaders, some of which have negatively impacted the people of Ethiopia. While incarcerations, mass killings, detentions, and torture could perhaps be taken as the features of these regimes, ethnic-based killings, systematic discrimination, economic and political marginalization, and ethnic-based displacement have been prominent experiences of the Ethiopian society. Currently, Ethiopia is under political reform and is having to cope with the multifaceted consequences of the intergenerational traumas that have grave consequences in the lives of the victims and their relatives.
Torture is a deliberate, systematic, or wanton infliction of physical or mental suffering by one or more persons, acting alone or on the orders of any authority, in order to force the tortured person to yield information, to make a confession, or of any other reason (Gerrity et al., 2001). Amnesty International received reports of torture in 141 countries between January 2009 and May 2013 from all corners of the globe. Governments all over the world continue to violate international law by torturing people, despite the fact that 172 countries have ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that forbids torture and other forms of ill-treatment; 165 countries are parties to the UN Convention against Torture (Amnesty International Report, 2015). In Ethiopia, inmates were tortured mainly to extract forced confessions that could be used to incriminate them into alleged crimes typically regarding a connection to one of the groups that the government had designated a terrorist organization, and to gain information or merely as punishment (Association of Human Rights in Ethiopia, 2018; Ayele, 2019; Mulat, 2019). As a result, prison torture survivors experienced frustration, anxiety, stress, difficulty concentrating, depression, suicidal tendencies, fatigue, nightmares, signs of post-traumatic stress disorder, and feelings of hopelessness (Ayele, 2019). Long-term physical effects of torture were also evidenced by the manifestation of scars, headaches, musculoskeletal pains, foot pains, hearing loss, dental pain, visual problems, abdominal pains, respiratory problems, sexual difficulties, and neurological damage (Ayele, 2019). Thus, torture has long-term physical and psychological effects that persist throughout the life course (Ayele, 2019; Mulat, 2019), and such effects can be manifested in difficulties in transitioning back into the community after incarceration (Rolston & Artz, 2014).
Current government political reforms implemented in Ethiopia in 2018 gave the nation an opportunity to improve its appalling human rights record, one that has been tarnished by extrajudicial killings, torture, and other ill-treatment, as well as enforced disappearances among other grave human rights violations (Amnesty International, 2020). Notably among the reforms was the release of more than 13,200 inmates, including journalists, human rights activists, and prominent politicians under amnesty law (Amnesty International, 2020; Anteneh, 2021). However, inmate reintegration is a complex process of transitioning from incarceration back into society that involves adjusting and reconnecting to families, communities, work, and civic life (Bertulfo et al., 2016). Davis et al. (2013) found released inmates struggled to cope as they are released from prison and enter into communities uniquely different from the prison environment. Released inmates are faced with a myriad of challenges to readjust their lives (Brand, 2016; Chikadzi, 2017; Davis et al., 2013), and because of this, the prison torture survivors encounter barriers to obtaining access to safe, stable, and affordable housing and to achieving successful transitions, particularly in the labor market and social interactions (Harding et al., 2011).
Released inmates fare poorly in the labor market and experience high rates of non-employment and low earnings if and when employed (Chikadzi, 2017; Looney & Turner, 2018). Unemployment and low earnings expose them to a higher risk of poverty and frequent periods of homelessness and housing instability (Brand, 2016; Harding et al., 2011). Due to their history of incarceration, released incarcerees have lower prospects for employment, higher work rejections, an increase in discrimination, and difficult retaining jobs (Esteban et al., 2014). Consequently, released inmates are less likely to enter the labor market (Chikadzi, 2017) regardless of their skills and qualifications as prospective employers view the hiring of formerly incarcerated persons as a risk not worth taking (Looney & Turner, 2018).
Additionally, research on the reintegration of former inmates has identified several psychological, emotional, and social difficulties that overshadowed life after imprisonment (Brand, 2016). For example, Western et al. (2015) examined former inmates’ stress and hardship after prison, and found former prisoners were exposed to severe material hardship, anxiety, and feelings of isolation accompanied by extreme material insecurity. Further, Chikadzi (2017) found released inmates struggled to reintegrate into the community due to a broken family and community relationships and lack of aftercare services. Smith-Meryy et al. (2019) pinpointed the lack of communication between systems as an additional barrier during reentry. In their systemic narrative review, Mathlin et al. (2022) explored individual, interpersonal, and structural factors associated with successful community reintegration.
