Abstract
This essay argues that Arundhati Roy’s inclusion of numerous Indian vernacular words and phrases in her fiction is carefully calibrated to serve the author’s activist political agenda. This is true not only of her first novel,
Multilingualism and resistance
Language can act as a potent political force. According to Bill Ashcroft, “[t]he unshakeable link between ‘our’ language and
India’s staggering diversity has, unsurprisingly, been mirrored in the country’s literary output. While Roy creates fiction that relies on a mainly English narrative voice, she repeatedly varies that pattern by inserting Indian vernacular words and phrases. It is partly that habit that prompts Graham Huggan to critique
At the same time, while the primary language of Roy’s novels is English, that does not ipso facto render these texts complicit with the ousted Anglo-colonialists. As Ashcroft argues, “[c]olonial languages have been not only instruments of oppression but also instruments of radical resistance and transformation” (2008: 3). Thus, as the same critic observes, interpolated vernacular words and phrases can assist the project of transformation: “[l]anguage variance can be a powerful form of resistance” (2008: 48). Pointing to “the deeply entangled dependencies between language and politics”, Christopher Stroud maintains that “a different [i.e. multilingual] construal of language may open up new political scenographies” (2018: 22); the championing of linguistic difference has often attended struggles for self-determination. Such struggles can be divisive; as Kenneth Haynes notes, “[l]anguage loyalty has been most intense whenever it has been enjoined by the political forces of nationality” (2001: 19). In India (as in other postcolonial nations, such as Nigeria, Cameroon, or Sri Lanka), those forces can be at odds with one another; regional animosities may be sharpened by difference of language. Most conspicuously in
What distinguishes Roy’s practice from that of many other Indo-Anglian novelists is her carefully calibrated,
In Roy’s work, diverse languages tend to possess a metonymic status; they stand for cultural allegiances and psychic spaces. To what extent any language can
The polyphony of tongues in Roy’s work has prompted some (for example, Anna Clarke, 2007 and Christine Vogt-Williams, 2003) to apply to it Mikhail Bakhtin’s concepts of dialogism and heteroglossia. Michael Holquist speaks of Bakhtin’s “extraordinary sensitivity to the immense plurality of existence” (1981: xx), a description that would admirably fit Roy as well. For Bakhtin, the power of the novel stems from the interplay of discrete voices; the author functions as the impartial conductor of a multifarious chorus of ideologues. “The novel can be defined as a diversity of social speech types (sometimes even diversity of languages) and a diversity of individual voices, artistically organized” (1981: 262). Bakhtin is not greatly concerned with the counterpoint of languages in the ordinary sense — Spanish, German, and the like — which he mentions only parenthetically; his principal emphasis is on individual idiolects. By contrast, in Roy, diversity of speech modes more often points to group affiliations, whether ethnic or sectarian, a major source of conflict in her work. As John Edwards observes: In all linguistic struggles, both within and between languages, in all situations of linguistic maintenance and decline, in all language-planning efforts we observe a competition which is not between languages themselves but, rather, between language communities or linguistic “interest groups”. (1994: 205)
Both of Roy’s novels involve precisely this sort of competition. Nevertheless, Bakhtin’s model of interwoven and often discordant voices remains generally relevant to Roy’s work, above all to the lavishly polyphonic
A different transnational influence on Roy has been the American theorist and political writer Noam Chomsky. While Roy has not engaged with Chomsky’s seminal work on transformational grammar, she shares his broader pragmatic concern with deliberate distortions of discourse, along with his warm valorization of linguistic diversity. Roy would heartily second Chomsky’s assertion that “the variety of languages and cultures is — and should be — a source of human happiness and enrichment” (1988: 151). In particular, she shares his conviction “that there is and will always be a need to discover and overcome structures of hierarchy, authority and domination and constraints on freedom” (1988: 395). For Chomsky, as for Roy, the manipulation of language for authoritarian ends gravely compromises that struggle. Such discourse, for Chomsky, has one “essential function: to design, propagate and create a system of doctrines and beliefs which will undermine independent thought and prevent understanding and analysis of institutional structures and their functions” (1988: 619). As Roy testifies in her appreciative essay “The Loneliness of Noam Chomsky”, Chomsky “has radically altered our understanding of the society in which we live” (2016: 265). 1 Roy closes her essay by confessing, “hardly a day goes by when I don’t find myself thinking — for one reason or another — “Chomsky Zindabad” (2016: 275). The unexpected vernacular phrase “Chomsky Zindabad” (Long live Chomsky!) borrows its force from Roy’s Indian lexicon, symbolically enlisting the revered Western thinker in the ranks of postcolonial protest. Like many to follow, it is a good example of Roy’s adroitness with the “borrowing” of language.
