The Gendered Urban Transportation Landscape in Nigeria: Challenges of Female Tricycle Riders

Abstract

This qualitative study relies on the social constructionist notion of (un)doing gender to provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges female tricycle riders encounter in the public transport space in Lagos State, South-western Nigeria. The study identifies repressive gender norms as major barriers to the career progression of female riders and highlights patriarchal bargaining, adopting masculine behaviors and displaying resistance as key strategies for navigating gendered boundaries. The study recommends affirmative action policies and schemes to effectively support more women and promote career-inclusive culture in the public transport sector in the urban landscape in Nigeria.

Introduction

The occupational space, either formal or informal, is a veritable site where gender politics and ideologies are deeply entrenched. The precarious state of the Nigerian economy, which is operating below its potential, is causing many youthful population to compete for very few paid jobs and positions. Poverty and unemployment are therefore strong corollaries of an economy that is underperforming (Aruofor and Ogbeide, 2024). A significant offshoot of the economic crisis in Nigeria is the expansion of blue-collar jobs, which are mainly driven by young entrepreneurs. It has also seen women making incursions into occupational spaces and industries that were previously dominated by men. Most organizations give men the most power, influence and decisions, which could affect women negatively and may result in gender-based discrimination in the workplace (Gaines, 2017). The urban transport landscape in Nigeria has witnessed an unprecedented presence of women as public transport providers as an adaptive mechanism of coping with the harsh economic realities in the country. The present study is focused on the challenges faced by female tricycle riders in the relatively new social landscape of tricycle riding business; how they confront issues of gender stereotyping and how they negotiate their gendered boundaries.

Tricycles were first introduced as a commercial mode of transportation by Buba Marwa, then military Administrator of Lagos State, in 1996. His name became one of the sources of their reference in Nigeria, Keke Marwa (Marwa’s bicycle). Tricycles are also popularly called Keke NAPEP (NAPEP’s bicycle) in every part of Nigeria. Tricycles are not the conventional bicycles but rather motorized bicycles that have the capacity to carry up to three passengers. NAPEP is an acronym for National Poverty Eradication Scheme, an agency of Nigeria’s Federal Government that is saddled with implementing programs and providing opportunities for poverty reduction. The body also creates pathways for financial empowerment of the teeming youthful population. From this background, it is evident that tricycles were first introduced into the country as poverty alleviation interventions to create wealth and provide employment for the teeming unemployed youthful population. The introduction of tricycle as a commercial means of transportation was also aimed at providing affordable mass transit services to ameliorate the problem of inadequate mode of transportation in Lagos and other parts of the country.

The introduction of tricycle operations as a means of transportation in Nigeria has been deeply engaged in the extant literature from a wide range of perspectives. Keke NAPEP has been widely seen as a poverty alleviation intervention (Ebito et al., 2019; Oluseye and Bankole, 2013; Onagun, 2014); other studies view it as a source of promoting poverty as a result of the policy of hired purchase and corruption, which are not sustainable to pull beneficiaries out of poverty (Paul and Ojo, 2017). Some studies have identified it as a regular cause of accidents on Nigerian roads (Ben and Usoro, 2023), and others have examined the impact of carbon emission from Keke on human health and environment (Ulakpa and Ulakpa, 2022). Significantly, few studies have considered the textual and semiotic values of inscriptions on fleeting tricycles as a creative aspect of a local subculture that accentuate voices of marginalized segments of the society (Mensah et al., 2023; Mgbemena, 2013). The aforementioned body of scholarship reveals that the operation of tricycle businesses in the non-formal sector of the Nigerian economy has attracted modest scholarly attention to broaden understanding of the role of commercial tricycles in urban mobility.

Between 1996 and 2015, women were grossly underrepresented in all segments of the transport sector; in leadership positions as managers and policy drivers, or as service providers. They were largely consumers of transport services (Mensah et al., 2025). The clear lack of visibility of women in the transportation sector of the economy is mainly attributed to gender socialization or traditional division of labour, which defines socially established gender roles ascribed to men and women in all structures of society (Eagly, 1987). In a dominant patriarchal system like Nigeria, women are often placed at the fringes of society. They are seen as -homemakers, and men are the breadwinners;, hence, family dynamics are focused on home life and work life. This evidence reveals that while men hold authority and responsibility, and enjoy patriarchal dividend (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005), women are often saddled with chores of domesticity (Ward and Edelstein, 2013). This role performance reflects traditional division of labour and is deeply entrenched in cultural norms and social relationships in sociological discourses (Eagly and Wood, 2016). It may privilege men, confer broader acceptance, recognition and hegemony on them, and at the same time limit the potential of women and constrain their agency. However, it is apt to acknowledge that there are counter sociological narratives where many women are playing bread-winning roles to provide lifelines to their families, and challenging normative gender roles and identities (Akanle et al., 2016; Akanle and Nwaobiala, 2019; Eboiyehi et al., 2016).