Like that of the released inmates, Gondar inmates are confronted with social, economic, and personal obstacles in attempting to transition. In addition to the effects of incarceration, prison torture survivors, who also have the experience of the effects of torture, are more likely to encounter barriers to reintegrating into the community. Thus, there is a profound challenge to reintegrate released inmates and to achieve a better understanding of the reintegration process. That is, what are the most effective tactics for reducing these reintegration challenges and supporting prison torture survivors’ adjustments to life outside of prison? Therefore, this study aimed to explore the following: (1) the reintegrating experiences of prison torture survivors into the community of Gondar; (2) the challenges prison torture survivors faced in the process of community reintegration; and (3) the opportunities supporting the re-entry of prison torture survivors into the community.
Method
This qualitative study employed a phenomenological research design (Creswell, 2007) in order to examine prison torture survivors’ perceptions and understandings of the world, with a specific focus on their lived experiences (Langdridge, 2007) related to community reentry and reintegration post prison release. Ethical approval for the study was obtained from the Ethical Review Board of the College of Social Sciences and Humanities, University of Gondar. This included obtaining informed consent of the participants, maintaining confidentiality, and ensuring voluntary participation of the participants, with the option of removal from the study at any time without recourse.
Setting and Sample
This study was conducted in the city of Gondar in Northern Ethiopia. According to the Cooperation for Victims Association (2019), there were 243 prison torture survivors who experienced torture at various Ethiopian prisons who now resided in Gondar, thus making Gondar an opportune location in which to solicit the experiences of prison torture survivors. Purposeful and snowball sampling methods (Gray, 2004) were employed to solicit released inmates who had experienced torture in various Ethiopian prison centers, yet who were residing in Gondar at the time of the study. Inclusion criteria were individuals who resided in Gondar, identified as female or male, who experienced prison torture (physical and/or psychological), and were able to communicate relevant descriptions of their reintegrating experiences. A total of nine prison torture survivors participated in the study. The sample size was deemed appropriate for phenomenological studies where the general aim is to solicit between 3 and 25 participants (Creswell, 2007; Polkinghorne, 1989) with sampling ceasing once saturation had been reached (Hesse-Biber & Leavy, 2006).
All participants identified as male and the majority (n = 6) reported being between the ages of 32–40 years. The majority (n = 6) of participants’ highest level of education was primary education, with two participants holding university degrees. All resided in Gondar at the time of the study. Yet, their place of birth spanned across various zones of Gondar of Ethiopia.
Data Collection
Using a semi-structured interview schedule that was prepared in Amharic (local language) and in English, face-to-face individual interviews were conducted between January and March of 2021. The interview consisted of collecting respondent background socio-demographics before queries regarding their community reintegrating experiences. Example questions included: What supportive services did you receive to help you reintegrate into the community after being released from prison? What challenges did you face in integrating into the community after being released from prison? Near the closing of the interview session, each participant was asked to add any final comments and to draw a conclusion of their reported experiences.
The interviews took place at the Cooperation for Victims Association where a coordinator introduced the researchers, with the participants in a secure and confidential setting. After a period of rapport building, a discussion of ethical considerations, and with the participants’ informed consent, the interviews were audio-recorded. As well, the interviewer recorded hand-written comments and notes during the interviews which lasted between 53 and 120 min. A series of second interviews took place with five of the nine participants in order to clarify information and/or collect missing information. A final interview (2nd or 3rd interview) took place in order to present the preliminary findings from the data analysis and solicit their reactions, comments, and conclusions based on the preliminary findings.
Data Analysis
The data were analyzed using the following six steps of thematic analysis as detailed by Braun and Clarke (2006): (1) Familiarizing yourself with the data—The researcher listened to each audio recording. The audio recordings were first transcribed in the Amharic language and were then translated into English. This process was strengthened through re-reading the transcribed notes and listening to the recorded information in order to garner the original meanings of the participants’ ideas. The researchers verified the accuracy of the translation by re-reading the translated data while listening to the audio recorded data; (2) Generating initial codes—Initial codes were identified as a feature of the raw data that could be considered meaningful towards the phenomenon of the study; (3) Searching for themes—the initial codes were collated and sorted into potential themes that encapsulated the essence of the phenomenon of the study. After organizing the main themes and sub-themes of the study, codes that did not seem to belong were accepted and incorporated through constructing miscellaneous categories to house codes; (4) Reviewing the themes—the themes were reviewed in relation to how they fit into the respondents’ overview experiences of the phenomenon; (5) Defining and naming themes—The themes were examined to determine their relevance to each other and to the overall phenomenon, which resulted in three major themes and six sub-themes.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness aspects of dependability, credibility, and transferability of the qualitative data analysis and findings were strengthened by: (1) creating an audit trail of the data analysis and a thorough description of the data using thick description and direct quotes from the participants; (2) engaging in prolonged engagement through two or three interviews with them; and (3) using member checking to solicit their review and feedback on the final themes (Lincoln & Guba, 1986; Shenton, 2004).
