Illegal Drug Use by Police Cadets in Hungary

Abstract

Illicit drug use poses a particularly high risk among certain subgroups of society, including trauma-exposed occupations like police officers. Nevertheless, very little is known about the prevalence and types of illicit drug abuse among police personnel. This study aimed to examine the prevalence and patterns of illicit drug use among young police recruits (i.e., police cadets) in Hungary using a cross-sectional questionnaire-based online survey. Our results show that 16.9% of police cadets have ever tried illicit drugs. Drug experimentation was more prevalent among males than females, but the difference was not statistically significant. It was also found that perceived environmental drug use was the most important factor in explaining cadets’ drug experimentation. Drug abuse can significantly impact job performance among officers, and negatively affects the community’s trust for police. Therefore, drug abuse among police students and officers should be addressed as organizational and community-level issues requiring a holistic approach.

Keywords

police police students police cadet drug use illicit drugs

Introduction

According to the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the estimated number of drug users grew from 240 million in 2011 to 296 million in 2021, and this represented 5.8% of the global population aged 15 to 64 as of 2021 (UNODC, 2023). Although the figure includes the overall population growth, a 23% increase of drug users may concern policy makers and elected officials. The European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), the former European Union Drugs Agency, also estimated that approximately 83.4 million, or 29.0% of the EU population aged 15 and 64, have ever used an illicit drug (EMCDDA, 2022). In short, it would be no exaggeration to highlight that illicit drug use is one of the biggest challenges facing societies all over the world because such use can result in various individual, group, community, societal, and international harms, as the consequences may range from individual health problems to economic or social challenges (Fazey, 1991). For example, the misuse of illicit drugs is associated with an increased risk of developing a number of diseases and injuries (Degenhardt et al., 2004; Peacock et al., 2018). In addition, the economic impact of illicit drug use includes the direct and indirect financial costs associated with drug abuse and addictive behavior. More specifically, such costs are estimated to be in three principal areas: criminal justice, health care, and social services (US National Drug Intelligence Center, 2011). Furthermore, illicit drug abuse has a detrimental effect on the interpersonal relationships of users. As a result of substance use, neglect of responsibility often occurs, and this can lead to family and social disintegration, resulting in social isolation and further burden on social support systems (Yoganandham et al., 2024).

Illicit drug abuse is a particularly high risk among certain sub-groups of society, such as young people or trauma-exposed occupations. Substance use by young people, for instance, is associated with several types of psychological and social harm (Macleod et al., 2004; Shildrick, 2002). More concerning is the prevalence of licit and illicit substance use among trauma-exposed occupations, including firefighters, the army, health care personnel, and, most relevant for this study is, among law enforcement officers (Broadwater et al., 2021; Devilly & Varker, 2013; Irizar et al., 2021). In fact, prior studies have revealed that law enforcement officers are more likely to misuse alcohol and drugs due to the characteristics of their jobs, specifically the confrontational nature of the work and traumatic experiences as part of their work environment (Miller & Galvin, 2015). Such use of drugs and alcohol can have a significant implication not only for individual officers but also for the community because officers’ performance and productivity can be impacted by such behavior (Fox et al., 2012). In this context, the aim of this study was to examine the prevalence and patterns of illicit drug use among young police recruits (police cadets) in Hungary.

The prevalence of drug use varies over time, demographically, and geographically (Nicholson et al., 2016), and previous studies found significant differences between different social or occupational groups as well as specific patterns of substance use within professions (Bush & Lipari, 2015; Kiepek & Baron, 2017). Some of these differences can be explained by socialization processes and culture (Kiepek & Beagan, 2018). For example, legal or illegal substance use is a significant concern in trauma-exposed occupations, such as law enforcement. Research also suggests that police work comes with the potential for trauma and stress that may lead to maladaptive, unhealthy coping responses, including alcohol and other drug abuse or aggressive behavior (Cross & Ashley, 2004; Violanti et al., 2018). Police officers are also susceptible to incurring injury on the job, and many injured police officers begin taking potentially addictive prescription opioids to alleviate the pain from their injuries (Miller & Galvin, 2016). In addition, Miller and Galvin (2016) suggest that one in every ten officers misuse prescribed opioids months later without a medical indication.

The peculiar police culture and norms may also play a role in substance use by police officers. Across policing literature, police culture has been described as masculine (Workman-Stark, 2015), which emphasizes norms of strength, self-reliance, and infallibility. Thus, police officers are pressed to see themselves as problem solvers rather than people with problems (Violanti, 2007), and this cultural pressure can be an important factor for police officers to avoid seeking help and use alcohol or drugs as a coping mechanism to deal with their stress and mental health issues (Khumalo, 2021). On the other hand, such a masculine profession generally requires members to be part of a unique workplace, which can include substance use (mainly alcohol) and participation in workplace banter (Linklater, 2022). Ironically, the primary function of policing can also increase the risk of illicit drug use among police personnel. It is not uncommon for police officers to interact with criminals and illegal items such as drugs, and this exposure can make it possible for some officers to access illicit drugs and open the door to committing drug-related corruption. These activities include stealing from evidence lockers or storage areas where seized drugs are held, or keeping drugs seized during arrests for their own use (Carter, 1990).