From the foregoing evidence, the Nigerian society views women as belonging to the private realm and men are believed to own the public space (Mensah et al., 2023). In other words, workplace, career, and professional advancement are the domains of men but not women. This concept of gender segregation is closely related to the notion of doing gender, which enables men and women to actively perform and conform to societal expectations and norms associated with their perceived gender identity, either through individual actions or institutional structures (West and Zimmerman, 1987; Woehrle and Engelmann, 2008). Women who are public transport providers are therefore seen to be challenging gender norms and raising the standards in favour of gender equality. They have the need to work in order to support their families and be in control of their own lives. The task of surviving in a stereotyped masculine profession is, however, a daunting one.

In this study, I aim to develop an understanding of the experiences of female tricycle riders in Lagos State, South-western Nigeria, by exploring the difficulties they encounter on a daily basis and interrogating the strategies they have adopted to adapt to such challenges. The social constructionist notion of undoing gender provides the theoretical context for the study. In this concern, I will demonstrate how gender interfaces with cultural and socio-economic forces within a wider spectrum of meaning. Data for the study were sourced from participant observation and semi-structured interviews with female tricycle riders, passengers and park union members and leaders. The goal is to make recommendations that will impact policy and society. The study will increase knowledge of how women are crossing the boundaries of the complexities of urban life in the informal transport sector and contribute insights to women’s resilient livelihoods.

Women as public transport providers: A literature review

Coexisting narratives of female incursion into male-dominated domains like the transport industry are sparse in the literature. However, available scholarships on the subject reveal that discourses of women’s participation as transport providers revolve around themes of health challenges, security concerns, patriarchal oppression, traffic offences, cultural beliefs and values among others. Berrones-Sanz and Araiza-Diaz (2019) compared female taxi drivers’ health conditions with those of their male counterparts and remarked that women have a higher proportion of illness and musculoskeletal ailments than men. The study concludes that an important difference in working and health conditions between male and female taxi drivers in Mexico City is that female drivers have to combat labour, safety and gender equality policies to improve their psychosocial conditions. This study shows that women taxi drivers are prone to health hazards than men drivers, and this may likely reduce their occupational folklife and productivity. A related study by Westmarland and Anderson (2001) report that female drivers face gender-dominated forms of victimization. Although male and female drivers recorded the same level of physical attack and verbal abuse, women drivers were significantly singled out to be abused sexually. The study further discloses that women were more likely to report cases of violence at work to the police or consider leaving their jobs than men. It considers the implications of violence on the security and job performance of female taxi drivers.

The vulnerability of female taxi drivers to gender-based violence and the challenges of working under patriarchal structures was the thesis of Hiramatsu’s (2022) research. The study identifies the key challenges confronting female commercial drivers to include mistrust of professional competence, occupational hazards, lack of political influence in the local unions and interaction with coworkers. The study makes recommendations for the institutionalization of an effective support scheme for an inclusive career culture. In another study, Berry (1997) reports that women are often scandalized and ridiculed for venturing into men’s occupational space, like the transport sector. This is because there is a popular perception that male and female domains are mutually exclusive. The study describes the transportation sector as a ‘dangerous industry’ for women and praises their resilience in navigating the contested terrain with ease. This evidence shows the fluidity of gender as women taxi drivers are first seen as (one of the) men, and then as women. The experience of women taxi drivers in South Africa is similar to what is obtainable elsewhere. Khosa (1997) argues that unequal power relations between men and women in the taxi service industry are responsible for discrimination in employment practices and sexual harassment of female transport providers. The study discusses strategies female drivers have adopted to counteract unequal power dynamics in the industry.

The experience of female cab drivers that illuminates the structural and normative forces constraining women’s driving career was investigated by Beigi et al. (2020). The study highlights the motivations, problems and the types of passengers female taxi drivers encounter in the course of their boundary-less career and increases understanding of how women navigate challenges and grow their career in the informal context. Hasselwander et al. (2025) adopt a quantitative approach to interrogate gender imbalance as a growing concern in the transport industry in Kigali, in which women are grossly underrepresented. The study conducts an online survey of young women to measure their intention of becoming motorcycle taxi drivers. The study identifies structural barriers, financial limitations, family responsibilities, safety and security issues as some of the challenges confronting women’s career progression. The study advances the need to reshape the narratives and perceptions within the policy framework to empower more women to overcome barriers and advance a career in the transport industry. The impact of culture and religion has also been highlighted to have influenced the performance of female transport providers in the public space in Iran. According to Saffari (2020), the policy that allows only women taxi drivers to drive women is an offshoot of post-revolutionary gender discourse of women in Iran. It enables women to incorporate cultural beliefs and religious values that have been central to the ‘gendering’ of public life into their daily strategies of negotiation and resilience.

