Informalising Formality? How Dunoon Township Transformed From a Planned Into an Auto-Constructed ‘Informal’ Neighbourhood

Abstract

This study explores why Dunoon transformed from a planned to a hybrid auto-constructed formal–informal housing township. It examines how residents bypass official planning to build their own homes as an alternative housing solution. Data were collected using ethnographic methods including interviews, informal conversations and observations. Findings show that Dunoon’s informatisation is driven by small house sizes failing to meet family needs, high crime rates necessitating additional home safety measures and high unemployment necessitating the creation of informal entrepreneurial spaces. The research concludes that the informalisation of townships will continue if the legacy of apartheid continues to persist in South African cities.

Introduction

An examination of the global urban housing landscape reveals a significant shortage of affordable housing options. Unconventional housing initiatives often contribute to the proliferation of informal neighbourhoods, particularly in the Global South, where the rate of urbanisation outpaces economic development (Adam, 2014). Many residents struggle to secure affordable housing and access basic services, with 25% of the world’s urban population living in informal settlements lacking adequate housing (UN-Habitat, 2020). The Global South is home to many informal settlements such as Kibera (Kenya), Dharavi (India), Neza (Mexico) and Orangi Town (Pakistan) (Masimba, 2019). Factors driving this situation include rapid urban growth, rural–urban migration, housing shortages, economic instability, low wages and the effects of conflict and disasters (UN-Habitat, 2015).

Large cities such as New Delhi, Mumbai, Cairo, Johannesburg and Dhaka continuously grapple with land shortages for urban expansion and affordable housing (Taylor and Derudder, 2015). In Latin America, megacities, such as São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, are growing without adequate planning, exacerbating existing inequalities (Hardoy et al., 2019). In Africa, urban growth occurs mainly in unplanned informal settlements (African Union, 2023). These informal settlements are often established on unauthorised land, breaching housing development and planning regulations. Situated on the outskirts of cities, these areas are environmentally vulnerable and lack essential services, such as water and sanitation (Satterthwaite, 2020). The term ‘informal housing’ varies across different contexts, with commonly used terms including shanty towns, slums, squatter camps and favelas (Grashoff, 2020). Some governments deem these settlements illegal and forcibly remove residents, while others adopt a more supportive approach.

This study examines escalating housing shortages and urban challenges in South African cities. Rapid urbanisation has led to a substantial increase in urban population, with projections indicating that it will reach 74% by 2035 (Coalition for Urban Transition, 2021). South African cities are expanding, with informal settlements developing in urban peripheries (SACN, 2017). Despite generating significant wealth, its distribution remains unequal, and most of it is privately owned (Coalition for Urban Transition, 2021). This challenge stems from apartheid, which confined most Black Africans to fringe settlements, denying them access to economic opportunities and perpetuating urban inequality (Maharaj, 2020). The legacy of this system continues to affect many Africans in cities, leaving them confronted with housing challenges three decades after the end of apartheid.

This study focuses on a housing settlement called Dunoon – a township located in Cape Town. Established as a planned neighbourhood, Dunoon transformed into a ‘hybrid’ township of informal and formal housing and urban practices. The research critically analyses the factors contributing to this shift, examining why and how Dunoon homeowners circumvent city housing and planning regulations as they self-build their houses. Dunoon was established around year 2000 as a government-subsidised project under the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and provided basic housing services before occupation. However, after almost three decades, the township has changed significantly. This study investigates these transformations based on the following two main objectives.

The first objective was to investigate the evolution of Dunoon from a planned neighbourhood to what can now be characterised as a semi-informal township which reflects a hybrid of formal and informal characteristics. The second one was to explore how homeowners in Dunoon modified their residences in response to their changing needs over time. This transformation warrants a comprehensive examination of the socio-economic and spatial dynamics that have contributed to this shift. Furthermore, understanding these modifications will provide critical insights into the adaptive strategies employed by residents, revealing how such alterations have not only catered to personal requirements but have also played a significant role in reshaping the overall character and functionality of the neighbourhood.