Considering that police officers have always been held to a higher standard in most societies due to their specific duties and professional responsibilities (Barker, 2011; Kappeler et al., 1998), any form of addictive behavior is traditionally strictly undesirable in police work. Moreover, drug use by police personnel is prohibited by law enforcement agencies in almost all countries (Cubitt, 2024). Even though illicit drug use among police personnel also occurs, very little is known about the prevalence and types of illicit drug abuse and addiction in this population (Bradley, 2020). Data is either not collected or, if collected, it is withheld from the public (Mieczkowski, 2002). The available research is largely anecdotal and empirically weak (Brunet, 2003) or originates from countries with more liberal drug laws, such as the USA and Canada (Cubitt, 2024). For example, the last survey on illicit drug use among police officers in Hungary was conducted in the early 2000s. The results of this survey showed that the lifetime prevalence of illicit drug use was 9.9%. 3.7% of the survey participants had used drugs once, and 5.2% had used drugs twice or more. The prevalence of current drug use, that is, using drugs in the past 30 days, was a mere 0.2% (Ritter, 2004). Over the past two decades, however, no epidemiological data on drug use among this population have been available. In Hungary, a relatively strict, prohibition-based drug policy regime (Tihanyi et al., 2020), this punitive approach may have significantly impacted drug epidemiological research. Moreover, drug epidemiological data are particularly important among young adults, who face numerous risk factors related to health behaviors (e.g., stress, irregular lifestyle, lack of time, and various temptations) that can contribute to health-risk behaviors such as substance abuse, alcoholism, unprotected sex, criminal and other offenses, and other health-compromising behaviors (Thomas et al., 2024). Previous studies also suggest that young officers are at higher risk of illicit drug use and drug-related misconduct (Cubitt, 2024; Gorta, 2009).

In this context, the goal of this study is to examine the prevalence of illicit drug use among young Hungarian police students and the predictors of such use. Because of the prohibition-based drug policy, this is a rather sensitive topic in Hungary. Therefore, we have only limited and relatively outdated information on illicit drug use among sworn police officers or police cadets. The latest survey that focused on alcohol consumption and illicit drug use among Hungarian police officers was conducted in 2004 (Ritter, 2004).

Method

Data

A cross-sectional, questionnaire-based online survey was conducted among Hungarian police cadets at the Faculty (College) of Law Enforcement (FLE) of Ludovika University of Public Service (LUPS) in Budapest, Hungary. LUPS is the sole higher education institution in Hungary offering degree programs for law enforcement professionals. The program primarily serves the officer and criminal justice agencies, and officer recruitment is fulfilled through LUPS’s bachelor’s programs and part-time programs (Vári, 2019). Between January and April 2022, cadets of FLE at LUPS were invited to participate in the research (population = 417). They were informed that participation was voluntary and anonymous, and the survey’s aims, the procedure, and privacy policy were also informed. They also had the opportunity to ask questions about the research before participating in the survey. Subjects were notified that their participation in the research could be refused at any time, and data collection through online surveys was conducted in the students’ free time. The research was conducted in compliance with the LUPS’ Ethical Code (Code of Ethics adopted by the Senate of the LUPS by Resolution 32/2019 (VII. 10.), and this study did not require institutional ethical review board approval in accordance with institutional policies.

Due to the homogeneity and availability of the population, all student members at LUPS were invited to participate in the survey. Data were collected using a list-based sampling (LBS) procedure via email. Data were collected using an approved online questionnaire platform that complied with methodological requirements. This platform offered several advantages, including ensuring anonymity by not collecting location and other sensitive internet data (i.e., GPS and IP addresses), supporting diverse question types, and being accessible on various devices such as desktop computers and mobile phones. A total of 270 evaluable responses were received, resulting in a response rate of 64.8%.

Measures

Illicit Drug Experimentation/Illicit Drug Abuse

Illicit drug abuse was assessed using questions based on international recommendations (EMCDDA, 2002; EMCDDA, 2015; UNODC, 2019) and national research methods, such as ESPAD and NSAPH (Elekes & Domonkos, 2020; Paksi et al., 2021). Lifetime prevalence (LTP) was measured by one survey question: “Have you ever tried [illicit substance] in your life?” Last-year prevalence (LYP) was assessed with the following question: “During the last 12 months, have you taken [illicit substance]?” We measured current use (last month prevalence, or LMP) by asking, “During the last 30 days, have you taken [illicit substance]?” Separate questions were used for each of the following illicit drugs: (1) Marijuana, hashish; (2) Ecstasy; (3) Synthetic cannabinoids; (4) Amphetamine; (5) Stimulant-type novel psychoactive substances (NPS); (6) Cocaine; (7) LSD; (8) Mushrooms; (9) Opiates; and 10) Other illicit drugs.