Significantly, Mensah et al. (2023) have explored the perception of female tricycle riders in Nigeria from the perspective of social role theory. The study found that women have always risen to the moment in terms of competence and performance standards, but stereotypes have largely constrained their acceptance and patronage in the business. The study recommends a policy model that will integrate equity, equality and social justice agenda to protect and support women as public transport providers. Olutayo and Adeyemo (2024) have also investigated the involvement of women in Keke and Boda Boda transport businesses in Nigeria and Kenya, respectively. The study identifies the emergence of women as commercial tricycle riders as a nascent trend in urban mobility and traces the involvement of women in public transport spaces to economic hardship and poverty. It therefore recounted the motivations, risks and challenges that women confront in this line of business and applauds the toughness of these women who can compete in a stereotyped male domain.

The present study expands the argument of Olutayo and Adeyemo (2024) by interrogating further some of the strategies female tricycle riders deploy to mount resistance to patriarchy and to navigate their gender identity in a dominant masculine occupation. This study provides fresh insights on women’s everyday experience of workplace resilient strategies under constrained circumstances. It further demonstrates how such resilience can shape the workplace with women’s unique perspectives. They work in sync with their personal values; demonstrate a drive to grow and evolve; and foster a mindset of facing challenges regardless of apparent difficulties. These are further steps to close the gender gap, instil confidence and professional satisfaction as well as fashion an attractive future for all women in the transport sector workforce.

Theoretical framework

This study adopts principles and methods of undoing gender (Butler, 2004; Deutsch, 2007) which is a critique of the social constructionist notion of ‘doing gender’ (West and Zimmerman, 1987) to interrogate patriarchal oppression of female tricycle riders in the public transport sector in Lagos and explain the trajectory of their unhealthy functioning in a highly competitive sector that is traditionally considered to be a male-dominated domain. The term ‘doing gender’ describes the social mechanisms by which people actively carry out and adhere to the standards and expectations of society connected to their perceived gender identity either through institutional frameworks or through individual behaviours (West and Zimmerman, 1987). While Butler (2004) undertakes a post-structural disposition to undoing gender, Deutsch (2007) relies on an ethnomethodological perspective to explicate the concept of undoing gender. Butler (2004) argues that the concept of doing gender is not focused on equality since its larger methodology is to sustain a functional sex role category which aligns with the traditional gendered script. She describes undoing gender as escaping ‘gender as a kind of a doing, an incessant activity performed [. . .] an improvisation within a scene of constraint’ (p. 3). This shows that gender is not only a social construction, but its reality is performed through repetitiveness of (gendered) acts. For Butler, gender is not a stable identity but a fluid category that indicates a change in gender identity and expression over time.

Deutsch (2007) maintains that doing gender is a theory of gender conformity. It sustains the persistence of inequality and creates gender barriers interactively. Its universal applicability is not compatible with a theory of change. In this line of thought, to do gender is to be judged by one’s normative sex category, and to be accountable to one’s sexual nature. Everyone is evaluated according to the gender norm of his or her sex category, by the standard of masculine or feminine behaviour. Ultimately, the concept of doing gender puts the spotlight on the development of difference, which legitimizes discrimination and inequality. Deutsch (2007) therefore proposes a shift in the research paradigm, undoing gender, which directly counteracts the framework of doing gender. According to her, doing gender is an accomplishment of gender difference, and undoing gender is the dismantling of gender difference and resisting gendered norms of inequality. This also implies that while doing gender evokes conformity, undoing gender evokes resistance. Risman (2009) corroborates this position when she argues that old gender norms should be losing their currency, and innovative behaviour should inspire a new kind of gender: new masculinities and new femininities. She maintains that sex category should not matter in a just world beyond its reproductive potential and agitates for gender category to be used in creating social justice and equality. From this evidence, while doing gender supports gender inequality, undoing gender tends to align with gender equality.

(Un)doing gender in an organizational context is used to show how gender is constructed through interactions because the perception of people is always gendered (Deutsch, 2007; Kelan, 2010). Undoing gender is a social interaction that reduces gender difference, hierarchy and discrimination. According to Murphy-Graham (2009), undoing gender encourages individuals to rethink gender relations in everyday life in a way that reflects their increased consciousness of gender equality. In this conception, undoing gender heightens the desire for change, fairness and equality among individuals. The notion of undoing gender opens up possibilities for individuals to expand notions of gender construction. It also aims to achieve a more gender-equal construction of the (in)formal workplace. Undoing gender, therefore, provides the explanatory framework to negotiate the gendered terrain and unfold the theoretical potential of understanding the gendered workplace (Nentwich and Kelan, 2014).