This study offers a unique perspective on informal housing within planned housing settlements, particularly through an interdisciplinary perspective. By integrating historical, cultural, infrastructural and socioeconomic perspectives related to the phenomenon under investigation, this study highlights the complexities of urban housing in South Africa. Furthermore, the analysis intricately incorporated perspectives from established urban studies, including urban planning, governance, housing policies and geography. This interdisciplinary approach facilitates a comprehensive understanding of the factors and conditions influencing urban development, governance and housing in South Africa. It emphasises the complex interplay between historical legacies, such as colonial land practices and past political decisions, and contemporary socio-economic dynamics, illustrating how township neighbourhoods evolve and adapt to their historical foundations and present realities.

The housing situation in South Africa

South Africa has one of the highest inequalities in the world. Housing inequality in the country stems from an urban land market dominated by private interests, making land unaffordable for most urban seekers (Todes and Turok, 2018). Colonial and apartheid policies barred Black Africans from land ownership, laying the foundation for the current disparities (Mabin, 2005). Legislation, such as the Glen Grey Act (1894) and the Native Land Act (1913), rendered land ownership unattainable for black populations (Thomas, 2010). A 2017 land audit showed that 72% of arable land is owned by whites, who constitute less than 10% of the population (Clark, 2019). In Cape Town, affluent neighbourhoods are near work and shopping hubs with full services. Simultaneously, low-income groups, mainly indigenous or of African descent, live in overcrowded settlements on the fringes of the city, facing poor housing conditions and limited social services (Ramashamole, 2011).

In 1994, apartheid ended, and the democratic government took over. Charlton and Kihato (2006) noted that the government faced urban challenges including severe housing backlogs, income inequalities and spatial disparities. The task was to establish integrated communities with access to economic opportunities, healthcare, education and social amenities (Duminy and Parnell, 2020). Thus, affordable urban housing has become a priority. Progressive housing policies were introduced to address colonial and apartheid legacies and build inclusive cities. These include the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA) and Integrated Development Plan (IDP) (Brown-Luthango, 2020). These policies aim to create sustainable settlements, promote high-density development on suitable land and provide necessary infrastructure and services (Brown-Luthango and Magidi, 2025). Various housing subsidy initiatives have been launched to support this goal (Smit, 1999).

Despite progressive housing and planning policies, Turok and Watson (2001) argued that little transformation has occurred since the end of apartheid. Maharaj (2020) notes that post-apartheid South Africa still faces inequality, racial and economic segregation, uneven development and socio-spatial disparities. Profit-driven developers dominate land markets and often ignore post-apartheid planning frameworks that are designed for integration and inclusivity. Land prices have increased, making markets more competitive than they were during apartheid, while poverty has risen, particularly among black urban residents in overcrowded townships (Business Tech, 2016). Thirty years after apartheid, cities still suffer from social and spatial fragmentation, high poverty and inequality (Brown-Luthango, 2020). Modern urban planning has favoured suburban development and technical efficiency over social and environmental issues, leading to the growth of expensive and unaffordable neighbourhoods for most low-income urban residents (African Development Bank et al., 2017).

Subsidised housing projects have failed to meet policy goals for addressing the social-spatial injustices caused by apartheid, as Pieterse (2014) calls them ‘policy rhetoric’. Gunter (2014: 96) notes that access is hindered by ‘rising ownership costs, application barriers, and low, irregular incomes, limiting formal housing options for the urban poor’. Smit (1999) claimed that these projects are complex, slow and obstructed by poor tenure and land distribution, monopolistic private interests and other challenges.

Informal and backyard housing

Amid severe housing shortages, informal dwellings in unplanned and planned neighbourhoods have emerged as a solution for low-income urban residents. According to the Government of South Africa (2021), by 2019, the country had over 2600 informal settlements, with nearly 20% of the urban population in major metropolitan areas such as Johannesburg, Cape Town and Ekurhuleni residing in informal dwellings. Furthermore, there has been an increase in what is commonly called ‘backyard housing’ or simply ‘backyarding’ (Brueckner et al., 2019). Backyarding involves homeowners leasing portions of their property to tenants, primarily those with subsidised formal housing (council or state/RDP). These tenants reside in formally or informally built structures and have access to utilities such as water, sanitation and electricity through connections to the primary residence (Brown-Luthango and Magidi, 2025).

According to Brueckner et al. (2019), backyard housing may suggest that subsidised homeowners view their yard space as excessive for their own use. This perception leads them to reduce their space by renting out portions for financial compensation. By doing so, they effectively utilise space, one of the few resources available to them (Govender et al., 2011), by sacrificing their private outdoor area for personal use in pursuit of potential income from renting it out to enhance their livelihoods (Turok and Borel-Saladin, 2016).