The God of Small Things : Languages of caste and dissidence
In Roy’s debut novel the main linguistic “interest groups”, dialogically in conflict, are dual: speakers of “standard” English, primarily the upper-caste Christian Ipe family, and speakers of the regional language, Malayalam, including most of the other actors and (when unsupervised) the young Ipe twins, Rahel and Estha. The painful social tensions in the novel are underscored by clashes of speech habits. Anna Clarke summarizes the overall effect: “[i]n the narrative of
In contrast with the adult speakers of both languages, who tend to be serious or even stern, the Ipe children are notable for their verbal playfulness. In their language games they display a precocious self-consciousness about words, a trait that distinguishes them from the mostly incurious grown-ups: “What a funny word
A minor but revealing example of such subversion occurs in the aftermath of a working people’s rally. Here the rule-bender is not the children but their friend, the Paravan (untouchable) Velutha, who will later bend stricter rules with more dire consequences. When Rahel insists that she spotted Velutha at the rally but he ignored her, he replies, “
It contrasts, too, with the stilted performances of the children of the labour union leader Pillai, who parrot on demand hackneyed passages of English verse. Daughter Latha undertakes Scott’s “Lochinvar”, while the tendentiously named son Lenin mangles Shakespeare: “
It is only the exceptional grown-up who retains any such open relation to language. In a scene closely following the Pillai children’s spavined efforts, Velutha, violently expelled from the Ipe household, comforts himself by recalling a schoolboy poem about a train, in Malayalam. It begins: “
The ultimate responsibility for Estha’s silencing lies not with Mathew but with Baby Kochamma, who is at once implacably adult and emotionally infantile. Her name is a give-away; as Julie Mullaney comments, “‘Baby’ […] ostensibly relating to her diminutive stature, comes to describe her general stagnation and failure to go forward in life” (2002: 31). On top of that, in Malayalam “kochamma” denotes a privileged woman; the relevance to Baby is obvious. Baby’s inability to comprehend adult passion testifies to her immaturity, but it does not spell childlikeness. She is far from possessing a juvenile freedom from the life-cancelling inhibitions that blight this postcolonial terrain, the shibboleths of caste snobbery and sexual dread. Along with other family members, like her Oxford alumnus nephew Chacko, she exhibits a reflexive Anglophilia coupled with a morbid cultural myopia, an enslavement to outworn ideas. The pickles produced by the family firm are the least noxious of the things they preserve.
The family’s lingering embrace of the colonial outlook manifests itself strikingly on the level of language. Baby enforces her preference for the English of the bygone regime by monetizing the twins’ discourse: “whenever she caught them speaking in Malayalam, she levied a small fine which was deducted […] from their pocket money” and she enforces conformity by compelling them to write lines: “
A pivotal early scene featuring a Bakhtinian joust of languages begins when, stopped on the way to the cinema by the workmen’s demonstration, Baby is tauntingly asked her name in English. An onlooker proposes a Malayalam name meaning “landlord”: “‘What about Modalali Mariakutty’, someone suggested with a giggle” (76); the vernacular jibe pinpoints Baby’s privileged, exploitative status. Her linguistic humiliation does not end there; she is mortified by being obliged to say Inquilab Zindabad! (Long live the Revolution!) while waving a banner.
“Wave it,” [the demonstrator] ordered. She had to wave it. She had no choice. It smelled of new cloth and a shop. Crisp and dusty. She tried to wave it, though she wasn’t waving it. “Now say “ “Good girl.” The crowd roared with laughter. (77)
Being jeered at while obliged to utter words that outrage her social pretensions in a language she despises is a violation of Baby Kochamma’s most cherished sense of self. It provokes a trauma that haunts her throughout the subsequent narrative, and that in turn contributes to the traumas that afflict other characters.