For all questions, participants were given a choice of three answers: “Yes,” “No,” or “I do not know/I do not want to answer.” The survey focused only on illicit substances, and the legal status of substances was determined by Hungarian legislation. Therefore, it should be noted that cannabis derivatives (e.g., marijuana and hashish) are prohibited in Hungary. For example, according to the Hungarian Criminal Code, possession, consumption, and trafficking of cannabis are considered criminal offenses.

Pyramid of Illicit Drug Use

The pyramid of illicit drug use is constructed to illustrate the association between cannabis and other illicit drug use behaviors. When examining lifetime prevalence per drug, the roles different drugs play in the drug use structure are varied, and their spread forms a pyramid. The pyramid of illicit drug use demonstrates the extent to which the lifetime prevalence of the most widespread drug, marijuana/hashish, overlaps with the lifetime prevalence of other drugs. In other words, the pyramid of illicit drug use shows the proportion of individuals who have ever used marijuana/hashish and have also used other drugs (EMCDDA, 1999; Paksi, 2007a; Paksi et al., 2008).

Perceived Environmental Drug Use

Perceived environmental drug use refers to the perception of illicit drug use among family members, peers, or friends. This perception can provide important information for examining the patterns and potential risk factors of illicit drug use. Previous studies suggest that substance use by family members, peers, friends, and within one’s neighborhood may affect substance use behavior in adolescents and young adults (Bowker, 1976; Dembo et al., 1986; Schuler et al., 2019). Perceived illicit drug use was measured with the survey question: “Is there anyone in your environment (friends or relatives) who has ever used any illicit drugs?” Participants could choose from four answers: “No,” “Yes, but only one,” “Yes, more than one,” or “I do not know/I do not want to answer.”

Socio-Demographic Variables

Participants were asked to report their age, gender (male, or female), academic year, place of residence (capital, county seat, town, or village), religiosity (religious in some form, non-religious, or don’t know), romantic relationship status (single, or living in a romantic relationship), subjective socioeconomic status of their family (lower or lower-middle class, middle class, upper, or upper-middle class), and parents’ education level (primary education, secondary education, or higher education). Participants’ residential context was ascertained through the question “Where do you live?” and two subcategories were created for the response choices: capital residents and countryside residents. Countryside residents included participants living in a county town, village, or other town. For religiosity, two categories were created: “religious (in some form)” and “non-religious or don’t know.” The former meant that the respondent followed the doctrines of their religion or was religious in their own way. Participants’ romantic relationship status was measured by asking: “What is your marital status?” Respondents who were in a romantic relationship, married, or in a registered partnership were classified as “romantic relationship,” and others were recorded as “single.” The education level of parents was measured by asking: “What is your father’s (or stepfather’s)/mother’s (or stepmother’s) educational level?” Three categories were created based on parents’ educational level: “primary education” (primary school or vocational school), “secondary education” (secondary school), or “higher education” (college or university).

Statistical Analysis

Data were subjected to a Kolmogorov-Smirnov (KS) test for normality. Parametric and non-parametric tests were selected based on the results of the KS test (Sulewski & Stoltmann, 2026). In addition to descriptive statistics, the chi-square (χ2) tests were used to assess the relationship between experimentation of illicit drugs, abuse and socio-demographic variables of police cadets at LUPS. The association relationship between the test values was measured using the Cramer’s V (V) coefficient. Cramer’s V values of 0.1, 0.3, and 0.5 are considered small, medium, and large effects, respectively (In & Lee, 2024). Furthermore, binary logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the influence of sociodemographic variables on LTP. The logistic regression method was created with dichotomised LTP status as a dependent variable. The possible values of the variable were 1 for “ever used illicit drug” and 0 for “never used drugs.” The logistic regression model included sociodemographic variables, such as gender, place of residence, religiosity, subjective classification of the family’s social situation, and romantic relationship status as predictors. A threshold probability value of ‘p ≤ .05’ is commonly used in clinical studies to indicate statistical significance (Concato & Hartigan, 2016). Therefore, the significance level was taken as p < .050 in this study as well.

Results

Sample Characteristics

Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics of the participants in the study. The sample (n = 270) consisted of 57.4% male (n = 155) and 42.6% female (n = 115) students. The average age of students was 21.8 years (SD = 2.13, 95% CI: 21.52–22.03). A large majority of the participants (88.5%) lived in the countryside, while a much smaller percentage (11.5%) lived in the capital. More than half of the students from each academic year group participated in the survey (ranging from 52.5% to 86.1%). The majority of participants (69.3%) came from middle-class families, and 57.4% considered themselves to be religious in some form. The educational level of the respondents’ fathers was primarily primary education (39.6%), followed by secondary education (36.7%). The mothers of the respondents most commonly had a higher educational level (37.8%).