Findings
The findings are presented along the three main themes that emerged from the data: (1) The nature of reintegration; (2) The personal challenges encountered by prison torture survivors; and (3) The available supports of prison torture survivors to reintegrate into the community. Each theme, along with the six sub-themes, is explained in detail below with supporting quotes from the participants.
The Nature of Reintegration
Study results indicated that the reintegration experiences of the participants varied based on their reputation and community connections. Participants who were not well-known in Gondar reported poor community reintegration. The government, as well as the community, did not create a welcoming environment for those men, and they subsequently experienced rejection at governmental and societal levels. Paradoxically, there were some who reintegrated well into the community. Both the government and the community created a welcoming environment for those well-known in their community as they were perceived as community heroes and defenders. Abera described this discrepancy in reintegration: When I was released from the prison, I didn’t get any support from either the government or from the community to lead my personal life like that of the rest of the community. I simply come from the prison and join the community without financial or moral support. Now, I am isolated economically and by other aspects of social activities because I am poor and if you are poor no one cares about your life after prison. Even the government didn’t give me any financial assistance so as to facilitate my reintegration smoothly. But if the prison torture survivors are political prisoners and have a strong social bond with the community, the community welcomes them as heroes.
“Well” Reintegration
For some participants, their reintegration could be classified as “well” as they were provided initial government capital and began to engage in income-generating activities, that not only helped the returnee, but family members as well. As a result, these well reintegrated individuals described their ability to focus on their business rather than reliving their prison torture experiences. Therefore, this involvement in generating income activities was beneficial for their economic reintegration, including being assigned a community role such as “negotiator” or “mediator.” For example, Amare articulated the following: Before I was imprisoned, I lived a better life since I was working at a garment store. After I went into prison, my life was very complicated up to losing my job. But thanks to the financial support given from the government, I started my previous business that was already interrupted and now I am becoming capable of leading my decent life like that of my neighboring community members. This helped me to focus on my private life and for the common good of my community than my bad previous experience in the prison. For me the community is very good at welcoming. They said to me, “you are our hero, so be courageous. We are with you in all aspects of life.” In the recent clashes between Fano and the government, I was assigned for serving as a mediator and negotiator between the two opposed groups. I am working as an activist for the society. The assigned community role was vital for me to be well reintegrated into the community to have a positive outlook. These tasks were very critical for me not to remember the torture experiences.
“Poor” Reintegration
For others, their reintegration could be classified as “poor,” particularly when they were not well-known in the city. These participants described experiences of losing hope, seeing no change in their lives, living in worse conditions, being unable to adapt to the changing social environment, and attempts to find a reason to be re-arrested because of feelings of pessimism. They described losing hope as they were not living with their families, without government and community support for the prison torture and survival experiences. Abera explained: After I was released from prison, I found everything is complicated. I lost hope because my family was broken up. I was fired from my job. Moreover, due to the physical harm (severe beating) my eyes do not see very well. Neither the government nor the society give me respect [despite] my eyes do not see very well. Neither the government nor the society gives me the necessary rehabilitation services. These and the other issues have worsened my life, [caused me] to lose my hope and made my reintegration difficult. Now, I gave up.
After some were released from the prison, they were unable to see any changes in their life, reporting the current government did nothing for them. Moreover, their living conditions were similar to their life in prison, and, in some cases, perhaps worse. Not only did these men experience poor reintegration into the community, they were also viewed as an additional burden on the community. Kelemu described: Now my current living condition is similar to the prison life I had before. Hence, life gets hard from time to time ever since I was released. Currently, I am living my life that is not worth living. Sometimes, I am scared. Since I have not seen a change in my life, and if this is the outcome of my sacrifice I paid for freedom, I am regretting this as a mistake as I am feeling I have done good for nothing. Consequently, I feel loneliness. Who knows if this worsening situation will continue, and my future will not be predictable since I don’t know what will happen in the future.