Languages in collision: The Ministry of Utmost Happiness
Predictably, much criticism of Roy’s second novel, published a full 20 years after her first, has endeavoured to “place” it with reference to
One area in which
Amid that profusion, the novel’s dramatis personae are defined, or define themselves, largely in relation to the language (or languages) they speak. As Paul Brass points out, in the Indian Babel “[t]he dialect/language chosen, as well as its form and style, constitute political as well as ‘linguistic acts’” (2010: 195). Of the two central characters, Anjum the hijra (transgender courtesan) has far less freedom to “choose” a language than the polyglot Tilo; she is confined by birth and upbringing to Urdu, a language spoken mainly by Muslims. For both women, however, linguistic endowment has far-reaching political consequences. Their idioms help to define the life-opportunities open to them, but can also risk a confining hyper-definition.
Tickell speaks aptly of Roy’s “ethical commitment to what we might call the radical postcolonial politics of ‘unclasssifiability’” (2018). In her essays Roy repeatedly returns to the use, or misuse, of language to classify and categorize: the reductive recourse to “pigeonholes”, especially political ones. She decries “imaginations that are locked down into a grid of countries and borders, in minds that are shrink-wrapped in flags” (Roy and Cusack, 2016: 92–93). Where the primary thrust of
Roy’s second novel foregrounds the weaponizing of language for purposes of dominance and humiliation. A vivid instance is the episode of the 2002 Gujarat pogrom of Muslims, which the traumatized Anjum barely manages to survive. Draped across the dead body of her unlucky traveling companion, Zakir Mian, Anjum is forced by her assailants to mouth inflammatory catchphrases in Hindi, a language she does not normally speak: So they stood over her and made her chant their slogans.
She did. Weeping, shaking, humiliated beyond her worst nightmare.
The Hindi catchphrases will be still more alien to the ears of Western readers than they are to Anjum’s, and their strangeness compounds the disturbing effect of the incident. Once again, as in the scene in
The antagonism between Hindi, the language spoken by the Hindu nationalists, and Urdu, Anjum’s mother tongue, is of course the product of long-standing grievances between Hindus and Muslims. (Ironically, the two languages are closely related; to detached listeners the differences — more Sanskrit elements in Hindi, more Persian and Arabic in Urdu — are apt to seem less than crucial.) As Granville Austin notes, in the period leading up to Indian independence “anger against the Muslims turned against Urdu” (2010: 56). It is a language that has come to embody the trauma of Partition. Although Anjum is herself no zealous partisan, her speech stigmatizes her as a member of the adversarial religion, and she is compelled to “clear” herself by mouthing a chauvinistic Hindi slogan. While Roy does not disparage Hindi (or any other language) per se, in
As a strategy to contest majoritarian aggression, Roy valorizes minority languages, above all Anjum’s. As Ashcroft argues, language in general acts “not as a receptacle of culture […] but as a
Given the convoluted nature of south Asian realities, confinement to a single language can be limiting, whereas a knowledge of multiple languages can broaden one’s perspective. Caryl Emerson cites Bakhtin’s belief that “[m]ultilingual environments […] liberate man by opening up a gap between things and their labels” (1984: xxxii). Historically not all Indian politicians favoured linguistic diversity; in the lead-up to independence, Austin notes, the so-called Hindi-wallahs — advocates for Hindi as national language — “preached that multilingualism was incompatible with national unity” (2010: 45). Thus, the novel’s other pivotal character, Tilo, a confirmed polyglot, occupies what is potentially a contentious space in the polity. The spirit of linguistic eclecticism she embodies emerges in a brief encounter, the first meeting between her and the engaging crank, Dr Azad Bhartiya, when both are waiting to have their shoes mended by a street cobbler: “Dr. Bhartiya surprised Tilo by asking her (in English) if she had a cigarette. She surprised him back by replying (in Hindi) that she had no cigarettes but could offer him a beedi. The little cobbler lectured them both at length about the consequences of smoking” (266). Here there is no fraught political undertone to the mixing and matching of diverse languages; rather, a relaxed camaraderie, a common enjoyment of the options available in the multiform social universe they inhabit.