In the context of the present study, workplace behaviour is influenced by social expectations surrounding masculinity and femininity (Brenton and Elliott, 2014). Female tricycle riders defy stereotyped gender norms to take up a means of livelihood that is stereotyped as a male-dominated occupational space. For these young women, gender was no longer ‘a product of social doing’ (West and Zimmerman, 1987) but a strong incentive towards equality. They breached gender parameters and undermined gender in the process of managing the challenges they encounter in the course of work. Some of these challenges included ideological enactment of inequality and no numerical balance of men and women. Female tricycle riders have to reinvent new modes of performing gender in the workplace. In this respect, the public transport space becomes a strategic site to influence the doing and undoing of gender.

Methodology

This study adopts a qualitative approach to data collection and analysis. The research benefitted from a 9-month fieldwork exercises in Ikeja, Lagos State, South-western Nigeria between December 2021 and August 2022. The field sites covered Keke parks at Allen Junction, Berger and Ogba. The choice of the study areas was justified by the presence of more female tricycle riders in the areas. It was aimed at ensuring inclusivity and validity of the research findings. Thirty participants were recruited for the study through a purposive sampling method. Thirteen of them were female tricycle riders, 7 were male tricycle riders and 10 were either their passengers, park workers or park managers. Some of the inclusion criteria included their willingness to participate in the research, coupled with their involvement and experience in the tricycle business. A few participants were excluded due to a lack of time to honour interview appointments with the researcher. There were 18 female and 12 male participants whose ages ranged between 18 and 67 years. Other socio-demographic characteristics of participants, such as education, marital status, religion and driving experience, were documented (see Appendix 1). The educational background of research participants reveals that seven (23%) were products of institutions of higher learning such as Polytechnics, Colleges of Education and Universities. Fifteen participants (50%) graduated from secondary schools, and eight participants (27%) did not attend school beyond the primary level. Eighteen participants (60%) were married, and 12 participants (40%) were not married officially but were in one form of heterosexual relationship or cohabiting with their partners. With reference to religious affiliation, 20 participants (67%) were Christians, 7 participants (23%) were adherents of Islam and 3 participants (10%) had an agnostic view of religion and did not identify with any organized religious group. The driving experience of the female tricycle riders varied between 5 months to 6 years. All participants gave informed consent for all interviews and recording in writing. The research was approved by the Directorate of Research and Development, University of Calabar.

The researcher adopted an emic perspective to this study by focusing on the ways research participants give meaning to the world of public transport. I adopted participant observation to monitor everyday activities and engagements of female riders in the three parks to capture their individual involvement with passengers, colleagues and park managers within the broader workplace environment. This approach allowed access to studying female riders’ behaviour for an extended period of time in a wide variety of settings: parks, restaurants and homes. It also enabled the researcher to build a trusting relationship with participants to enable the researcher to fit into their occupational spaces (Bonner and Tolhurst, 2002). During the direct observation, the researcher was able to notice and evaluate in detail the challenges female riders encounter and the strategies they have devised to navigate gender boundaries on a daily basis. Semi-structured (ethnographic) interviews were also used in eliciting data from the participants. This approach enabled access to participants’ world of work as tricycle riders, passengers or park managers.

The researcher used dialogue guided by flexible interviews to collect open-ended data, to explore participants’ thoughts, feelings and beliefs and delve deeply into their personal and official issues (DeJonckheerem and Vaughn, 2019). In-depth interviews with participants provided diverse insights into individual experiences and perspectives, capturing unique narratives of how gender boundaries were navigated and shaped. The researcher also explored shared understanding of work dynamics in their community of practice. This approach enabled the researcher to uncover female tricycle riders’ personal experiences on the job. Questions were asked about their individual history of tricycle riding; the motivation to ‘invade’ male occupational space; the way they have been negotiating boundaries and identity, the daunting challenges they daily encounter in the course of service delivery. Questions were also posed on how patriarchal practices impact their working conditions as well as the strategies they have adopted to negotiate male dominance and control. Questions were asked about the social network they relied on in making decisions to launch their entry into the business. The male riders, passengers and park administrators were interviewed to share their perspectives on working with and patronizing female riders. This collaboration enabled male participants to share their reactions and perceptions about female riders.