Table 1.

Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Study Sample

	n	%
Gender
Male	155	57.4
Female	115	42.6
Place of residence
Capital	31	11.5
Countryside	239	88.5
Romantic relationship status
Romantic relationship	123	45.6
Single	147	54.4
Religiosity
Religious (in some form)	155	57.4
Non-religious or do not know	115	42.6
Subjective classification of the family’s social situation
Lower or lower-middle class	39	14.4
Middle class	187	69.3
Upper or upper-middle class	40	14.8
NA	4	1.5
Father’s (or stepfather’s) educational level
Primary education	107	39.6
Secondary education	99	36.7
Higher education	61	22.6
NA	3	1.1
Mother’s (or stepmother’s) educational level
Primary education	74	27.4
Secondary education	92	34.1
Higher education	102	37.8
NA	2	.7
Academic year
1st-year	72	26.7
2nd-year	69	25.6
3rd-year	68	25.2
4th-year	61	22.6

Characteristics of Illicit Drug Use

Table 2 shows that 16.9% of police cadets at LUPS have ever tried any illicit drugs in their lifetime. Male cadets were slightly more likely than female cadets to have experimented with illicit drugs in their lifetime, but the difference was not statistically significant (20.4% vs 12.2%, respectively; χ²(1) = 3.157, p = .076, V = 0.11). Last-year prevalence (LYP) was 4.6% among police cadets, with no significant difference between genders (4.6% vs 1.7%, respectively; χ²(1) = 1.627, p = .202, V = 0.08). The prevalence of current drug use (i.e., proportion of police cadets who consumed any illicit substance in the past 30 days) was less than 1% in the sample. It should be noted that drug use in the past month occurred only among male cadets.

Table 2.

Illicit Drug Use by Gender

Illicit drug use	Males, % (n = 155)	Females, % (n = 115)	χ²(df)	p value	V
Lifetime drug use (LTP)	20.4	12.2	3.157(1)	.076	0.11
Last 12 month drug use (LYP)	4.6	1.7	1.627(1)	.202	0.08
Last 30 days drug use (current drug use)	1.3	0.0	1.504(1)	.220	0.07

Figure 1 shows that the highest proportion of police cadets have tried cannabis derivatives, marijuana, or hashish (16.1%) in their lifetime. Cocaine (1.9%) and other drugs (1.9%) were the second most used illicit drugs ever. Both synthetic cannabinoids and psychedelic mushrooms have been tried by 1.1% of respondents. The lifetime prevalence (LTP) for stimulant-type NPS, ecstasy, and LSD was only 0.7%. Amphetamines and opiates were used by only 0.4% of police cadets at LUPS. Police cadets who had used an illicit substance in the 12 months or 30 days before the survey were all using marijuana or hashish. Cannabis is the most widespread drug used among police cadets, and the LTP of illicit drugs other than cannabis was only 1.1%. This means that a small proportion of cadets tried only illicit drugs other than cannabis in their lifetime. Meanwhile, nearly one-fifth of cannabis users (18.6%) also used other illicit substances, mainly cocaine, other illicit drugs, and mushrooms.

Figure 1.

Lifetime prevalence of illicit drug use among police cadets (%)

To examine the association between the most used illicit drug (i.e., marijuana, hashish) and other substance use behaviors, we constructed an illicit drug use pyramid (Figure 2). According to the pyramid, more than 11% of all respondents who have ever used cannabis have also used cocaine in their lifetime, and nearly 10% have also used mushrooms or other drugs. Comparing these rates in the illicit drug use pyramid with the total sample, we found that cannabis users are 4 to 6 times more likely to have tried other illicit substances.

Figure 2.

Lifetime prevalence of illicit drug use among cannabis ever-users (%)

We further examined the statistical differences in illicit drug use based on socio-demographic background. As Table 3 indicates, the experimentation with illicit drugs was more prevalent among cadets who lived in the countryside (17.4% vs 12.9%, respectively; χ²(1) = .390, p = .532, V = .04) and came from middle-class families (10.5% vs 19.5% vs 12.5%, respectively; χ²(2) = 2.48, p = .289, V = .02). LTP was also higher among police cadets who were in a romantic relationship (19.5% vs 14.6%, respectively; χ²(1) = 1.15, p = .283, V = .07). Comparing cadets by academic year, we found that LTP was highest (26.1%) among second-year cadets. However, the differences based on these variables were not statistically significant. In contrast, results show that religious cadets tried illicit drugs at a significantly lower percentage than non-religious cadets (11.6% vs 23.5%, respectively; χ²(1) = 6.69, p = .010, V = .16). We also found that a significant majority of cadets had not perceived illicit drug use in their environment (χ²(2) = 47.53, p < .001, V = .42).

Table 3.