Attitude Towards Ex-Inmates
Participants who were not well-known in the city perceived their reintegration as distorted, with conditions not much different from their time in prison, particularly with the government's attitude of doubt. Again, the community's avoidance in communicating with them was like living in prison. Gashu articulated this experience: Life is hard ever since I was released from prison. When I came out of prison and joined into the community, things went awry. There was no change. The government looks at me with suspicion. I have no one to talk to when I am released from prison. There is bad labeling versus helping me to become a responsible member of the society.
After release, many felt like a foreigner, where some community members were kind and welcoming, but the majority were avoidant and distrustful. Such experiences led many to feel fear and shock, feeling like a stranger in the community. Because of the changing environment, they faced a challenge to adapt to this uncomfortable and unwelcoming social environment. For example, Getachew reported: After I was released, I felt like a stranger in the community. Some people had welcomed me and showed me a good attitude while some others has showed me a kind of skepticism. The shock and the fear, has been with me for a long time. Because I face unexpected and bad responses from the community and the government currently, I am uncertain about my life.
Denial
The respondents’ experiences revealed a denial of integration and acceptance by government and community levels due to their prior political affiliation. The government officially disseminated inaccurate information, reporting that released political prisoners were rehabilitated and functioning fully in the community. Yet, this disseminated information was not congruent with the participants’ reintegration experiences. For example, many were not provided or offered access to shelter and food; and reported that the government viewed them as a threat to the community. Alemu explains: The government reported that the released political prisoners were rehabilitated and functioned fully in the community. When I heard the news, I felt pity. It is like inserting a wood stick into my wound, which is more painful than the original wound was. They betrayed me. They even disseminated bad information for the community to perceive us as hostile toward them.
These experiences highlighted how the ruling government did exhibit a positive attitude toward prison torture survivors. However, they were instrumental in initiating and supporting their prison release. For example, the government purposefully formed a civic association with the mission of promoting the rights of prison torture survivors in the association and/or groups in order to promote positive changes for them. But, their experiences pointed toward outcomes in the opposite direction. Kindu explained: The government did not provide any support and follow-up service. Except considering me as an enemy, the government did nothing for me. In a technical and organized way, they were working for me to be ignored and hated by the community. They shoved me, pushed me into the abysm, and took me out of the game.
Personal Challenges of the Reintegration
In addition to the variability of their social experiences at prison release and attempts at community reintegration, the men also encountered personal challenges that impacted their ability to reintegrate. These personal challenges can be described under two sub-themes—biological and psychological challenges.
Biological Challenges
The participants described a number of physical conditions that impeded their adjustment and reintegration into the community, such as heart disease, eyesight problems, being sterility, and paralysis. Some of these biological challenges were a direct result of their prison torture. For example, the physical torture led to sterility and the inability to have children. Teshale described: They made a lot of torture on my testicles that I then became sterile. I have been beaten severely and tortured repeatedly. I have no choice right now. Some of my friends got married but I am still alone. Yes, I have no wife and cannot give birth to a child. Due to this, life after prison is meaningless.
Other participants reported difficulties with their eyesight or heart. During the period of imprisonment, these men lived in a dark housing which resulted in eyesight problems. For them, performing daily activities and functioning in the community proved difficult. Moreover, their torture experience caused damage to the heart for some, another challenge to engaging in daily life related to reintegrating into the community. Getachew described this difficulty: I stayed in the dark room for five months and fifteen days. After that, I went out and slept on the bed, which the light bulb was always on and it hurt my eyes. I cannot see anything without the support of eye glasses right now. I also have a heart problem. My heartaches right now for a little while because they have tormented me for so long. Due to this, now I get very tired when I travel the road again and cannot perform daily tasks.
Others described body part paralysis that limits their ability to accomplish daily tasks without pain. For example, one respondent had more pain and sleep difficulties when the weather conditions turned cold. These men could not work, thus creating a real barrier to living in the community. Kindu described the following: I was broken in prison when they hit me on the left side of my shoulder. I become paralyzed. I cannot sleep on my left side. My left hand is weak and it is not as strong as my right hand. Currently, I felt pain and suffering during the cold weather time. This physical ache challenges my daily life to work on the daily activity of human life.
Psychological/Personal Challenges
In addition to the biological challenges, respondents also described other psychological/personal struggles that impeded reentry and reintegration. Such psychological challenges included sleep disturbances related to flashbacks and fears about future life guarantees. When the participants recalled or were reminded of their prison torture, they reported feeling disturbed and bothered, leading to discomfort about concerns of community reentry. Abera explained: When I remember what happened in the prison, I become disturbed. I cannot even sleep now. My conscience does not rest. Regularly, I go to bed at eight o'clock at night, but still, I am not getting a normal sleep but, instead, bad nightmares.