All interviews were conducted in Yoruba and Nigerian Pidgin. Two Yoruba research assistants helped in the verbatim translation of data. All participants’ names were anonymized to protect their identity and confidentiality. Data were coded and themed based on relevant categories that emerged. A manual data coding process was used. The data were thoroughly examined and assigned descriptive codes or labels to identify meaningful segments. The codes were categorized into themes, which were interpreted in the analysis and discussion. Data were subjected to thematic analysis, transcribed and translated. Thematic analysis specifically focuses on analysing meaning across the entire data set and to facilitate the examination of a particular phenomenon in depth (Clark and Braun, 2013). Put together, thematic analysis deals with meaning in context based on the specific patterns found in the data. The researcher aimed to abstract features that are salient for the purpose of the analysis (Dey, 1993). These are basically the challenges faced by female tricycle riders in meeting the rigours of their work environment, and how they have been able to manage these issues. The descriptive method was used in the analysis and interpretation of data. The approach summarizes the main features of data and reports the views, opinions and perspectives of participants as they were expressed in their own language.

Results

In the following analysis, I engage the challenges female tricycle riders face in the course of their duty. The second part of the analysis examines the adaptive mechanisms women riders have employed in responding to a harsh patriarchal work environment based on their experiences and perspectives.

Challenges faced by female tricycle riders

Sexual harassment

Sexual harassment is a dominant challenge encountered by female riders who were participants in this study. All participants admitted that they have been harassed sexually in one form or another in their work environment. The harassers may be passengers, male riders or transport union members, and sexual harassment often comes in the form of sexually suggestive remarks, sexual jokes or pranks, unwelcome sexual advances, offensive touching and intimidating behaviour of a sexual nature. This behaviour is not only manifested physically but also through phone calls or social media sexting. Participants reported that they encountered sexual harassment on a daily basis in the course of plying their trade. This is often a cause for concern, which makes them feel unsafe and scared. Recounting her experience of sexual harassment, a participant said that:

There was a day I carried a male passenger and on the way to his destination, he started making unwelcomed sexual requests. He asked if we could go to a particular hotel and spend some quality time together. I simply told him to make it the next day because going to a hotel wasn’t in my itinerary for that day. (Bucky, Female 37)

The account of this participant reveals how sexual harassment was interfering with her work performance. The idea of meeting in a hotel was muted to enable the harasser to become intimate in a closed space, and probably have a sexual encounter with his ‘victim’. Although this unsolicited sexual advance violated her dignity, she was able to handle such conduct by asking her harasser to make the request the following day. This was a polite way of dismissing the harasser by calling attention to her busy work schedule. The participant emphasized that although such unwarranted sexual requests can instantly create psychological anxiety, she was able to handle the situation diplomatically without insulting or offending the harasser. Other participants also shared their experiences of sexual harassment in the course of their duty call. A participant (Elizabeth, Female 40) recalled that she normally gives out her phone number to her clients on request for future business transactions. She was, however, surprised at the way a particular client was sending nude contents to her phone, and making illicit sexual advances at her. She maintained that in good faith, she had to warn the harasser to desist from such behaviour and respect her dignity as a married woman.

During the interview session, another participant (Bumi, Female 33) informed the researcher how a passenger once asked if she was available for ‘open-n-eat’ (transactional sex). She maintained that the said male passenger made a lot of promises, like taking her off the road and changing her fortune in life. The man, according to the participant, was persistent for weeks, asking her to make up her mind and give him a chance to change her life. She recounted that she politely dismissed the man and told him that she had received many such offers in the past, which were not attractive to her. She concluded that she was happy with the little income she was generating to support her family. A participant (Risikatu, Female 29) also shared her encounter with a harasser who was a female passenger in her tricycle. She recounted that the lady who was the only passenger she carried sat directly behind her and kept touching and fondling her waist and back as she was riding. She warned her to stop and she did but was assuring her that she loved her, and would want them to ‘connect’ (become lovers). She responded that she loved her passenger too but unfortunately, she ‘doesn’t do her gender’ (not into lesbianism).

From the narratives of participants’ experiences of sexual harassment, some analytical assumptions can be made. First, although the majority of harassers were male passengers (opposite sex sexual harassment), female riders were also targets of sexual harassment by female passengers (same sex sexual harassment). This evidence reveals that any gender can be a victim or perpetrator of this kind of behaviour. Significantly, the study discovered that there was no formal channel for complaints of sexual harassment in the work environment under study to enable victims to seek redress. The implication is that no legal or institutional framework enables the transport union to stand up for female tricycle riders on account of sexual harassment. In this way, their civil rights will continue to be violated.