Lifetime Prevalence of Illicit Drug Use by Different Socio-Demographic Variables

	n	LTP (%)	χ²(df)	p-value	V
Gender
Male	155	20.0	2.91 (1)	.088	0.1
Female	115	12.2	2.91 (1)	.088	0.1
Place of residence
Capital	31	12.9	.36 (1)	.550	0.04
Countryside	239	17.2	.36 (1)	.550	0.04
Romantic relationship status
Romantic relationship	123	19.5	1.32 (1)	.251	0.07
Single	147	14.3	1.32 (1)	.251	0.07
Religiosity
Religious (in some form)	155	11.6	6.69 (1)	.010	0.16
Non-religious or do not know	115	23.5	6.69 (1)	.010	0.16
Subjective classification of the family’s social situation
Lower or lower-middle class	39	10.3	2.51 (2)	.285	0.1
Middle class	187	19.3
Upper or upper-middle class	40	12.5
Father’s (or stepfather’s) educational level
Primary education	107	11.2	4.52 (2)	.104	0.13
Secondary education	99	22.2
Higher education	61	18.0
Mother’s (or stepmother’s) educational level
Primary education	74	12.2	1.57 (2)	.456	0.08
Secondary education	92	18.5
Higher education	102	18.6
Academic year
1st-year	72	9.7	7.57 (3)	.056	.17
2nd-year	69	26.1
3rd-year	68	13.2
4th-year	61	18.0
Perceived environmental drug use
No/don’t know	154	57.1	47.53 (2)	<.001	0.42
Yes, one	23	8.5
Yes, more than one	93	34.4

As Table 4 illustrates, we also examined LTP using logistic regression analysis. The multivariate logistic regression model (M₁) demonstrated a significantly improved fit compared to the null model (Δχ² = 65.708, p < .001), indicating that the included predictors meaningfully contribute to the explanation of lifetime substance use. Model fit indices were within acceptable ranges (Deviance = 177.595, AIC = 201.595, BIC = 244.776). The explanatory power of the model was moderate, with McFadden R² = 0.270 and Nagelkerke R² = 0.364 (Cox & Snell R² = 0.216; Tjur R² = 0.257), suggesting that the model accounts for a meaningful proportion of variance in the outcome. Multicollinearity was assessed through the inspection of standard errors and confidence intervals, and no evidence of problematic collinearity was observed. All parameter estimates were stable and associated with reasonable standard errors. To further support inference, 95% confidence intervals for odds ratios were reported. Overall, the diagnostic evaluation indicates that the model assumptions are adequately met, and the results can be considered robust.

Table 4.

Logistic Regression Predicting Lifetime Prevalence of Illicit Drug Use

Predictor variables	Coefficient b	SE	z	OR [95% conf. Interval]	p
Gender
Female				REF.
Male	.568	.413	1.377	1.8 [ .786 – 3.963]	.168
Place of residence
Capital				REF.
Countryside	.717	.68	1.074	2.1 [ .553 – 7.584]	.283
Romantic relationship status
Single				REF.
Relationship	.493	.399	1.235	1.6 [ .749 – 3.578]	.217
Religiosity
Religious (in some form)				REF.
Non-religious or Don’t know	1.018	.395	2.575	2.7 [1.275 – 6.008]	.010
Subjective classification of the Family’s social situation
Lower or lower-middle class				REF.
Middle class	1.081	.638	1.694	2.5 [ .844 – 10.300]	.090
Upper or upper-middle class	.381	.818	.466	1.5 [ .295 – 7.269]	.641
Academic year
1st-year				REF.
2nd-year	1.032	.553	1.865	2.8 [ .949 – 8.307]	.062
3rd-year	.255	.612	.417	1.3 [ .389 – 4.285]	.677
4th-year	.525	.595	.882	1.7 [ .527 – 5.422]	.378
Perceived environmental drug use
No/don’t know				REF.
Yes, one	1.489	.729	2.042	4.4 [1.062 – 18.496]	.041
Yes, more than one	2.691	.489	5.504	14.8 [5.657 – 38.460]	<.001

Results suggest that illicit drug experimentation did not have a significant relationship with most of the included variables. Nevertheless, we found that a lack of religiosity significantly predicted illicit drug experimentation. The coefficient for this variable was positive (b = 1.018), indicating that non-religiosity increases the probability of the dependent variable (z = 2.575, p = .010, OR = 2.8 [95% CI: 1.275 – 6.008]). In other words, a lack of religiosity increased the odds of illicit drug use by 2.8 times. However, perceived environmental drug use was the most important variable in its effect on cadets’ drug experimentation. We found that cadets who had only one drug-using family member, friend, or peer were 4.4 times more likely to have used illicit drugs themselves than cadets who did not perceive drug use in their environment (b = 1.489, z = 2.042, p = .041, OR = 4.432 [95% CI: 1.062 – 18.496]). On the other hand, a higher number of drug-using friends or family members appeared to have increased the probability of illicit drug experimentation among police cadets. Police cadets who had more than one illicit drug user in their environment were almost 15 times more likely to have used illicit drugs themselves than cadets who had no drug-using friends, family members, or peers (b = 2.691, z = 5.504, p < .001, OR = 14.750 [95% CI: 5.657 – 38.460]). Other variables were not statistically significant, although second-year students showed a marginal effect (OR = 2.807, p = .062).

