Praising the Croc,Despising Nero: The Politics of Hero-Worshipping Leaders Through Music and Speech in Zimbabwe

Abstract

Music and speech have been utilized to enrich this study phenomenon to unveil the hero-worshipping in Zimbabwean leadership. The research examined that the post-independence Zimbabwe under Mugabe and Mnangagwa administration has found both leaders worshipped and attributed to as heroes, if not demigods. At the same time, how music and speech have been used to despise or smear campaign the opposition leadership. I argued that music and speech are at the center of ZANU-PF, evidenced in 21st century in a bid to win elections through political parties and individual image building.

Introduction

In authoritarian regimes, the art of praising leaders for ruling forever is the norm to which leaders are attributed to or more as demigods. However, leaders like Stalin, Hitler, and Ceasar eventually died, leaving us with the only conclusion that all leaders are humans like us (Roberts, 1956; Slovik, 2012; Wintrobe, 1998). Their position over a large population left many worshipping them, yet they were mere human beings possessing the sentiments of fear, death, and weaknesses. If they were what people imagined of them, we could have been under the leadership of one man for life. Drawing from music and public speech in Zimbabwe, Mugabe (known as Gushungo or Bob) and Mnangagwa (known as the crocodile) have been praised and worshipped as gods on earth (Mamvura, 2021a). At the same time, music and public speech were used as a weapon to despise or smear campaigning the opposition leaders of the main opposition party MDC under Morgan Tsvangirai (known as Save) and Nelson Chamisa (known as Nero). The same goes with the opposition political parties involving music and speech smear campaigning ruling party ZANU-PF, although I intend not to focus on opposition politics entirely. Music and speech have been used as a way of political influence, communication, and translating the party image, agenda or goals, and mission for a political party support base building. In this regard, music and speech have been utilized by the ruling party ZANU-PF to win the masses to vote them in power during Mugabe and Mnangagwa administrations. Yet, we cannot cast a blind eye on MDC’s music and speech campaigning and smear campaigning strategy in the 21st century. In counteracting the opposition movement, the ZANU-PF-led government promulgated restrictive laws decimating opposition political parties’ public gathering, media broadcasting, and publication of information. There is continuity, not change, in the Zimbabwean politics from Mugabe to Mnangagwa administration under ZANU-PF-led government from 1980 (see, for example, Southall, 2018).

Tied on the above, music and speech have played a vital role in the Zimbabwean electorate for the ruling party ZANU-PF and opposition political parties either by swaying or strengthening the political party support base. In the voter types analysis, we have the ingrained and the neutral party members, which the latter members can be easily swayed by any sentiments (political messages through speech and music) to either vote in support of the ruling party or the opposition party (see, for example, Hodzi, 2014: 52–53). Having youth majority voters in the Zimbabwean electorate, the ZANU-PF party has captured the young age popular musicians in the 2017 post-coup, including Jah Prayzah (real name Mukudzeyi Mukombe) and Roki (Rockford Josphats), to influence and sway the majority of youth voters. Music and speech are powerful political campaign tools (besides other campaign platforms used, including Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp) in the 21st-century Zimbabwean electorate from Mugabe to the Mnangagwa administration. The 21st-century music and speech carried the anti-imperialism, agricultural reforms based on the land reform, black empowerment, individual praises (for individual political image building), and youth empowerment for a better Zimbabwe—ZANU-PF-led government (see, for example, Magure, 2014). Yet, opposition smear campaigns by ZANU-PF through music and speech played a crucial role in manipulating and deceiving most voters to vote in ZANU-PF. Land in the first decade of the 21st century became the main agenda for ZANU-PF’s electoral campaign strategy, followed by 2013 black indigenization and empowerment (see, article by Magure, 2014, narratives that made a difference in the 2013 harmonized elections). In 2013, post Government of National Unity, the main focus of the electoral campaign was targeting the majority youth voters through the indigenization and empowerment of the local people, which music and speech propagated the ZANU-PF electoral campaign. In the post-coup, Mnangagwa has learned much from his predecessor’s music and speech campaign strategy, in which Jah Prayzah and Roki have been involved in the ZANU-PF music electoral campaign. Music and speech have become the portal of electoral vote attraction in Zimbabwe, swaying the majority of the youth voters through electoral message persuasion, manipulation, and deception.