Abusive language

Evidences abound from observation that female tricycle riders were not immune to abusive language from their male colleagues, passengers and transport union members. Verbal abuse is usually triggered as a control mechanism or to inject fear or damage female riders’ self-esteem. Participants maintained that their male colleagues often make negative and hurtful comments as manipulative tactics to establish dominance or assert power and control over them. A participant (Modupe, Female 37) remarked that some of their male colleagues see them as people who are not just competing with them for passengers but coming to take their primary source of livelihood away from them. As a result of this mindset, they are often very hostile and abusive. Recounting her own share of insult in her workplace, another participant narrated as follows:

My brother (researcher), they serve us (female riders) insults and threats as lunch in this place (work environment). They keep reminding us that we do not belong here; that the natural work for women like us is oloshow (prostitution); that it’s only a woman’s kpekus (vagina) that should be red not her eyes and that we are not respecting boundaries. I don’t know whatever that means. (Fumilayo, Female 30)

The evidence from this participant points to the fact that verbal abuse is an essential workplace repertoire encountered by female tricycle riders. The implication of serving them insult and threats as lunch means that such language use occurs in their everyday interactive or communicative setting. The claim that they do not belong where they are working indicates that female riders are challenging gender norms and raising the standard by choosing a male-dominated profession as public transport providers. Accusing them of rejecting prostitution to take up a more tasking job reveals the pattern of gender inequality that limits young women’s economic options, and reinforces the egalitarian posture of female tricycle riders who express agency and broaden their bargaining power. Essentially, the claim that it is only a woman’s vagina that should be red not her eyes is a cultural insult about traditional stereotypes about sex and gender. It is only men who are expected to be aggressive and assertive, but not women. However, some female tricycle riders were exhibiting these manly traits based on the demands of their work environment to attract this insult. Significantly, accusing female riders of not respecting boundaries means that there are certain reciprocal terms of address for male passengers used by male riders like Chairman, Chairmoo, Baba, Senior Man and Boss Man that female riders are also using to establish familiarity with male passengers.

Many participants admitted that they had been verbally abused by their passengers. They recalled many instances where their passengers’ language crossed the line of decorum, either to denigrate them as people with low self-worth or to make them feel insecure or unsafe. They attributed this behaviour to aversive emotions and disgusting attitudes of some passengers. A participant (Iyabo, Female 34) informed the researcher how she was called on a hiring service but when she got to her potential passenger, she was simply dismissed as a ‘runs babe’ (transactional sex practitioner) by the man who was no longer interested in her service because she was a woman. She said that the man’s humiliating comment made her visibly angry, but she had to control her emotions and leave quietly. Another participant (Korede, Female 32) narrated that she had lost count of the number of times she had been labelled ‘Ashawo on wheels’ (a prostitute on wheels) in the course of her duty on the streets of Lagos. She remarked that she is less bothered by such stigmatizing labels so long as she is earning a living from what she is doing. These accounts show that female tricycle riders face disparaging comments and remarks, which are ongoing patterns of behaviour that can diminish their self-worth.

Suspicion about professional competence

Based on observation, some passengers do not trust the capability of female tricycle riders as people who are experienced in plying their trade. They are often looked down upon as incompetent riders despite position of Mensah et al. (2023) that women are better riders in terms of competence and performance standard. This belief is informed by the perception that they are fairly inexperienced and do not know how to navigate through heavy traffic or manoeuvre rough terrains like their male counterparts. According to participant (Ama, Male 34), ‘This usually happens during the rush hour, and manoeuvring congested spaces can be stressful and nerve-wracking’. Another participant (Kunle, Male 37) reiterated that in the Keke sector in Lagos or elsewhere, female riders are more appreciated as ‘marriage materials’ who should know how to please their men at home than riding Keke. This sort of implicit bias leads women to be overlooked as incompetent or inexperienced riders. It also does not create a culture of respect and belonging that values diversity. This mindset was further expressed by another male participant in this way:

I don’t patronize Keke (tricycle) that is driven by women because I personally believe that their hands are not strong enough to ply Lagos perilous roads. I cannot imagine entrusting my personal safety into their care. Some of them do not seem to acquire the skills and toughness that driving on complex Lagos roads requires. (Caleb, Male 48)

The narrative by this participant reinforces the microaggressive perception that questions women’s capacity as tricycle riders. Women are seen as less able and less competent in the discharge of their duties. According to this participant, this mistrust is predicated not on the fact that women lacked skill or experience but that they lacked dexterity to navigate rough terrains. It was also argued that women get extremely nervous in some driving situations and exhibit slower reflexes, which are genetic traits, based on the account of a participant (Ade, Male 38).

Female riders themselves have encountered situations where some doubt has been cast upon their capacity to deliver. A participant (Bimbo, Female 36) narrated several accounts where passengers have objected to boarding her light vehicle only on realizing that she was a woman. She maintained that this mistrust mainly comes from female passengers who claimed to have a phobia of female riders. Another participant (Ify, Female 43) informed the researcher that many passengers out there have been stereotyping female riders to be less aware of their surrounding, panic when driving and lack confidence to ride. She maintained that these are widespread perceptions which often hinder their career advancement. She believed that men may be more skilled riders but women are safer riders. A participant (Becky, Female 39) argued that she had been accused of driving slowly and getting easily distracted in the past. She remarked that this conventional image had really affected patronage and hindered her professional growth. From these narratives, we have seen that driving is still generally stereotyped as a male-dominated domain, and female tricycle riders are mainly attempting to break gender stereotypes in the transportation sector in order to foster a more inclusive industry and ensure gender balance in the Keke community in Lagos. Participants also identified gender-based violence, lack of visibility in the decision-making apparatus, predominant male employee base and lack of bargaining power as other problems they have to contend with in their work environment.