Discussion

Police work is emotionally challenging and can involve high levels of stress and trauma. Exposure to trauma and high levels of stress are strongly correlated with mental health problems, substance use, and addictive behaviors. Levin and colleagues (2021) found substantial differences between specific types of trauma and risk of addiction. Their study suggests that, in the case of some types of trauma, exposure was highly associated with specific substances, primarily alcohol. However, trauma exposure is also associated with other types of drugs, such as cannabis. (Levin et al., 2021). Therefore, trauma-exposed occupations are at high risk of harmful substance use or addiction. In addition, police work is in the top ten most stressful occupations in the world (Nicoara & Amelia, 2012). Substance misuse, mainly alcohol abuse, among police officers is a serious and widespread problem, with one-sixth of officers in need of professional intervention (Miller & Galvin, 2016). Previous studies suggest that the use of illegal drugs also occurs among police officers (Costa et al., 2010; Cross & Ashley, 2004; Erdős, 2022; Gorta, 2009; Wilson, 2001), and illegal drug use by police officers can take many forms and may not be obvious to the officer’s colleagues (Gorta, 2009). However, not much is known about the prevalence and characteristics of illicit drug abuse among police personnel, more specifically, police students. Limited research on this subject shows the illicit drug use behavior of police officers from countries with more liberal drug regulation (Cubitt, 2024), and research in countries with prohibition-based drug policy regimes is more limited. However, examining this issue would be particularly important for police agencies in all countries, especially in the case of young police officers and cadets, because previous studies suggest that illicit drug use is of major concern, particularly for young officers (Cubitt, 2024; Gorta, 2009).

It is important to note that police recruits and cadets are less likely to be exposed to trauma than sworn officers. Nevertheless, previous studies examining stress-coping behaviors among police recruits during training have suggested that the police training is a potentially stressful environment (Patterson, 2016; Violanti, 1992), and recruits reported an increase in alcohol consumption as one way to cope with stress (Patterson, 2016). Another study found that newer officers who had not yet been exposed to traumatic incidents on duty were less emotionally well-adjusted than experienced officers who had been exposed to trauma and had developed more resiliency (Thornton & Herndon, 2016). Dougherty and colleagues (2025) concluded that increased officer resilience had a significant association with decreased adjusted odds of problematic substance use. Therefore, Blumberg and colleagues (2019, p. 6) recommended in their study that: “law enforcement agencies must ensure that academy training teaches recruits evidence-based techniques to successfully manage routine and traumatic stressors.” The effective management of future stress and potential trauma associated with police work must be learned during police training. Drug epidemiological studies conducted among police cadets can help in developing these strategies.

The aim of this study was to examine the illicit drug use prevalence and patterns among police cadets in Hungary. According to the latest national representative survey, 7.9% of Hungarian adults aged 18-64 have tried illicit drugs in their lifetime. The LYP prevalence was 2.0% and the last 30 days prevalence was 1.2% in the general population (Paksi & Pillók, 2021). Our results show that police cadets at the law enforcement higher education institution were two times more likely to experimented with illicit drugs than the general adult population in the year before the survey. The high rates of experimentation with illicit drugs may have been attributable to the young age of their sample (mean age of 21.8 years old), as young people are more likely to use illicit drugs compared to older (Medina-Mora et al., 2006; SAMHSA, 2021; UNODC, 2018). Previous national research has also shown that the risk of illicit drug use typically increases after the age of 15 and consolidates by the 20s (Paksi, 2007b). Consequently, the prevalence of illicit drug use in the young adult population should be higher than in the general population.

The previous study on drug use among Hungarian college students suggested that more than a third (37.5%) have tried illicit drugs in their lifetime (Arnold, 2024). Comparing the results of this study to our survey, we found that LTP rate for illicit drugs among future police officers was significantly lower (4.6% vs 1.7%, respectively) than in the general population of college students in Hungary. In addition, illicit drug use has been a male-dominated behavior. The estimated proportion of male users of any illicit drug is significantly higher, with no major changes over time globally. For example, general population surveys in Hungary show that men report significantly higher values for all prevalence indicators (Arnold, 2024; Arnold et al., 2020; Paksi et al., 2018; Paksi & Pillók, 2021). Despite the obvious gender differences in the general population, we found no significant differences by gender among police cadets in Hungary. This finding is consistent with the research by Lintonen and colleagues (2012) that found no statistical gender difference in reporting recreational drug use among Finnish police students. The similar rates of illicit drug use by genders may have been attributable to the psychological characteristics of individuals attending law enforcement education and training programmes. That is, individuals high in sensation seeking look for riskier jobs such as police officers, firefighters, and rescue units (Schumpe et al., 2018).

