Abstract
This paper presents the research findings of a qualitative, in-depth interview study exploring the personal experiences and perceptions of a sample of 25 dyslexic police officers working in numerous police forces in England and Wales. Utilising the social model of disability, the present paper explores the impact of dyslexia on police officers when conducting different aspects of policing, including disclosure, recruitment, training, education, and well-being in the operational role. The findings highlight prevalent disabling attitudes, discriminatory behaviours, and a lack of reasonable adjustments within police services in England and Wales. The paper concludes with tentative suggestions for potential improvements and discusses future research directions.
Introduction
The issue of dyslexia in the workplace has gained increased attention from academic researchers in the past two decades (e.g., Alexander-Passe, 2015; Beetham and Okhai, 2017; De Beer et al., 2022; Moody, 2012). This increased focus parallels a more general move in the perception and understanding of disability, away from the traditionally dominant medical model to a more socially orientated model (Degener, 2016). This shift in language and perspective has led to greater recognition of the attitudinal and behavioural barriers faced by dyslexic individuals rather than viewing dyslexia as simply focusing on impairment (Clark 2014; Oliver 1990). While nursing has been at the forefront of research focused on the experiences and needs of dyslexic medical professionals (Collinson and Penketh 2010; Macdonald 2009; Skinner and MacGill 2015), other public-facing occupations, including those working in policing, are yet to receive the same level of academic research attention.
Within the Criminal Justice System (CJS), much of the extant research has focused on the experiences of “dyslexic service users” (e.g., witnesses and victims of crime) rather than on those professionals working within it (e.g., see Kirk and Reid, 2001; Macdonald 2012; Morken et al., 2021). While very few studies to date have explored the experiences of dyslexic police officers, the research in this area is still in its early stages (Macdonald and Cosgrove, 2019, 2020; Medhurst, 2020). It is hoped that the present paper will, in some way, serve to persuade others to focus research on the experiences of dyslexic police officers. There is, therefore, an essential need for research into the experiences and situations faced by dyslexic police personnel If perceptions and conditions are to be improved and needs better met.
The motivation for this paper stems from several factors. Firstly, changes in UK legislation, such as the Disability Discrimination Act (1995) and the Equality Act (2010), have brought extended legal protections to police officers with recognised disabilities. Secondly, incorporating some aspects of police officer education into higher and further education institutions in 2005 allowed police students with dyslexia to access support through the Disabled Student Allowance Scheme. Thirdly, Employment Tribunals have found in a growing number of cases, that dyslexic police officers had been unlawfully discriminated against by police services, namely, for failing to make Reasonable Adjustments (RA) as required by the legislation, as with, for example, Brooking v Chief Constable Essex Police (2008), and Paterson v Commissioner of the Metropolis (London Metropolitan Police) (2007). Lastly, the author has a personal interest as he was a serving police officer at the start of this study, who had been diagnosed as being dyslexic whilst teaching at a regional police training centre. The author has also completed postgraduate studies which have explored dyslexia in the police training environment (Hill, 2005). Therefore, the author acknowledges that a call for more research in this area is personal.
The paper contributes to the broader understanding of dyslexic police officers’ experiences from recruitment, training, and the operational workplace. The findings of 25 in-depth semi-structured interviews with police officers diagnosed with Dyslexia are presented, exploring their understanding of dyslexia and disability, their dyslexic identity concerning disability, and their perceptions and experiences of disclosure within the police services in England and Wales.
Dyslexia and the law in England and Wales
To set an appropriate context for this paper, it is prudent first to examine dyslexia and disability legislation in the UK and the reported experiences of dyslexic police officers. Dyslexia is a term that has evolved over the years, with various definitions proposed by clinicians, educators, and academics (see Rice and Brooks 2004). For this paper, dyslexia is understood to be a socially constructed and sustained condition, representing a natural variation in the population (Hill, 2013;15 and Cooper, 2009:64). McLoughlin et al. (2002:4, 2013) helpfully describe dyslexia in terms of primary and secondary characteristics whereby primary characteristics of dyslexia include difficulties with organisation, literacy, numeracy, and social interaction, and secondary characteristics encompass the emotional and affective aspects of the dyslexic adult, including stress, low self-esteem, anxiety, and frustration.