Statistics South Africa (2011) found a significant increase in the proportion of households living in formal and informal backyard dwellings. These households accounted for 7.3% of the national total in 2011, increasing to 12.5% in 2016 (Brueckner et al., 2019). Lemanski (2009) argued that tenants tend to prefer renting backyard housing to informal settlements. This preference is largely due to better access to amenities, more favourable locations, reduced risk of displacement and improved personal security in established residential areas compared with newly developed informal settlements (Tshangana, 2014). Meth et al. (2021) argue that backyard housing illustrates how formal and informal housing logics can coexist in urban peripheries, creating hybrid settlements that combine the characteristics of formal and informal cities and demonstrate a unique blend of formal and informal land ownership systems (Selod and Tobin, 2018). The following section addresses the theoretical foundation of the study and introduces and expands the concept of auto-construction.

Theorising auto-construction

This study is based on the concept of ‘auto-construction’, which describes the significant growth of urban peripheries (Holston, 1991). Auto-construction is a process through which urban residents incrementally construct their homes and communities by utilising their available resources at any given time (Caldeira, 2017). This idea was further explained by Karaman et al. (2020) as ‘plot-by-plot’ development or simply ‘plotting urbanism’. Streule et al. (2020) further framed it as ‘popular urbanism’, noting that it embodies various forms of self-organisation, primarily involving the participation and labour of low-income or marginalised individuals.

In this process, residents are not merely passive recipients of urban spaces designed by others; rather, they become active agents of urbanisation. This involvement entails significant improvisation and bricolage, employing ‘complex strategies and calculations, alongside a continuous imagination of what a desirable home might look like’ (Caldeira, 2017: 5). Auto-construction serves as an ongoing, resident-driven process of housing development, where homes and neighbourhoods are gradually built and enhanced (Holston, 1991). In this context, residents often unite in social groups formed by kinship, friendship, origin, religion or political affiliation to utilise available spaces to expand, remodel and reinvent their living environments according to their own logics (Streule et al., 2020). They harness the economic and political resources at their disposal and their own labour to construct their homes and generate income (Karaman et al., 2020).

The article asserts that, in light of a shortage of adequate housing, township residents draw upon their ‘creative, innovative, inventive, and imaginative’ capacities to devise plans and designs that meet their evolving needs and aspirations (Magidi, 2024). This approach, however, carries the risk of what Bhan et al. (2017: 256) refer to as ‘spatial illegality’. In South Africa, a country marked by significant housing and income disparities, along with steep land market prices, informal auto-construction has emerged as a means of urban transformation. The article further highlights this practice as a way for the poor to assert their ‘right to the city’ (Lefebvre, 1967) by independently replanning, redesigning and reconstructing their homes in ways that fulfil their desires, free from the constraints of city bylaws.

The Global South hosts numerous housing settlements developed through auto-construction and the plot-by-plot approach, evolving into what are now recognised as permanent residential communities. Cities in Latin America, such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Brasília (Brazil), exemplify areas where favelas, initially constructed from wood, plastic and mud, have been transformed into solid, decent houses that accommodate millions of people (Hardoy et al., 2019; Holston, 1991). Caldeira (2017) highlights Mexico City and New Delhi, emphasising the role of self-construction in developing peripheries into ‘proper’ housing settlements. Bayat (2010: 14) noted the existence of self-built peripheries in Middle Eastern cities through the ‘quiet encroachment of the ordinary’ as residents challenge urban space regulations (Simone, 2010) to create their own homes and neighbourhoods (Ballard, 2015). Karaman et al. (2020: 1122) note that in certain districts of cities such as Istanbul, Shenzhen, Lagos and Kolkata, many individuals inhabit urban areas that have developed incrementally over time, ‘driven by speculative and often exploitative land and housing markets, with minimal official planning’. These transformations occur through gradual property improvements or plot redevelopment, involving a complex interplay among landlords, plot owners, government officials, tenants, local elites and authority figures working together to shape this distinctive form of urbanisation (Karaman et al., 2020).

Having gained insights into the urban housing dynamics in South Africa and the theoretical framework of the study, the following section focuses on the methodological aspects of the research. It presents a characterisation of Dunoon as the study area, outlining basic but essential demographic and socio-economic facts. Furthermore, it provides a summary of the data-collection methods used in this study.