The latest study on illicit drug use by Hungarian police personnel was conducted more than twenty years ago (Ritter, 2004). Ritter (2004) found that the LTP rate for illicit drug use was 9.4%, which is significantly lower than our study (16.7% vs 9.4%, respectively; χ²(1) = 9.60, p = .001, V = .10). However, it should be noted that the average age of the sample was definitely higher than our survey. 75% of the previous study sample was older than 25 years old. This is particularly important, as there were significant differences between age groups. In that case, the LTP rate for illicit drug use was significantly lower among those aged 26 and older than among those aged 18–25 (15.6% vs 7.9%, respectively; χ²(1) = 7.56, p = .005, V = .11). Compared to our sample, we found no significant difference in the LTP rate among the younger age group (18–25) (15.6% vs 16.7%, respectively; χ²(1) = 9.60, p = .001, V = .10). These results suggest that young age may be a significant predictor of experimentation with illicit drug, not only in general population but also among police recruits.

According to Mitchell and Bray (1990) first respondent personnel choose their careers because they have “very different personalities from the average person” (p. 19). Previous studies found that police officers tend to be more masculine and extraverted than the civilian sample, and they reach significantly higher points on the sensation seeking scale (Kusyszyn et al., 1973; Salters-Pedneault et al., 2010). On the other hand, sensation seeking is also associated with drug experimentation and use (Zuckerman, 1994). In addition, the male-dominated, masculine organizational culture of police work may also play an important role in the absence of gender differences. The socializing effects of male-dominated work contexts on health and substance use disorders have also been recognized (Leadbeater et al., 2020).

We found that cannabis was the most consumed illicit substance among police cadets. It was similar to results examined in previous international (EMCDDA, 2022; UNODC, 2023) and national (Arnold et al., 2020; Paksi & Pillók, 2021) studies. The second most preferred drugs (i.e., cocaine, other drugs, synthetic cannabinoids, and psychedelic mushrooms) were tried by less than 2% of police students. The LTP of other drugs (NPS stimulants, ecstasy, LSD, amphetamines, and opiates) was used by less than 1% of the sample. Compared to the general Hungarian population (Paksi & Pillók, 2021), only cannabis derivatives showed higher lifetime prevalence rates among police cadets in Hungary. For all other illicit substances, the prevalence of experimentation was higher in both the age group and the general population.

Our results also indicated that non-religious police cadets were 2.8 times more likely to have ever used illicit drugs compared to their peers who considered themselves religious. These findings are consistent with research suggesting a protective role for religiosity in illicit drug experimentation and use (Bartkowski & Xu, 2007; Engs & Mullen, 1999; Palamar et al., 2012). Similar results were found in the general Hungarian population. The most recent national cross-sectional survey indicated with 95% confidence that the prevalence of illicit drug use was lower among religious individuals, who follow the teachings of the church, or consider themselves religious in their own way, compared to respondents who are atheists, non-religious, or uncertain about their religiosity (Paksi & Pillók, 2021).

In our study, the subjective classification of the family’s social situation did not appear to be a significant predictor of illicit drug use among police cadets. This contrasts with the results for the general population. According to national drug epidemiological data, significant differences were observed in the lifetime prevalence of illicit drug use with respect to subjective financial status. The results indicate that, although the effect size is small, individuals living in better-than-average financial conditions were significantly more likely—at the 95% confidence level—to have used illicit drugs compared to those with average or below-average financial status (13.0% vs. 5.8% vs. 7.9% respectively).

The results of the logistic regression analysis suggested that perceived environmental drug use was the most important in its effect on police cadets’ drug experimentation. Put differently, police cadets who had at least one drug-using family member, friend, or peer were 4 to 15 times more likely to experiment with illicit drugs than cadets who did not perceive drug use in their environment. These findings are consistent with previous studies suggesting the presence of drug-using family members, friends, and acquaintances among adolescents (Er et al., 2019; Razzino et al., 2004) and college students (Bowker, 1976; Bustamante et al., 2009) significantly increased the odds of illicit drug experimentation and abuse for both boys and girls. This environmental effect can be explained by the socialization process. According to social learning theory, young people mimic perceived behavior of influential individuals and behaviorally respond to social environment incentives (Bandura, 1977). On the other hand, based on the results of a national representative survey, Paksi (2003) found that nearly three-quarters (73.3%) of those who have ever tried illicit drugs received their first dose from a friend or acquaintance in Hungary. This may explain why relatives and friends who have ever tried illicit drugs play a significant role in the illicit drug experimentation of police cadets.

