1 `Defining the parameters of discourse' is a phrase taken from Irene Gendzier, Development Against Democracy: Manipulating Political Change in the Third World (Hampton 1995), 80—108.

2 Czeslaw Milosz, The Captive Mind (New York 1981(1953)), 37 (original emphasis).

3 This article is an adapted version of a chapter from Giles Scott-Smith, The Politics of Apolitical Culture: The Congress for Cultural Freedom, the CIA, and Post-war American Hegemony (London 2002). I am grateful to Daniel Bell for his comments on the original work.

4 Job Dittberner, The End of Ideology and American Social Thought: 1930—1960 (Ann Arbor, MI 1979), 103.

5 Michael Hochgeschwender, Freiheit in der Offensive? Der Kongress für Kulturelle Freiheit und die Deutschen (Munich 1998), 447.

6 Denis de Rougemont to Sidney Hook, 18 June 1951, CCF/IACF archive, Regenstein Library, University of Chicago (hereafter referred to by Series/Box/Folder numbers), Series II Box 135 Folder 2.

7 Ulrike Ackermann, Sündenfall der Intellektuellen: Ein Deutsch-Französischer Streit von 1945 bis Heute (Stuttgart 2000), 89.

8 Orchestrated by the Swiss Denis de Rougemont and François Bondy; French and Italian participants dominated the invitation list: Raymond Aron, Arturo Barreia, Roger Caillois, Guido Calogero, Jules Monnerot, Wladimir Weidlé, Ignazio Silone, Boris Souvarine. Albert Camus was invited but, as with most invitations of this sort, he declined. De Rougemont to Hook, 18 June 1951, Series II Box 135 Folder 2; Pierre Grémion, Intelligence de L'Anticommunisme: Le Congrès pour la Liberté de la Culture à Paris 1950—75 (Paris 1995), 103—4.

9 M. Brauer, `Welcoming Address' and Michael Polanyi, `Preface', Science and Freedom: Report of the Hamburg Congress (London 1955), 14—16, 18. On the Hamburg conference see Grémion, op. cit., 105—30.

10 Peter Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Battle for the Mind of Postwar Europe (New York 1989), 105—6; Laura Fermi, Illustrious Immigrants: The Intellectual Migration from Europe 1930—41 (Chicago 1971), 113—14; Polanyi, `Preface', Science and Freedom, op. cit., 9—10.

11 H. Stuart Hughes, `The End of Political Ideology', Measure, 2, 2 (Spring 1951), 153—4, 156.

12 Dittberner, op. cit., 119; Thomas Molnar, `Intellectuals, Experts, and the Classless Society' in George de Huszar (ed.), The Intellectuals: A Controversial Portrait (Glencoe 1960), 192—7.

13 Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York 1987), 61.

14 Kees van der Pijl, Wereldorde en Machtspolitiek: Visies op de Internationale Betrekkingen van Dante tot Fukuyama (Amsterdam 1992), 197. On the important connections between New Deal policies and the Marshall Plan see Michael Hogan, The Marshall Plan: America, Britain, and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947—1952 (Cambridge, MA 1988), 4—26.

15 Charles Maier, `The Politics of Productivity: Foundations of American International Economic Policy after World War II', International Organisation, 31, 4 (Autumn 1977), 615.

16 Daniel Bell, `Afterword, 1988: The End of Ideology Revisited' in The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (Cambridge, MA 1988 (1960)), 411, 417—18; Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (New York 1960), 439—42.

17 Bell, `Afterword, 1988', op. cit., 410.

18 Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 468—9.

19 Pierre Grémion, paper given for the session `Der Eiserne Vorhang und die westlichen Intellektuellen' at the conference `Freiheit in die Offensive: 50 Jahre Kongress für kulturelle Freiheit', 23—24 June 2000, Berlin.

20 Bell, `Afterword, 1988', op. cit., 415.

21 Bell, The End of Ideology, op. cit., 16; Lipset, Political Man, op. cit., xxi.

22 Bell, `Afterword, 1988', op. cit., 437; Lipset, `A Concept and its History: The End of Ideology', Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Baltimore 1981(1960)), 556.

23 Edward Shils, `Ideology and Civility: On the Politics of the Intellectual', Sewanee Review , 66 (1958), 454.

24 R. Stromberg, European Intellectual History since 1789 (Englewood Cliffs, NJ 1990), 298; Bell, `Afterword, 1988', op. cit., 416; Lipset, `Concept', op. cit., 528.

25 Lipset, Political Man, op. cit., 442—3.

26 Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 452, 466.

27 Shils, `Civility', op. cit., 470—1.

28 Coleman, op. cit., 13.

29 Bell, `Afterword, 1988', op. cit., 412.

30 Correspondence with Daniel Bell, 8 June 2001.

31 Grémion, op. cit., 153—5.

32 `The Future of Freedom: Statement of Purpose', Series III Box 6 Folder 2.

33 Dittberner, op. cit., 126; Max Beloff, `L'Avenira della Liberta', Spectator, 195 (30 September 1955), 411.

34 To give a further picture of the Atlanticist—New York intellectual milieu in which Bell moved, four of the chapters appeared in Commentary, two in Encounter and one each in Partisan Review and New Leader. Bell, End of Ideology, op. cit., 448—50.

35 Daniel Bell, `Souvenirs: Paris, 1956—57', The Tocqueville Review, 21, 1 (2000), 19.

36 Correspondence with Daniel Bell, 19 July 2001.

37 Jackson to Bell, 4 June 1953, Box 33, C.D. Jackson papers, Dwight D. Eisenhower Library.

38 Bell, `Souvenirs', op. cit., 22, 31.

39 Allan Bloom, Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (New York 1986), 183.

40 Bell, `America as a Mass Society' in End of Ideology, op. cit., 31 (emphasis in original).

41 Bell, `The Breakup of Family Capitalism' in End of Ideology, op. cit., 41, 44; Daniel Bell, `Notes on Work', Encounter, 2, 9 (June 1954), 13—15. However, Bell was also critical of the effects of technological change in the workplace, particularly in relation to the increased alienation of workers. See `Work and its Discontents' in End of Ideology, op. cit., 227—72.