Methodology

The study was conducted in Dunoon, a low-income township located in Ward 104 of the Cape Town municipality, approximately 20 km from the central business district. Established around 1999/2000 on roughly 90 hectares of land as part of the RDP, Dunoon was designed to accommodate the urban poor (Barry, 2020). At its inception, the area provided essential housing services, including piped water, sewage systems, electricity, roads, schools and a clinic. Originally, Dunoon was comprised of 2694 one-to-two-roomed houses on plots of <90 m² (Barry, 2020). According to the City of Cape Town (2011), the neighbourhood was home to 31,134 residents as of 2011. However, unofficial estimates suggest that the current population ranges from 66,000 to 80,000 (Barry, 2020).

The study employed ethnographic methods to gain a critical understanding of the lived experiences that contribute to the informalisation of housing in Dunoon. Various techniques were used to gather data, including field observations, in-depth interviews, key informant interviews and informal conversations. The researcher conducted 25 in-depth interviews with homeowners in Dunoon and 4 interviews with key informants from various stakeholder organisations. Participants were selected through snowball sampling. Additionally, data were gathered through non-participant observations across the study site, which were analysed using thematic analysis, with the results presented thematically.

Findings: why and how is Dunoon informalising?

This section offers a comprehensive analysis of Dunoon’s transformation from a planned neighbourhood to an auto-constructed hybrid township that hosts both formal and informal living spaces. This evolution is marked by the emergence of various types of construction, including backyard extensions and self-built structures. These developments have distinctly reshaped the township, giving it an appearance that resembles an informal settlement more than a planned/formal neighbourhood.

Small ‘un-African’ housing units

A significant theme that emerged from the participants’ narratives was the perception that houses in Dunoon are characterised as ‘un-African’ and deemed unsuitable for accommodating a ‘typical black South African family’. The participants, predominantly of Xhosa descent, articulated that their familial structures are inherently extensive, encompassing numerous children and a wide array of extended family members. Consequently, for these individuals, a house serves as more than merely a dwelling for the immediate family; it is also sometimes intended to accommodate other relatives connected through various kinship ties. Most contended that in their original design and size, the houses in Dunoon inadequately fulfilled the requirements of a typical Xhosa family residence in several respects. They emphasised that their family structures typically extend beyond the nuclear family to include ‘blood’ relatives such as aunts, uncles, grandparents, cousins and occasionally in-laws and their offspring.

The researcher revisited how various South African authors have conceptualised ‘family’ to better understand the term. Lugira (2009) characterised it as a highly inclusive system encompassing close and distant relatives, regardless of their proximity, along with numerous other relations. This perspective aligns with Mandela (1994: 8), whose personal experiences reflect the broader and more inclusive essence of the Xhosa family system, as illustrated in the following illustration:

My mother presided over three huts in Qunu, which, as I remember, were always filled with the babies and children of my relations. In fact, I hardly recall any occasion as a child when I was alone. In African culture, the sons and daughters of one’s aunts or uncles are considered brothers and sisters, not cousins. We have no half-brothers or half-sisters. My mother’s sister is my mother; my uncle’s son is my brother; my brother’s child is my son, my daughter.

This also resonates with Participant 5, who stated, ‘When you own an urban home, it becomes a home for everyone in the extended family. All close and distant relatives who move from their rural homes to the city automatically have a place to stay before they secure their own places. This is in addition to your immediate family . . .’ This raises the question, ‘How is a single-room house meant to accommodate such large families?’

This portrayal of the Xhosa family system highlights the challenges posed by the types of houses built in Dunoon. The residents involved in this study consistently expressed that the homes in Dunoon were inadequate for their large families. Originating from the RDP housing program, the houses in Dunoon Township were designed as single-room core structures, providing little more than a shared toilet and bathroom. Ultimately, it was up to the occupants to determine how to optimise the limited space within this single room to meet the various needs of a home.

While receiving a ‘free house was a blessing’ for many, some beneficiaries quickly realised that one-room homes did little to ease their housing difficulties. Instead, they complicated their family living arrangements, making it challenging to thrive in inadequate spaces. Participant 3 compared the houses to ‘being given money that is insufficient for the listed groceries while still being expected to return with all the items, despite lacking any extra cash’. This suggests that the houses were too small to adequately meet the beneficiaries’ needs. However, most lacked sufficient funds to cater to the extra accommodation needs of the family or acquire more spacious houses elsewhere.