How female tricycle riders respond to oppressive work environment

Female tricycle riders recounted the various forms of gender bias they encountered in their work environment, which further seems to widen the gender gap in the public transport sector in Lagos. In this section, the study examines the various strategies female tricycle riders have adopted to ameliorate gender stereotypes and negotiate boundaries in the course of their work. Kandiyoti’s (1988) patriarchal bargain was activated by female tricycle riders to negotiate and reach some compromise with their male counterparts to carry out some tasks on their behalf. Patriarchal bargain explains the way women strategize when confronted with severe constraints in patriarchal systems. For example, male riders were at liberty to load their tricycles (call in potential passengers) and drive them out of the park. However, when it was the turn of female riders to load their tricycles, they would not be seen around the loading area. A male co-worker would do the loading on their behalf. The female rider will only come in and zoom off. The reason for doing this is to ghost the gender/identity of the rider, given the prevailing perception of low patronage when passengers know the gender of the rider. Elucidating this point further, a participant maintained as follows:

It is because if some passengers know that it is a woman that is the rider, they’ll not board your Keke. We pay the men to load for us so that we can survive in the business. Some of us come out here late as a result of family responsibilities so if you don’t pay for your Keke to be loaded for you, there’s no way you can meet the day’s target. (Ayo, Female 35)

This participant reveals that the patriarchal bargain is an institutionalized practice in their tricycle business community that is inherently deployed by female tricycle riders to remain relevant in the sector. Paying for this service also means a reduction in their daily profit margin. This evidence shows that though the patriarchal bargain may open up renegotiation of gender relations or compromise between genders, it limits women’s operational and economic options in the transport business.

Another strategy adopted by female tricycle riders in the transgression of gendered boundaries is acting masculine. They act hard and become rougher that way. This is mainly as a result of environmental influence, and the nature of the people they relate to. They adapt their gender expression to fit their workplace socialization. Participants believed that they need to model masculine gender behaviour and foster more masculine traits like assertiveness, defiant and rebelliousness to be able to fit into their work environment. This position was further highlighted by a participant as follows:

Master (researcher), this place (tricycle park) is like a jungle where the survival of the fittest punctuates each day. As a woman, one has to gravitate towards activities and styles that are plainly masculine. In fact, we are all men now. There’s so much gra-gra (oppression) and if you want to do subsi (be subservient) here, they’ll use you like five and six spanner (a tool). (Angela, Female 40)

The narrative by this participant paints a vivid picture of her workplace questionable practices or conducts that propel female riders to deconstruct the expression of their femininity. This justifies the claim by Butler (1988) that gender performance is habitually acted and played out. It is produced or performed by the individual creatively in everyday life. This position shows that gender is a daily performative choice, and gendered rituals are situated within social and historical contexts.

Based on observation, it was also seen that female tricycle riders deployed resistance as a strategy to navigate gendered identity in their workplace. On some occasions, there were attempts to shortchange them when it was their turn to load their tricycles as male-privileging ideals or hegemony. This was interpreted by some female riders as forms of subordination, marginalization and social exclusion, and they were left with no option but to resist such an agenda. Another form of resistance was mounted against intimidation by agbero ‘touts’ around the vicinity of the parks. They collect rates, fees and other forms of tax from drivers on behalf of the park lessor, and often inflate these amounts for the unsuspecting payers. A participant (Ugo, Female38) admitted that since they know the actual rates to pay for their operations in the park, they usually resist the greedy agbero who always wanted to exploit them. This resistance is located within organizational structures and is often demonstrated against male co-workers who view the presence of women unfavourably. However, female riders agreed that they utilized resistance to promote change against cheating and exploitation.

Discussion and conclusion

Female tricycle riders face daunting barriers as service providers in the public transport sector in Lagos State, South-western Nigeria in agreement with the claim by Porter et al. (2025) who remarked that in the African context, women of all ages are discriminated against in terms of access and use of transport services. They lack agency as both transport users and providers. Lack of economic opportunities and employment options has pushed young women into taking up jobs in the transport industry, a domain that was hitherto stereotyped as a career path for men, in a bid to support their families and add value to their lives. In this study, I adopted the notion of undoing gender to provide a nuanced understanding of the relationship between gender, resilience and everyday activities in the workplace. The framework aims to dismantle gender inequality and shift the organizational structure to a more inclusive gender regime (Deutsch, 2007). The study has identified unique challenges these women encounter in their interactive relationships with passengers, male colleagues and transport union members. Pervasive sexual harassment does not create an empowering climate for female riders to thrive and build strong career pathways. Misogynistic comments and remarks coupled with aggressive interactions have revealed the hidden tensions and low level of acceptance of female riders in the Keke community. Significantly, mistrust of their professional competence, gender-based violence and lack of bargaining power have proven to be enduring problems these women encounter on a daily basis. These problems are consequences of gender bias and stereotypes, which are resistant to change (Butler, 2004).