Tilo’s liberal mixing of languages is an offshoot of her prolonged struggle against the looming threat of rigid, formulaic categories — of “pigeonholes”. Elevated by an adventitious marriage to an unfulfilling life in lofty diplomatic circles, she finds that “[s]he had lost the ability to keep her discrete worlds discrete — a skill that many consider to be the cornerstone of sanity” (236). Sane or not, she comes to realize that she can be true to her own mixed nature, and to the mixed world she must negotiate, only by allowing the disjointed components of her personality to mingle. Such a course involves the shunning of linguistic purity and the embrace of heteroglossia as a strategy for survival. It is conjoined with a disregard for the observance of verbal “decency”: “She had been exceptionally foul-mouthed as a young woman, and when she first started learning Hindi took pleasure in using newly learned expletives as the foundation on which she built a working vocabulary” (271). When at length she applies herself to learning Urdu, she displays a similarly cavalier disdain for polite linguistic etiquette. She recites an Urdu poem (first recited many pages earlier by Dr Bhartiya (137)) containing the lines “Apni sunehri gaand mein | Tu thoons le fasl-e-bahaar”, words addressed by a caged bird to her captor. Rather than the expected burst of high-flown lyricism, the translation reads: “Please take the spring harvest | And shove it up your gilded arse” (441). The Urdu lines distil the flouting of overweening authority that is Tilo’s hallmark. Her lover Musa comments darkly but appropriately: “‘That sounds like the anthem of a suicide bomber”’ (442).
Languages of resistance and language of authority: The Kashmir impasse
In
Dasgupta is an intelligent, urbane, and (within limits) perceptive centre of consciousness in the novel. He is at home in several languages; when he encounters Anjum he recognizes that she “speaks the most beautiful Urdu” (210), and he is capable of deciphering a threatening letter in Pashto (148). Understandably, some reviewers have found the abrupt intrusion of Dasgupta’s first-person voice into the novel, following the lengthy opening section focusing on Anjum, disconcerting. Joan Acocella (2017: n.p.) in
Here, as elsewhere, linguistic habits fuse with other aspects of personality to function as a metric of character. Although he can appreciate Anjum’s refined Urdu, Dasgupta’s own narrative style in English is straitjacketed. He is known to Tilo, whose friend he was during their undergraduate years, as Garson Hobart, an old theatrical sobriquet. The Waspish alias is more than a joke; it implies Dasgupta’s estranging adoption of the mentality of India’s bygone colonial administrators. The unruffled flow of his rhetorical manner bears out the expectations aroused by the name. Witness his reaction to a spate of terrorist bomb explosions: “As for myself, blasts evoke a range of emotions in me, but sadly, shock is no longer one of them” (147). It is the tone of the jaded overseer of “native misconduct”, the stiff upper lip of the wearied but diligent functionary. Like Chacko in
Dasgupta’s linguistic prowess does, it is true, make him an alert sleuth of militant discourse, notably the anonymous threatening message in Pashto he receives while posted to Afghanistan. The text is quoted in its original form (“
Dasgupta is baffled by the mixture of the whimsical and the serious embodied in Tilo’s collections. While generally well-intentioned — he helps to rescue Tilo from the clutches of Amrik Singh — he is, like Pillai and Mathew in
Roy’s treatment of the Kashmir conflict repeatedly pits vernacular breaches of decorum against the language of official obscurantism. Following a massacre by Indian forces of participants and onlookers at a funeral procession, the narrator poignantly references “the deafening slogan there was nobody left to chant”: “
Like the many Urdu interpolations in
Tilo is an adult version of Miss Jebeen; she has spent her life repudiating the crap issuing from empowered mouths. By the end of the novel, in Anjum’s cemetery-cum-guest house, she has found a paradoxical refuge from unliving discourse. Tickell calls the Jannat Guest House “a space of both literal and figurative exclusion: a zone where those who are not accepted or welcomed in wider society can find a kind of sanctuary” (2018). That is true, but the graveyard is also a space of [S]he didn’t teach her own pupils to sing “We Shall Overcome” in any language. Because she wasn’t sure that Overcoming was anywhere on anyone’s horizon. But she taught them arithmetic, drawing, computer graphics […] a bit of basic science, English, and eccentricity. From them she learned Urdu and something of the art of Happiness. (403)
It is deeply typical of Roy that happiness here is inseparable from eccentricity — and from learning languages.
Linguistic versatility is vital to Roy’s own eccentric but steadfast vision; it means refusing to occupy any made-to-order pigeonhole, of discourse or of thought, and to confront life as an unfolding narrative of possibilities, even within the bounds of a cemetery. Filippo Menozzi has described