Some participants highlighted that accommodating a family in a small, single-room house, such as those found in Dunoon, is nearly unfeasible. They pointed out the difficulties faced by a family comprising a father, mother and children when it came to staying and sleeping in a single room. Participant 10 expressed his pride in being ‘the first member of my extended family to own an urban house’. However, this sense of achievement did not last longer when he realised that he would have to share a single room with his family, which included his wife, two children, a brother and a sister who had recently graduated from high school in a rural area and moved to the city in search of better opportunities. Moreover, frequent visits from his parents, in-laws, relatives, workmates and friends exacerbated the situation, with at least one visitor every weekend. Such a limited space made it challenging to host these visitors regularly, prompting him to recognise the urgent need to create additional living spaces to enhance the comfort and functionality of his home.

Some participants pointed out that many employed individuals in Dunoon work in industries with night shift schedules. The study specifically noted the presence of security guards who typically worked night shifts and rested during the day. This was particularly evident during our visit, as some participants were often awakened from sleep to speak with us, while others were unavailable for interviews because they were ‘sleeping’ after their overnight work. One resident (Participant 3) suggested that we conduct the interview outside to avoid disturbing her husband, who was sleeping in preparation for his night shift. Sleeping in the same room while other family members need to use the space during the day can be challenging. Participant 12, a male security guard, commented:

Sometimes, children disrupt your sleep, leading you to send them outside to play. However, with an increasing number of kidnapping cases, it is not always safe for them to be outdoors. Moreover, the weather can be uncomfortably cold, hot, or rainy for outdoor activities. So where can they go instead?

Some participants also noted how challenging it was for school children to study in such a household. They must complete their homework, prepare for tests and examinations, and sometimes go to bed early to wake up refreshed the following day. However, this proves difficult in a family living in a one-roomed home, as other family members may have important matters to discuss before they can sleep, watch television or even host visitors. At the same time, children are expected to concentrate on schoolwork. Some, particularly football enthusiasts, pointed out that it becomes even more difficult during major football tournaments, such as the World Cup, African Cup of Nations and European Champions League when matches are played until midnight or later. This issue also affected young children, whose parents complained about the lack of space for play in one-roomed homes. Participant 5 remarked:

You do not want them to play outside, especially when it is cold or raining; as a result, they tend to stay indoors, where they create all kinds of mischief: breaking kitchenware, playing with sharp utensils, and occasionally making noise. At the same time, you are occupied with some important tasks . . .

Some participants reported the exhaustion caused by rearranging furniture each night to accommodate sleeping arrangements for family members, only to move it back in the morning when everyone woke up. Others noted that rising early to prepare for work or school disturbed everyone else who slept in the house. The noise from using the shower, preparing meals in the kitchen, and general movement throughout the home, along with the flick of a light switch, interrupted sleep and caused everyone in the room to awaken, highlighting the downsides of this living situation. Additionally, some residents of Dunoon mentioned difficulties in acquiring additional properties owing to a lack of storage space. Even for those who could afford more furniture, the absence of adequate space made this impossible, prompting thoughts about alternative methods for creating more room.

Some residents pointed out that one-room houses impede communal gatherings during celebrations and funerals. The difficulty of hosting numerous guests complicates how people celebrate their achievements and mourn their loved ones. They noted that in extended family systems, from which most of them originate, the success of one member is regarded as a collective achievement that calls for celebrations with as many family members and friends as possible. Conversely, when a family member falls ill or passes away, relatives and friends often come together for several days to offer support and grieve together. Participants remarked that accommodating such crowds in a single-room house is challenging, thereby discouraging the treasured traditions of celebrating milestones or jointly mourning. Consequently, many homeowners search for larger living spaces to facilitate significant family gatherings. Essentially, by modifying, extending and redesigning their homes, homeowners seek to create environments that better accommodate family life free from the constraints of houses never designed for permanent residency. They strive to enhance the liveability of their homes to better align with their evolving family needs.

The initial data collection for this study was conducted during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic outbreak in South Africa. Although this took place before the implementation of the lockdown restrictions, campaigns aimed at curbing the spread of the virus are already in progress. COVID-19 prevention protocols, such as ‘social’ and ‘physical distancing’, ‘self-quarantining’ and ‘self-isolation’, were quickly gaining traction and being promoted. Some participants posed significant questions regarding the feasibility of implementing such measures in single-room housing. They asked how individuals could maintain social or physical distance from family members in the same room.