It is crucial to acknowledge dyslexia as a complex condition that manifests differently in individuals; no two dyslexic adults will share identical traits, experiences, or perceptions of dyslexia (Sanderson-Mann et al., 2012). This recognition is especially important when considering the experiences of dyslexic police officers, as police work is varied and also widely recognised to be stressful, even for those who are not dyslexic (Kirk and Reid, 2001; Alexander-Passe 2018; Cartwright and Roach, 2021; Violanti et al., 2017).
It is worthy of note that dyslexia was not initially included in the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) of 1995; however, after subsequent amendments, in 2003 and the Equality Act of 2010, protections and rights were expanded to include dyslexic individuals. Whether dyslexia should be considered a disability remains hotly contested despite the specific inclusion of dyslexia as an example of disability within the UK government’s guidance documents for the Equality Act 2010 (see GEO 2010). In fundamental terms, the medical model portrays dyslexia as a disability by focusing on impairment, what the individual cannot do, individual limitations, and a need for a cure. In contrast, the social model instead emphasises the disabling barriers society creates, which hinder and obstruct dyslexic individuals’ access to and enjoyment of education, recreation, and employment (Deacon et al., 2022). This paper adopts the social model perspective, highlighting ‘disabling barriers’ and the need for adjustments and accommodations to address the challenges experienced by dyslexic individuals. That is not to focus on what dyslexic police officers cannot do, but how policing and police forces can remove barriers that currently serve to obstruct the work of, and in some cases exclude, police officers with diagnoses of Dyslexia.
Police, discrimination & culture
Discrimination within the police service has been a subject of significant public and media attention since the introduction of the ‘New Police’ by Sir Robert Peel in 1829 (Reiner, 2010), with instances of bias, prejudice and discrimination coming to light more frequently in the digital age (Walker and Archbold, 2020). While this paper does not delve into the topic extensively, it is essential to acknowledge that discrimination exists within policing and is, at worst, an ugly aspect of police occupational culture. Examples of discrimination include but are not limited to Racism (Souhami, 2014), and Homophobia (Platt et al., 2022). Thompson (2020) reminds us that discrimination is not limited to individuals but often operates at the personal, cultural, and structural levels across societies, with the traditional argument of the one’ bad apple’ in the policing barrel having long since been rejected as an excuse or deflection.
In his seminal work on the psychology of discrimination and bias, ‘The Nature of Prejudice’ Gordon Allport (1954) suggests a five-stage model for explaining how prejudice can manifest from antilocution, avoidance, discrimination, physical attack to extermination (e.g., the Holocaust). Whilst it is easy to apply this model at the macro level to the events of the Second World War, it can also be applied at the micro level in modern workplaces where termination of employment can be understood in terms of extermination (Hill, 2013). It is therefore considered necessary that the experiences of dyslexic police officers be understood within the broader context of police occupational culture and its associated history of discrimination and bias.
In summary, this paper aims to contribute to understanding dyslexic police officers’ lived experiences by conducting an in-depth interview, exploratory, qualitative study. The core themes and experiences which are examined in this paper are the dyslexic identities, the participants’ experiences of disclosure to and within the police service, individual and organisational responses to disclosure, perceptions, and experiences of compliance with the Equality legislation and finally, the participants’ experiences of dyslexia in the operational police role.
Method
The primary objective of this research was to explore the experiences and perceptions of dyslexic police officers in England and Wales. An exploratory qualitative study was considered the most appropriate means of enabling a deeper understanding of the participants’ experiences. The research ethics committee of De Montfort University agreed on ethical approval for this study. The research employed two phases of data collection. In the first stage, qualitative data was collected through a specially designed self-completion questionnaire made accessible to potential participants in both paper and electronic formats (Braun and Clarke, 2019; Bryman et al., 2021:212). Consideration was given to the participants’ preferences and potential barriers to ensure inclusivity (Barnes, 2007; Oliver, 1990; Swartz, 2016). The questions were developed and piloted to confirm that the questionnaire was fit for purpose and sought background information about the potential participant.
The second stage involved conducting individual in-depth, semi-structured interviews across various locations in England and Wales (Bryman et al., 2021). This two-phase method aimed to gather rich, detailed, and authentic participant accounts. The questionnaire was designed to gather background data, including demographic, antecedent and career information. The data from the questionnaire informed the development of the interview questions. (Seidman, 2019; Denscombe, 2021; Bryman et al., 2021).
As the total number of adults in the UK with Dyslexia (diagnosed or not) is unknown (and perhaps is even unknowable), the potential population of dyslexic police officers in England and Wales is also unknown. One explanation could be that disclosure of dyslexia to employers is not mandated in law, given the lack of information on the number of dyslexic adults and dyslexic police officers in the UK.