During their imprisonment, the tortured prisoners were purposely insulted by detectives and staff officials, resulting in emotional, psychological, and moral harms. Thus, in reflecting on their time in prison, they felt disturbed and depressed. Kelemu described how these prison experiences and subsequent flashbacks have impacted his ability to reintegrate into the community: After insulting and beating me severely, they ordered me to stand naked against the wall, and when I cannot stand they insulted me ridiculously. They let me lie naked on my back, facing up. They inserted ragged sock and bad things in my mouth. They took pictures and videos of this savage practice; it was irritating. I remembered the whole situation and it's scary and it always disturbs me.
The majority of respondents felt little to no hope for their future lives, and feared telling their stories would result in attempts to re-arrest them or curtail their freedom. For these men, the reintegration process acted against having any dreams about the future and anticipating a fruitful blending into the community. Mr. Gashu depicted the following: After release from prison as I was thinking about my future, I felt empty. I also understand the distance from family life, because my parents were interrogated by the government officials. Then, I continued to question how I can manage my life in the future without hope for the future. And also, I did not tell the extent of my sufferings in prison time, because who will ensure I am safe from re-imprisonment? All these trigged me to think about my future and I developed frustration.
Available Supports for Reintegration
Some participants were privy to supports at prison release, ones that proved instrumental in their reintegration experiences. Several received assistance from volunteer associations, and others had financial support from friends. Alemu revealed the following: My family did not get a monthly salary since they’re getting too old. For the moment, my source of income is from my friends and family. It was very essential to mitigate my problem of torture faced in the prison for the reintegration into the community. Who knows if I didn’t get such supports, I might be obliged to commit crimes.
For others, community reentry was achieved through entrepreneurship and life skills training. Such opportunities enabled the men to develop positive self-esteem, the ability to set goals, communication skills for mitigating their problems, locations to share their experiences, and, most importantly, the value of helping each other. Amare explained: I get entrepreneurship and life skill training from the University of Gondar, which gave me hope after my release. I received training for three rounds for five consecutive days by getting daily allowance. [The training] did a lot to build prison torture survivors’ moral and psychological strength and to think out of the box about my reintegration into the community. And also, it helped me to set a vision for my future achievement in the community.
Finally, some respondents expressed the relevance of health facilities for easing the process of community reintegration. They described how the access of free medication from nearby public hospitals helpful in averting potential challenges. Yet, these alone may not be enough to successfully reintegrate. Gashu revealed: The University of Gondar facilitated free medication services for prison torture survivors at its specialized hospital which facilitated the free medication service. It was a good opportunity for us to reintegrate into the community. The presence of these supports was helpful to us, but the available opportunities were not sufficient for the successful reintegration into the community.
Limitations and Discussion
This study's findings should be considered against several limitations. First, the investigation employed a qualitative design that limits the extent to which the results can be generalized (Lincoln & Guba, 1986) to the larger population of prison torture survivors. Second, this study involved a short data collection period, so it is unknown how the participants continued to navigate their reintegration experience beyond the study. Despite these limitations, the research results have revealed variations in the socio-economic reintegration experiences of prison torture survivors in Gondar, thus revealing emerging data on a topic not explored in Ethiopia.
In particular, the research revealed that while some of the participants had good social bonds and were well reintegrated economically and socially in the community, others had weak social networks, yielding poor social and economic community reentry and reintegration. Similarly, Chikadzi (2017) noted that the transition of individuals released from prison confinement into society often manifested itself in psychological stress from adapting to a changing environment. As prison environments are characterized by habitual routines, readjusting to regular lifestyles on the outside can prove problematic without a directed reentry process. Yet, unlike Chikadzi's, this investigation found participants who were well-known in the city to be well reintegrated (socially and economically) into the community, including rejoining interrupted jobs, and/or being assigned community roles like negotiator, mediator, and activist. In contrast, there were those who were not well-known in the city who experienced poor community reintegration, the result of which was a loss of hope and aspirations for a future life, worse living conditions, difficulty adapting to the changing social environment, and an attempt to avoid re-arrest. The men also experienced rejection at both government and community levels, with the government actually disseminating inaccurate information about them. Relatedly, prison torture survivors did not receive respect or recognition from community members. This difference in the experiences of this study's participants appeared to be linked to the status they held in the community and their level of education.