As a hard lockdown was anticipated (and ultimately enforced a few weeks later), some participants expressed concerns about the practicality of a family, say of six, being confined to a single room for extended periods, day and night. This concern became a reality, as Luhanga (2020) reported that Dunoon emerged as one of the COVID-19 hotspots in Cape Town, where many residents struggled to maintain social and physical distancing. Observations indicated that numerous residents hurrying to complete the construction of new shacks and extend their homes before the lockdown to create additional space during this time. Figure 1 illustrates the original floor plan of single-room RDP houses built in Dunoon.

Figure 1.

Dunoon RDP house plan.

Compensating for the lack of entrepreneurial space and infrastructure

The study also identified the need to develop an entrepreneurial space infrastructure as a significant factor influencing the critical housing strategies employed by residents in Dunoon. Participants noted that securing employment is becoming increasingly challenging as the South African economy continues to decline. Even those employed often find that their earnings are insufficient to support their large extended families. The 2011 census data highlight the severe unemployment and poverty levels in Dunoon, revealing that at least 37% of the population was unemployed and 77% of households survived on R3200 or less per month (City of Cape Town, 2011). As a result, individuals have sought to generate income through what Magidi (2019: 70) describes as ‘constructing livelihoods through other means’. Many of them have turned to informal entrepreneurship. However, the study revealed that Dunoon’s original plan did not consider the necessary infrastructure to support small and informal businesses, nor did it provide sufficient space to be converted to address this need.

Some residents turned to home-based entrepreneurship, although this posed challenges because of the limited size of houses in Dunoon. Participant 15, who operates a laundry business from home, remarked, ‘Running a business from the same room where one lives and sleeps with their family is nearly impossible . . . it complicates everything’. Residents also emphasised the absence of designated infrastructure or space for kiosks and informal businesses. The narrow roads further impeded street vending, as observed across the neighbourhood. Residents noted that this situation compelled aspiring entrepreneurs to innovate and create entrepreneurial spaces, prompting them to adapt to their homes to accommodate the necessary infrastructure.

The study also identified a lack of basic infrastructure, such as shopping facilities, banks and schools, as a significant factor contributing to the critical need for house extensions and modifications in Dunoon. A shopping mall designed to serve the community is inconveniently situated across a major road outside the settlement. It closes at 6:00 PM, limiting late-night and emergency shopping options that are essential for township life. Furthermore, Dunoon experiences a shortage of educational facilities, with only three primary schools and one secondary school available. While residents initially found these schools adequate during the early years of settlement, the population has increased 10-fold, creating a pressing demand for additional schools. Existing schools now cater to many learners from surrounding informal settlements and are consequently overwhelmed. This gap is being addressed by new and established entrepreneurs who are opening convenient grocery and mobile money shops, as well as informal schools within Dunoon, despite the limited available space in the area.

The combination of inadequate infrastructure and basic services, along with a growing population, has positioned Dunoon as an ideal location for informal small-to-medium entrepreneurs as highlighted by Participant 8 who remarked noted, ‘Dunoon is a place of gold; entrepreneurs make a lot of money here’. Residents have been actively modifying and redesigning their homes to accommodate a variety of businesses, including kiosks, barbershops, hair salons, restaurants, laundry services, shebeens (beer outlets), grocery stores, Internet services, printing shops, schools and private tutoring. Many also established vegetable markets, hardware stores, clothing shops, garment-making businesses, shoe repair services, vehicle repairs, electronic sales and repairs, car washes, laundry facilities and carpentry workshops.

Furthermore, some residents extend their homes or build backyard shacks to create additional living spaces for their families or to generate income through rentals. Several landlords have taken to beautifying their properties, renovating and applying animated, artistic designs to attract tenants and enhance their rental income. These efforts are intended to increase earnings and provide relief from unemployment. As a result, many residents have taken the initiative to create their own entrepreneurial spaces and infrastructure, both within their property and beyond. This includes modifying, remodelling and redesigning homes and constructing structures in backyards. Some even expropriated public spaces to make them feel more like their own.