Conclusion

Drug epidemiological research among young people is a critical subject, especially in some specific populations, such as young police officers and police cadets. Young people have been known to face a number of risk factors (e.g., stress, dissipation, irregular lifestyle, lack of time, and many temptations) that can lead to drug use behavior (Kontor et al., 2016). Furthermore, the characteristics of the police profession also include some risk factors for substance abuse. However, there remains little research into illicit substance use by police cadets, especially in Hungary. Thus, the results presented in this study may have important implications for researchers, law enforcement colleges, and vocational schools as well. Firstly, quality epidemiological data should inform and support policymakers and organizations in making adequate decisions and developing effective health strategies (Owolabi, 2022). Indeed, illicit drug use by police personnel is a serious problem with significant consequences not only for the individual officers involved but also for their colleagues and police agencies as a whole (IBAC, 2016). The use of illicit drugs poses a significant risk of serious acute health consequences and complications, such as respiratory complications, cardiovascular diseases, cerebral hemorrhage, hyperthermia, hallucinations, collapse, convulsions, or coma (Devlin & Henry, 2008). Moreover, drug use is a lifestyle factor associated with poorer health and reduced mental capacity, and it is likely to increase sickness absence. Thus, illicit drug use increases healthcare costs for police officers and, ultimately, the taxpayers’ burden.

Secondly, drug abuse may also play a significant role in officers’ job performance. For instance, Abikoye and Awopetu (2017) found that drug use significantly and negatively predicted police work performance across various domains (proficiency, adaptability, and proactivity) at individual, team, and organizational levels. Their results indicated that higher drug use was associated with poorer performance. Furthermore, the effects of illicit drug use, such as cannabis, among police officers can include decreased hand steadiness and stability of stance, impaired memory, and impaired perception of others’ feelings and emotions (Timm, 1988). All of these can jeopardize the safe and professional behavior of law enforcement officers. Therefore, police leaders and policymakers can develop and implement support systems to help officers address their challenges in coping with drug and other substance use issues.

Lastly, police use of illicit drugs adversely impacts the community’s trust in and respect for the police and the law (IBAC, 2016). The unprofessional or illegal nature of such behavior could also lead to the blackmail of officers (Carter, 1990), and illicit drug use by police exposes individual officers to compromise and corruption (IBAC, 2016). This implies that drug abuse among police cadets and officers should be addressed as organizational or community-level issues, rather than solely as individual problems approached in a fragmented manner.

This study is not without limitations. Firstly, the study relies on self-report survey data, and previous research has indicated that police officers may not answer questions about illicit drug use honestly due to fear of legal consequences (Jeffery et al., 1991). Secondly, multiple drug use is aggregated into a single category of illicit drug use, and this paper does not differentiate between single and multiple drug users. Future research could examine how single and multiple drug users, particularly among police cadets, are similar or different in terms of their backgrounds and patterns of use. Furthermore, measures of police cadets’ substance use, derived exclusively from self-reports, are subject to measurement error. The potential for random checks may lead to deliberate bias in the prevalence data on illicit drug use, potentially resulting in underreporting and underestimation of the true prevalence (Erdős, 2022). Lastly, this paper does not establish causal relationships between the predictors in the model and illicit drug use among police cadets. Given the nature of police work—particularly exposure to potentially traumatic experiences—future research could incorporate such factors to more directly examine causal associations.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the participants for taking part in the research. Thanks to the reviewers of the article.

ORCID iD

Ákos Erdős

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Supported by the EKÖP-2025-NKE-4-II-012 University Research Scholarship Program of the Ministry for Culture and Innovation from the source of the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

Data supporting this study are available from the correspondent author.*

Author Biographies

Ákos Erdős, Ph.D., police lieutenant colonel is currently the head of Department of Institutional Development and an associate professor in the Department of Border Policing at Ludovika University of Public Service Faculty of Law Enforcement. He received doctoral and master’s degrees in Ludovika University of Publice Service. He also graduated from Semmelweis University Faculty of Health Sciences. His main research interests include law enforcement legislation, practice and addiction, with a special focus on psychological and addiction problems affecting law enforcement personnel. Email: erdos.akos@uni-nke.hu

Hyon Namgung is currently a professor in the Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology at Metropolitan State University of Denver, where he teaches research methods, criminological theories, juvenile justice, crime mapping, and study abroad. He received doctoral and master’s degrees in Criminology and Criminal Justice from the University of Missouri, St. Louis, USA, and an MA in Public Policy from the University of Exeter, UK. His research interests include police organizations, crime patterns, and survey data analysis using secondary data. Email: hnamgung@msudenver.edu

László Christián Dr., Ph.D., police brigadier general, full professor, Ludovika University of Public Service, Fulbright Visiting Scholar at MSU Denver 2024/2025. He is teaching several subjects, as law enforcement theories, complementary law enforcement, municipal policing, community policing, private security and study abroad. He received doctoral and master’s degrees in law and political science at Pázmány Péter Catholic University Faculty at Law and Political Science. His research interests include law enforcement, police organizations, private security, municipal policing, complementary law enforcement. Email: christian.laszlo@uni-nke.hu

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