Female tricycle riders defied gendered norms and expectations by taking up a male-dominated career and recreating a new social and occupational landscape for themselves. They devised various means of breaking gendered boundaries, like the adoption of patriarchal bargaining, which entails a compromise that engages men to perform certain tasks for women. Kandiyoti (1988: 275) argues that such an arrangement helps in the ‘shaping of women’s gendered subjectivities and determines the nature of gender ideology in different contexts’. This strategy allows female tricycle riders access to greater autonomy within the bounds of patriarchal oppression. It also enables them to manipulate the system and make concessions in a way that will keep them afloat in the business. Significantly, they also deployed the use of masculine scripts to close the gender gap. In this context, they exhibited masculine traits like aggression, assertiveness and rebellion in their social relations with the workplace others. Mensah (2020) justifies this diverse gender expression by stating that women reconfigure gender roles and norms in their workplace to define a new mode of femininity. They acted like men because the social position they occupy requires competence, leadership, physical strength and autonomy (Deutsch, 2007). Female tricycle riders also employed resistance as a transgressive practice to navigate the gendered domain of their workplace. They mounted resistance to social injustice, exploitation and gender-based violence in the pursuit of a liveable work life. Redden (2016: 1) refers to this action as the ‘feminization of resistance’ which entails fostering a more inclusive and equitable work environment.

By choosing a male-dominated career option, female tricycle operators in this study are undoing gender by challenging stereotypes and creating career paths for themselves. In other words, they have attempted to ‘reduce gender difference and perception of difference’ (Deutsch, 2007: 114). In a culture where women are assigned passive roles and often marginalized in serious concerns of life, it is an affront to see female tricycle riders breaking gender barriers in the public transport sector. They are seen to be creating diverse, empowering and inclusive transportation sector that will benefit all its stakeholders. The inclusion of women as public transport providers has far-reaching implications for women and society generally. First, it reveals a complex connection between gender, agency and resilience. Women are asserting themselves to overcome economic constraints and social inequality (Bradshaw et al., 2017). Essentially, it represents a shift in traditional gender roles. Women have pushed the frontiers of femininity beyond homemaking and engaging in chores of domesticity. Women’s involvement as public transport providers has promoted the transformation of the public transport sector as a more inclusive industry. It has equally enhanced labour market participation and boosted women’s economic productivity. This will considerably reduce the ‘feminization of poverty’ (Eboiyehi et al., 2006; Marcoux, 1998), nurture a healthy economy and ensure efficient use of human resources. The act of challenging dominant spaces of everyday life in the transport sector has also offered women social protection against gender-based discrimination.

I wish to acknowledge some limitations that were encountered during the fieldwork. It was difficult to track down some participants for an interview due to the fleeting nature of their work. In some cases, the author had to pay riders for round trips to enable them to be effectively engaged during interviews. Some of the female tricycle operators declined to be interviewed for religious or cultural reasons. Some participants were suspicious of the intention of the researcher with a digital audio recorder during interview sessions. This made some personal information be held back. The researcher explained the objectives and goals of the study to dispel this fear.

In conclusion, the study examined the challenges female tricycle riders encounter in Lagos, Nigeria, by venturing into a male-dominated occupation. Some male colleagues do not relate to equality and respect with women in this line of work. They are judged differently in an essentialist patriarchal environment and are said to have crossed the gender boundary to compete for space, place and resources with men. Consequently, female tricycle riders are sexually harassed, verbally abused and stereotyped as incompetent and inexperienced. They respond to these biases by emerging gradually from a position of marginality to deconstruct masculine scripts and disrupt oppressive categories of gender. They have pushed against existing sexist culture in the workplace and firmly established their visibility and agency in that space by undoing gender. Significantly, they have challenged the system of normative structure in their workplace which reinforces the claim that the concept of gender is changeable and reproducible (Butler, 1988). The study recommends the empowerment of more women to consider the option of tricycle business as a primary source of livelihood. The Lagos State government needs to initiate affirmative action policies and schemes to promote diversity and inclusivity in the urban public transport landscape of the state. Future studies may investigate the various support systems female tricycle riders are benefiting from to strive in the business and examine the effect of public transport on women’s health and well-being.