Some individuals earn income by renting spaces in their backyards. Owing to a lack of funds, some have resorted to constructing cheap temporary backyard shacks using various materials, such as plastics, tents, iron sheets, scrap metal, wood, bricks, mortar and containers. They also built additional toilets and bathrooms to accommodate the backyard residents. In addition, they have made unauthorised water, sewerage and electricity connections to serve these dwellers. Structures like these have catalysed the transformation of the township from a planned neighborhood to what is referred to in the paper as self-planned or semi-planned housing, which both its residents and authorities recognise as an informal settlement. Figure 2 illustrates some of the informal home business structures in Dunoon.

Figure 2.

Home-based informal businesses.

Enhancing security

The study also found significant crime and violence in Dunoon, as in most townships in Cape Town. Although the study could not identify actual crime statistics, participants emphasised that safety and security were major concerns in the neighbourhood due to elevated crime levels. Numerous reports in mainstream media highlight the high crime and violence in Dunoon to the extent that in 2019, the government deployed soldiers to combat these issues in the township (Meyer, 2019). Some residents reported that they had lost considerable property to burglars. This situation is exacerbated by the nearest police station being about 10 km away, with police rarely patrolling the neighbourhood. Consequently, homeowners opt to enhance their security by constructing additional structures that go beyond the stipulations of the official housing planning regulations.

Field observations revealed many perimeter walls and fences constructed from different materials, including bricks and mortar, blocks, wooden planks, pieces of bamboo, scrap metal and roofing zinc. Many homeowners have replaced their original doors with stronger, primarily metal options. In addition, some have installed metal screen doors, burglar bars on windows and gates to enhance security and deter theft and break-ins. Vehicle owners have built garages and carports to protect their cars. Furthermore, some residents have highlighted the value of ‘safe rooms’ where valuable possessions can be securely locked away when the home is unoccupied. One resident (Participant 10) posed a thought-provoking scenario to the researchers: ‘Imagine what would happen if you stayed in a single-room house and a burglar broke in. You would lose everything’. This underscores the fact that having multiple rooms allows for the distribution of property and valuables, as security locks in different rooms mean that breaking into one room does not guarantee access to the entire house.

Demand for secure housing intensified in Dunoon due to the rising number of foreign nationals relocating to the township in search of affordable accommodation and entrepreneurial opportunities. Participant 20 remarked, ‘Dunoon serves as a home for many foreigners from across Africa, including individuals from Pakistan who live and conduct business here’. However, given the area’s history of xenophobic violence and high crime rates, particularly targeting ‘new’ residents and foreigners, these individuals find themselves vulnerable, necessitating additional safety measures to guard against potential xenophobic attacks. They expressed concerns about living in shacks and less secure homes that could be easily broken into during a burglary, may be at risk of destruction due to fire, or if xenophobic violence was to resurface.

Freedom House (2017) confirmed that in Dunoon, foreign residents live in fear following previous xenophobic incidents. To meet the needs of this tenant demographic, some homeowners modify their properties in various ways to improve habitability, appeal, safety and security. Consequently, the demand for enhanced safety and security has emerged as a primary reason for Dunoon residents to alter their homes, transforming them from planned to predominantly informal settlements. Figure 3 illustrates an informal perimeter wall or fence around a house in Dunoon designed to improve home security.

Figure 3.

Perimeter wall to enhance home security.

‘Wealthy outsiders’ acquiring affordable land

This study revealed that external investors drive auto-construction and various initiatives to enhance housing conditions in Dunoon. Some residents called these individuals ‘wealthy outsiders’ purchasing properties within the township. They considered these individuals ‘outsiders’ since they were not the original beneficiaries of the housing project, with many not even residing in Dunoon and owning properties in more affluent suburbs. The researchers heard that these affluent outsiders often enticed homeowners in Dunoon by offering attractive sums of money to buy single-roomed houses. Subsequently, they redeveloped these properties into larger, improved units, adding multiple rooms to better accommodate families without compromising privacy or the limitations of one-room living. Some were even constructing three or four-storey flats.

Once completed, the properties are leased, generating substantial income. Participant 3 shared that his family rented out 17 rooms in their 3-storey house, charging between R800 and R1000 per room. Field observations have noted an increase in the number of high-rise flats in Dunoon with several buildings currently under construction. These flats are often used as schools or leased for various entrepreneurial ventures. Participant 14 owned a restaurant in Dunoon where she prepared various meals for sale. However, she was not a resident of Dunoon and had only a few clients in the settlement. Instead, she served clients in other areas, delivering food during lunchtime and closing her establishment by 15:00 hours. She confirmed that she purchased and modified the premises solely for her business, seeking a more affordable location to operate her restaurant rather than a permanent residence. Figure 4 illustrates how Dunoon is experiencing vertical growth as new affluent owners and real estate investors acquire affordable land.