Participants
This in-depth interview study recruited an initial sample of 30 police officers. The selection was made using non-probability purposive sampling (Layder, 1998; Denscombe, 2021) and snowball sampling techniques (Bryman et al., 2021; Denscombe, 2021). Two critical eligibility criteria were established: participants had undergone a formal dyslexia assessment and served as police officers in England and Wales. The police sample comprised diverse ranks, including Constable, Sergeant, Inspector, and Chief Inspector, from Home Office and non-Home Office police forces. Furthermore, the sample unintentionally included various demographic characteristics. Participants’ service lengths ranged from two to 23 years.
A total of 30 questionnaires were sent, and all 30 were returned, fully completed. However, five participants could not continue the study. Twenty-five individual face-to-face interviews were conducted over 6 months, with participants’ consent for audio recording (Bryman et al., 2021; Denscombe, 2021). The subsequent analysis involved transcribing and analysing the interviews and questionnaires. (Bryman et al., 2021).
The data analysis process was guided by Layder’s Adaptive Theory (2005) and informed by a cultural disability studies perspective (Macdonald and Cosgrove, 2019:14). Layder’s adaptive and domain theories provide a holistic framework for comprehending the social reality of dyslexic police officers, encompassing the domains of psychobiography, situated activity, social setting, contextual resources, power relations, and their evolution across time and space (Layder, 2006). The analysis process spanned over 6 months, allowing a thorough examination of the dataset. All participants were allocated a pseudonym.
Findings
Theme one - the dyslexic identity
Participants in this study provided various descriptions of dyslexia and how it impacts their private and working lives. Interestingly, most participants recognised that now all dyslexic adults will experience the same characteristics in terms of strengths and weaknesses: I believe it is a delay and some sort of complication or breakdown in the communication between my eyes and my brain. Which I think has caused me, throughout my life, to accept that I find things difficult so therefore unless it was imperative that I did something or remembered something, I would just not bother (Terry) It is a syndrome because every person has different symptoms; it affects them differently... And it is often coordination and a construction of the language as well. I find it quite difficult to say what I want to say and put it down on paper. I often say words slightly wrong because it comes out wrong rather than I meant to say something else (Ursula) I can spell a word, a simple word ten, write it ten times, but on the tenth time, it would be like a word blindness to me, and I will not be able to, just cannot think how to write it (Sean)
There are potential issues in the unadjusted workplace for those who experience spelling and communication difficulties; however, in most situations, technological devices and software, i.e. bodycam, digital recorders and spellcheckers on police laptop computers, can be used as reasonable adjustments to alleviate or remove many of these issues.
Participants’ descriptions and understanding of dyslexia can be linked to both the primary characteristics of dyslexia, as set out by McLoughlin et al. (2002). Interestingly, they identify the difficulties they experience as being internal and personalised, for example: It is like having a disfigurement. There is nothing you can do about it, and it cannot be operated on. There is nothing I can do about this (Ann)
In describing their understanding of dyslexia, the words and examples used are firmly rooted in the language of the medical model of disability (Oliver 1990). The language also provided interesting insights into the participants’ sense of self. There is also a connection here to McLoughlin et al. (2002) secondary characteristics of dyslexia concerning low self-esteem and low confidence in adults.
Theme two - dyslexia and disability
When it came to the question of whether the interviewees considered dyslexia to be a disability, participants were divided, which is unsurprising given the dominance of the medical model of disability in the United Kingdom. Whilst some were adamant that dyslexia is not a disability: No, I don't think it's a disability. I think it can hinder you in some ways, but I think there are ways around that. So no, I wouldn't say it's a disability (Richard) Erm, I wouldn't say disabled because you always associate that with… I consider myself to be dyslexic, not disabled (Justin)
Other participants were more pragmatic in their responses, especially those who were aware of the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 and the EA 2010: Let's be honest, disability in the year 2000 is what racism was in the 80s; it is what sexism was in the 70s and the 80s within the workplace. And disablism exists, and the theory of disablism exists. (Terry) Yes, because a disability is something which hinders person's ability to do something. So obviously disability, you think someone's disabled, they're in a wheelchair, but actually, being in a wheelchair hinders their ability to walk, and dyslexia hinders their ability to read and write. So, I would see it as a disability. (Matthew). Interestingly, even those participants who described dyslexia as a disability, many did so with caveats, reservations and or conditions, recognising the debate is nuanced and complex: I'm me, and I loath to say disability or condition because they have both got big labels on them (Richard) I think yes, in that the only way to get help is if it's described as a disability... if I want to perform at the best I can perform, then I need extra help with different things, and the only way to get that is if it's described as a disability, so yes (Adrian)
Adrian and many other participants conditionally accepted the label of disability only in so much as it should provide legal protections and access to reasonable adjustments in the workplace. At a time of austerity and with police numbers and resources significantly reduced, some participants could access support via the Access-to-Work scheme operated by Job Centre Plus (DWP 2023) in the United Kingdom. The language used in terms of dyslexia as a disability, in some ways, mirrors the language used in the dyslexic identity theme above; namely, it is predominantly the language of the medical model of disability.