42 Grémion, op. cit., 161; Ronald Hayman, Sartre: A Biography (New York 1987), 226; Raymond Aron, Memoirs: Fifty Years of Political Reflection (New York 1990), 219; Coleman, op. cit., 38—40.

43 Raymond Aron, The Opium of the Intellectuals (New York 1962 (1955)), xv. `I did not deny that there was a distinction between the right and the left in the National Assembly. What I denied was that there was an eternal left, the same in various historical circumstance, inspired by the same values, united in the same aspirations.' Aron, Memoirs, op. cit., 220.

44 Aron, Opium , op. cit., 311—12, 318; Lipset, op. cit., 443; Aron, Memoirs , op. cit., 223—4; Ackermann, op. cit., 91, 95. Grémion notes that there are `traces' of Aron's engagement with the CCF in the book, such as a reference to Burnham with whom Aron had stayed during a trip to the USA in autumn 1950. Grémion, op. cit., 161.

45 Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 452; Edward Shils, `Letter from Milan: The End of Ideology?', Encounter, 5, 5 (November 1955), 53, 54; `Tradition and Liberty: Antinomy and Interdependence', Ethics, 63, 3 (April 1958), 163; `Remembering the Congress for Cultural Freedom', Encounter, 74, 2 (September 1990), 56.

46 Macdonald, op. cit., 68.

47 Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 450—1; H. Fairlie, `Quest for Crossman', Spectator, 195 (7 October 1955); E. Pasymowski and C. Gilbert, `Bilderberg: The Cold War Internationale', Congressional Record, 117, part 24, 92nd Congress (15 September 1971), 32057, 32059; Richard Crossman, `Nationalism: Enemy or Ally ?', Commentary, 10, 1 (July 1950), 1—6; Donald Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century (London 1997), 175—6.

48 C.A.R. Crosland, The Future of Socialism (London 1956).

49 Sassoon, op. cit., 245.

50 J.K. Galbraith, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (Boston 1952), 193; J.K. Galbraith, `Economics, Ideology, and the Intellectual', Series III Box 7 Folder 4. Nabokov, mindful of the budget, had written in February 1955 to ask whether Galbraith was coming to Europe anyway that summer so that funds for his travel costs could be given to someone else. `The great advance in the economic and social sciences in America, and the importance of American thinking in these matters, make us seek to have as many American participants in this conference as we possibly can. At the same time, the prohibitive costs of transatlantic fares imposes on us the need for a stricter limitation of the American participation than we should naturally have desired.' Nabokov to Galbraith, 16 February 1955. The cost of holding `The Future of Freedom' was $93,013.98. Financial Year 1955, Series IV Box 11 Folder 9.

51 Richard Cockett, Thinking the Unthinkable: Think-Tanks and the Economic Counter-Revolution 1931—1983 (London 1995), 107; Grémion, op. cit., 160—1. In contrast, Michael Polanyi's brother Karl is renowned for his critique of laissez-faire capitalism: The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston 1944).

52 Peter Wiles, `What is to be done about the Success of Soviet Industry?', and Bertrand de Jouvenal, `Some Fundamental Similarities between the Soviet and Capitalist Economic Systems' in The Soviet Economy: A Discussion (London 1956), 27—40, 43; Peter Wiles, `The Soviet Economy Outpaces the West', Foreign Affairs, 31, 4 (July 1953), 579—80; interview with Melvin J. Lasky, Berlin, 5 April 1999.

53 Daniel Bell, `Liberal Anti-Communism Revisited', Commentary, 44, 3 (September 1967), 38.

54 Grémion, op. cit., 224; Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 450.

55 Grémion, op. cit., 157.

56 Nabokov to Fleischmann, 6 May 1953, Series II Box 100 Folder 4; Nabokov to Josselson, 9 August 1954, Series II Box 187 Folder 2.

57 G.F. Hudson, `Reluctant Columbuses in Milan', The Economist (24 September 1955), 1044.

58 Dittberner, op. cit., 127 (emphasis in original).

59 Dwight Macdonald, `Letter from Italy: No Miracle in Milan', Encounter, 5, 6 (December 1955), 68, 73. Shils also acknowledged these `material hindrances' but did not think they affected the overall value of the conference. Shils, `Letter', op. cit., 52.

60 Macdonald, op. cit., 74.

61 Michael Freund, `Freiheit, die ich meine', Der Monat, 89 (February 1956), 111; Macdonald, op. cit., 73—4.

62 Coleman, op. cit., 111—22; Gendzier, op. cit., 92—4; Grémion, op. cit., 317—23; Hochgeschwender, op. cit., 453, 477.

63 `It was no longer exciting.' Thomas W. Braden, telephone interview, 16 June 1998.

64 India had been a focus for the CCF journal Encounter, and the CCF had already organized a conference in Bombay in March 1951, the purpose of which had been to mobilize Indian intellectuals against premier Nehru's `neutrality' and establish a connection between South-East Asia and the USA. L. Natarajan, American Shadow Over India (Bombay 1952), 230, 251; Gendzier, op. cit., 88—9; Grémion, op. cit., 99—101.

65 Shils, `Letter', op. cit., 55, 58.

66 Bell, End of Ideology, op. cit., 403; Beloff, op. cit., 410.

The Congress for Cultural Freedom,the End of Ideology and the 1955 Milan Conference: `Defining the Parameters of Discourse'1

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