This study additionally found the participants to experience a range of challenges for reintegration into the community that included physical/biological, psychological/personal, and economic, and social issues. Contrary to Chikadzi (2017), this research documented that prison torture survivors faced physical challenges including heart disease, eyesight problems, sterility, and paralyzes. The findings are consistent with those from Brand (2016) that showed released inmates experienced a range of psychosocial problems related to community reentry—feelings of alienation, mental distress, a loss of confidence, low self-consciousness, and reduced self-esteem. The respondents reported being confronted with psychological conditions such as depression, sleep disturbances due to flashbacks, and a lack of hope for a future life. Such psychological challenges greatly impacted former incarcerants in their efforts at community reintegration.
In contrast, Davis et al. (2013) and Opsal and Foley (2013), found ex-offenders perceived a higher ease of reintegration with the availability of employment, strong family and friend support, and personal motivation to change. As well, Ajala and Oguntuase (2011) acknowledge that the employment of ex-offenders was of key importance; jobs provided opportunities to expand their social network and enhance self-esteem and psychological health. Overall, employment enabled positive productivity and diversion from criminal behavior. Notably, the ability to find employment post incarceration is the most commonly reported obstacle for reintegration (Brinkley-Rubinstein, 2013). In this study, participants’ experiences included rejection by the hiring organization, tough bureaucratic rules to navigate for starting a business, loss of previous wealth, and no earnings potential. Esteban et al. (2014), Sangoi and Goshin (2014) and Western et al. (2015) all reported ex-offenders experience faded prospects for employment, common work rejection, and discrimination and trouble retaining employment. Thus, the current study also revealed that prison torture survivors without initial capital faced multilayer barriers to launching a business and securing financial security, impacting the ability to meet basic needs such as food, shelter, and clothing—summing up the economic challenges of reintegration into the community.
Despite these challenges, this study also revealed supports and opportunities to successful reintegration. In particular, respondents cited entrepreneurship and life skill training, financial and material assistance, and free health care service facilities. Although material assistance was somewhat available, it was inadequate and insufficient for fostering reintegration into the community. Brand (2016) revealed that released, re-entering inmates required particular help and supports to foster successful reintegration, which Davis et al. (2013) and Harding et al. (2011) reported to be assistance from family and friends.
Fontaine (2013) provided that incarcerated individuals with job and life skills, training programming, mental health counseling, and dependency treatment can overcome a number of the challenges at re-entry. This who received training (entrepreneurship and life skill), and had access to free health care services perceived more support for reintegration. Yet, overall, the available opportunities were still not sufficient to guarantee successful community reintegration.
Implications for Research and Practice
The results of the current study have exposed the lived experience (phenomena) of a sample of prison torture survivors’ reintegration into Gondar, Ethiopia. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study in Ethiopia which focused on the reintegrating experiences of prison torture survivors into their communities. Therefore, this exploration provides initial contextual and experiential data that can be explored in future research. Such investigations should be further expanded through qualitative research utilizing individual interviews over longer periods of time and focus groups to explore shared experiences. Additionally, interviews with community members and service providers could be beneficial in examining potential challenges and opportunities that other stakeholders both foresee and can provide.
There are also implications for social service providers who can assess the identified obstacles and opportunities expressed by study respondents. Suggested services include after-care consisting of employability skill training, counseling, supervision, accommodations, and provisions of tools. Additionally, social service providers can initiate and support connections with family and friends that incorporate the needs of the prison torture survivor while monitoring the risks and needs of family and friends in providing support. Social service providers should engage holistically with the prison torture survivor by examining the entire continuum of problems—physical, economic, emotional, social, and other aspects of life.
Psychosocial support is critical for prison torture survivors to transition into the community. Prison torture survivors can regain their dignity and resilience through rehabilitation programs tailored to their needs that have long-term consequences on the individual, community, and society as a whole.
Conclusion
The findings of the study provide evidence that prison torture survivors who were well-known and had strong social bonds in the city were well reintegrated socially and economically. In comparison, those prison torture survivors who were not well-known and had weak social bonds in the city were poorly reintegrated, and experienced the added element of rejection at both the government and community level. The investigation revealed that released prison torture survivors faced many barriers that complicated and exacerbated their reintegration in their communities. The respondents experienced biological, psychological, social, and economic challenges. Although some identified available opportunities such as training and free health services as supportive for reintegration, the available opportunities were inadequate and insufficient for the successful community reintegration of all prison torture survivors.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.