Theme three - disclosure to the police service
All participants in this study had disclosed prior to the in-depth interviews. The participants’ experiences of disclosing dyslexia to their employing police services were generally negative. Many expressed frustration and disappointment with the lack of support and understanding they received after disclosing their dyslexia, even at the recruitment phase: “[arrived for recruit assessment centre]... As the woman said, I'm sorry ... you've failed. I turned around and said what about my dyslexia? And the look of horror on that woman's face was amazing; she went, what dyslexia? I went well with my application form. I put my assessment form... So I went away, came back three months later, and a funny old thing, there is me and another lad; I passed after having this extra time. (Ben) I wasn't given extra time (at the assessment centre); I was put in with other people, and I'd told them I had actually told them, and they didn't help me whatsoever. (Rachel)
Whilst there is no overarching legal requirement to disclose disability in the United Kingdom, disclosure is recommended to gain legal protections and access to reasonable adjustments; some described feeling pressure to disclose: Because if you don't [disclose], this job is very quick to say, well, you didn't tell us that... If you like, you build a rod for your own back because what they will do is they'll very quickly jump up and down and say, well, not our fault, nothing to do with us, you didn't tell us. So at least if the ball's in their court (Eddie) … I felt that because I'd been diagnosed and I had a report about this disability, it would be my almost duty to disclose it to the force to say, I've got a disability; I'm letting you know if I make any errors, I've told you about it, you're aware about it. (Adrian)
With limited exceptions, most interviewees described feeling and being supported during their initial training at regional police training centres, universities, colleges, and local police training centres. The Professional Development Units (PDU) or police district tutor units were the source of most participant complaints. The apparent lack of dyslexia awareness and or the requirements of the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (Amendment) Regulations 2003 (DDAAR 2003) and the Equality Act 2010 were identified as core themes. Two participants who attended the same PDU but over a year apart described similar experiences with the same tutor: The PDU police tutor turned round and said, well, although dyslexia comes under the DDA/EA, to me it's not really a disability, unlike my brother that's got spina-bifida or whatever he'd got. And I just sort of sat there and thought, hang on, if these are the people that are supposed to help me and that's their attitude, I've got no hope. I was quite upset because she'd made it out like, because she said, you know, we're aware that you've got it, but you can't hide behind it. (Eddie) Once I disclosed, I get, 'Well I can't see there’s, you know, there's no way that you're going to be able to do the job'. The next day, I got called into a meeting with the PDU police constable and my tutor, and basically, first of all, you don't have to tell us that you have dyslexia, but why didn't you? I said well, for the very reason that was demonstrated by this officer yesterday. I told her, you know, this was the issue, and she said, you know that there is no way that you will be able to do the job. All of a sudden, it was, oh no, I didn't say that; I said, I will do whatever I can'. I thought, oh no, you did not. But again, there's an officer with seventeen years of experience knows everyone there and is very good friends with the PDU team, her word against mine. I am the officer who's struggling, so I'm obviously looking to make excuses. So, OK, let that one go. (Peter).