Figure 4.

Storey buildings in Dunoon.

‘Absence’ of the city council

Residents indicated that a significant factor contributing to the high prevalence of informal construction in Dunoon was what they referred to as the ‘absence of the city council’ in the neighbourhood. They acknowledged that while the city is involved in certain aspects of community life – such as occasionally collecting solid waste, maintaining schools and the library, and responding to emergencies like fires – it is mainly uninvolved in ongoing construction activities. Participant 13 emphasised, ‘People are building as they wish because the city is not present to monitor what is happening here, claiming that this is an informal settlement’. The decision regarding what structures to build and how to construct them rests solely with the property owner, who typically informs the street committee and sectional leaders as a formality because these leaders rarely intervene unless construction poses a significant threat to human safety. A city official who participated in the study highlighted that the informal construction developments occurring in Dunoon were beyond the city’s purview because ‘Dunoon is an informal settlement’.

Some residents expressed willingness to construct buildings that adhered to the city’s construction standards. However, they felt that the city was absent from facilitating this process. Participant 16 shared her experience of demolishing her original RDP house to build ‘a decent house’. She indicated her desire to follow proper procedures for her construction but faced significant delays in receiving feedback from the city after submitting her plans. This lack of a timely response ultimately compelled her to move forward independently.

Others raised concerns about the city’s approval fees, which they deemed excessive, leading many people to circumvent the official process. Residents believed that the city should adopt a more proactive role in their township, particularly given the considerable informal construction taking place during the time of this research. As a result, the city’s lack of involvement was perceived as a significant factor contributing to the formalisation of what was originally a planned settlement.

Discussion and conclusions

As a result of these factors, Dunoon has lost its status as a formally planned neighbourhood and is now predominantly perceived as an informal settlement. While some of the newer structures are beautiful houses that surpass the quality of the original ones, they were constructed without adhering to planning and construction laws and standards, which classifies them as informal. Homeowners are also left uncertain about the future of their new residences, questioning whether these properties will eventually be regularised and recognised as formal housing, or if they will be subject to demolition, as has occurred with other informal settlements across the city and country.

Over the years, Dunoon has experienced unplanned densification, with residents estimating that its population has expanded more than fivefold. Figure 5 presents satellite images of Dunoon from 2002 to 2020, highlighting its growth and transformation into a denser settlement, albeit without formal planning recognition.

Figure 5.

Dunoon in 2005 and 2020.

The study further posits that unless fundamental housing and planning issues, such as those observed in Dunoon, are adequately addressed, there remains a substantial risk that future planned low-income residential housing projects could develop into informal (or semi-formal) self-constructed settlements. Dunoon should serve as a critical point of reflection for city planners and housing developers, enabling them to better understand and identify the needs of the intended beneficiaries. While single-roomed houses may be suitable for college students, they do not necessarily meet the requirements of families whose situation is compounded by high poverty, crime and unemployment, which characterise their community.

The findings revealed several factors affecting housing in the township, particularly the inadequacy of available homes to accommodate extended, large and inclusive family systems (Chitiga, 2008; Lugira, 2009; Mandela, 1994). Furthermore, the study emphasised the urgent need to enhance home safety and security, given the rising incidents of crime and violence that increasingly define daily life in the township, as highlighted by Freedom House (2017). A critical issue is the necessity to establish entrepreneurial spaces and infrastructure to address the increasing unemployment rates both within the township and throughout the country. This circumstance corresponds with Magidi (2025), who observes that homeowners in Zimbabwean townships are transforming their backyards into workspaces due to a lack of informal entrepreneurial spaces. This need is particularly pressing in the context of escalating urban poverty and the socio-economic and spatial inequalities prevalent in Cape Town and other South African cities (Mabin, 2005).

Notably, the study also revealed that some residents of Dunoon were keen to collaborate with the city to construct their homes according to the set procedures. However, they noted that the city failed to engage with them, resulting in residents building their homes as deemed appropriate. Consequently, residents believe that the city is complicit in Dunoon’s informalisation.