These two quotes are typical of comments made by many participants in this study. The role of the PDU team is to assist the student police officer in transitioning from the classroom to the operational environment through a process of coaching, development and assessment (College of Policing, 2024). Despite legal protections, many interviewees reported being treated poorly, and decisions made about them were based upon prejudice, which manifested into discrimination (Thompson, 2011). Peter ultimately resigned from the police service shortly after the interview and returned to his former position as a senior manager in a multinational company. His resignation was directly linked to his treatment at the PDU. Peter was not alone in resigning from the police service; this is not surprising based on their accounts during the research interviews: Just give up, do yourself a favour and just resign… to be honest with you, you'll never make it as a bobby as long as you've got a hole in your arse. And some things like that, they stick with you, and I can remember, you know... and he's well known for it, a bit of a bully boy, and he just keeps being looked after (Sean)
Of the participants in this study, only one took their police service employer to an Industrial Tribunal and won their case. Details are not included here for reasons of confidentiality. It was the police federation representative that was tasked with supporting this officer who recognised the behaviour of some people within his force was potentially unlawful: My Federation rep said, I think you got pretty good grounds to take this to an Industrial tribunal... do you want to? And I go, “OK'. And it wasn't until we were sitting up in London talking to the solicitor dealing with it that she said, Right, we might actually be able to get some compensation out of this... It wasn't until that moment that I realised... all I wanted to do was make [the police] look up and say we are sorry; we are not going to allow this to happen to any other officer with dyslexia. (Ben)
Discussion
Overall, As can be seen in this final quote, the results indicate that dyslexic police officers have diverse understandings of dyslexia and its relationship with disability. Some but not all participants described dyslexia as a form of learning disability; others saw it as a means of accessing reasonable adjustments in the workplace, and for some, it offered legal protection. The experiences of disclosing dyslexia were predominantly negative, with participants facing a lack of support and understanding from their employing police services. The responses from the PDU staff were frequently described as being dismissive and unsupportive, leading to feelings of inadequacy and vulnerability among the dyslexic officers.
The participants in this study predominantly used language rooted in the medical model of disability to describe dyslexia. This language emphasises difficulties and deficits and reflects the medicalisation of disability (Tremain, 2005; Foucalt, 2003). Despite expressing confusion and a lack of understanding regarding the language used in assessment reports, the participants often adopted this language when discussing dyslexia. The stigma associated with dyslexia contributes to personal difficulties experienced by dyslexic adults, as argued by Fitzgibbon and O'Connor (2002) and supported by Clark (2014) and Goffman (1963).
The dyslexic identity is influenced by the language used to describe oneself and lived experiences, according to Layder (2013) and Goffman (1963). Interactions and engagements with others shape individuals’ identities, resulting in unique perceptions and behavioural responses. Participants in this study described entering the police workplace with low self-esteem and low confidence, partly due to being new and partly due to the stigma and assumptions associated with dyslexia. Most participants did not view dyslexia from an external or social model perspective and rejected the idea of dyslexia as a disability. They equated disability with mobility issues or impairment, ignoring social factors and barriers.
However, a few participants were conditionally willing to accept dyslexia as a disability to access resources and additional support within the Police Service. This acceptance was limited to the context of utilising resources such as the Disabled Students Allowance or Access to Work schemes and the legal protections provided by the DDAAR 2003; EA 2010. Some participants felt vulnerable due to knowledge of negative aspects of police culture, such as oppression and discrimination towards “others” and those who are different.
All participants disclosed their dyslexia to the police services they employed, and some provided assessment reports during the initial application stage. Early disclosure was strongly supported by Sumner (2015) as it facilitates open dialogue with staff and enables the implementation of reasonable adjustments. However, the study identified instances of bullying and discrimination throughout the police service, including negative behaviours from PDU officers. The experiences described by dyslexic police officers align with the discrimination faced by other marginalised groups in the police service, indicating a systemic problem rather than a localised one.
The experiences of dyslexic police officers are characterised by prejudice, bullying, and discrimination. Addressing these issues requires proactive measures at multiple levels. Awareness and training programs should be developed to educate police officers and staff about dyslexia and foster understanding and empathy. Clear policies and procedures are needed to handle disclosures of dyslexia, prioritising confidentiality, support, and reasonable adjustments. Leadership within police services must actively challenge and change negative aspects of police culture, promoting diversity, inclusion, and accountability for discriminatory behaviour. Collaboration with external organisations and experts can provide guidance on best practices. Further research is necessary to deepen our understanding of the experiences of dyslexic police officers and the effectiveness of interventions aimed at reducing prejudice, bullying, and discrimination. Large-scale studies with diverse samples are recommended to address the specific needs and challenges faced by dyslexic officers.
In conclusion, the experiences of dyslexic police officers in this study emphasise the need for change within police services in England and Wales. Prejudice, bullying, and discrimination have detrimental effects on the self-esteem and well-being of dyslexic officers. To create a more inclusive and supportive environment, it is crucial to address negative aspects of police culture, embrace the social model of disability, and implement comprehensive strategies that prioritise awareness, support, and adjustments for dyslexic officers and other marginalised groups.