Mugabe was a music enthusiast whose electoral campaign contained music from the logic of land reform, anti-imperialism, the ZANU-PF party (campaign and rallies), and liberation songs. The fundamentals of music and hate speech created a propagandist socialist nationalist rhetoric sense of belonging of the masses to the state and party ZANU-PF. The music of Zimbabwe can be understood in the four phases of the liberation ZANU-PF party songs from the colonial and post-colonial first two-decade period, the 21st-century third chimurenga songs (Fast Track Land Reform Programme), and the post-coup songs under the Mnangagwa regime (Vambe, 2004). The research phenomenon is inspired by the various artists taking a stance of hero-worshipping political leadership in Zimbabwe. The masses, at the same time, have been hypnotized into hero-worshipping the leaders. We have seen a manifestation of rally party songs and speeches carrying sentiments toward equating the leaders to immortality (long live the King). The aspect of hero-worshipping in Zimbabwe can be traced from the country’s pre-colonial national (stately) cultures, whereupon the Chiefs were termed God sent. Although we are in a different dispensation, Mugabe and Mnangagwa have not been left out in such a caliber of hero-worship.

Over the years, music and political speech have been used as a weapon of manipulation, deception, and persuasion (Barclay, 2018). However, image building and a way of getting hold of voters in an election. As I highlighted earlier, music and speech are a way of communication either one way or two ways as long the message reaches the intended recipient. In most cases, the praise of leaders can go to the extreme side, whereupon leaders will be worshipped as gods. The purpose of this article is to analyze how political speech and music have been used as a form of praising ruling party ZANU-PF while despising opposition political parties leaders. At the same time, how opposition leaders and members have respondent through speech and songs.

ZANU-PF is the ultimate party with the supreme leadership

To challenge ZANU-PF is believed to have questioned the War Veterans credentials who liberated Zimbabwe from the Rhodesian government under Ian Smith (Chitando and Tarusarira, 2017). This is noted in the song “Zimbabwe Ndeye Ropa Ramadzibaba in English; Zimbabwe was/is born of the blood of the Fathers/ Ancestors” ((Chitando and Tarusarira, 2017). At the same time, those who pursue that mission are tainted as a sell-out party by their counterparts. We had the greatest musicians in Zimbabwean history ever since the liberation struggle and in the first decade of independence, including Cde Chinx Chingaira (real names Dickson Chingaira), Oliver Mtukudzi, and Thomas Mapfumo (known as Mukanya). I will use the song Mhakure (Egyptian cobra) by Mtukudzi 2001. The song Mhakure does not give credence to this research, but it will unpack issues collating to the themes under investigation. In this song, the enemy is portrayed as the serpent. The song goes “ramba vakaitarira mumaziso usacheuke cheuke inoruma”; in English, continue looking it in the eye, do not sway it bites. The lyric text resembles an instruction to someone or a political party to be watchful of the enemy (Chikowero, 2006). Otherwise, the enemy will conquer him. As the serpent (Egyptian cobra), the enemy cannot hesitate to bite if you ignore guarding yourself while at the same time destroying its head.

Since Mapfumo and Mtukudzi’s 21st-century music took a slight turn toward supporting the opposition movement, the song might have referred to opposition parties to be watchful of the ruling party ZANU-PF (Guzura and Ndimande, 2015). The music’s turn toward supporting the opposition movement is seen in the song by Mtukudzi Bvuma Kuchembera in English, yield to the old age and resign (speaking of Mugabe). Mapfumo in the 1980s in support of then ZANU before the Unit Accord (union of ZANU and ZAPU) of 1987 and formation ZANU-PF delivered a song Usatambe Nenyoka in English, Don’t play with the serpent. It is debatable who the snake was in the first decade of independence 1980, which is most likely to be the Matabeleland dissidents. Mugabe referred to the Matabeleland people as a serpent that needed to be crushed, especially Nkomo and his underworkings in the 1980s coalition parliament (Meredith, 2007). Yet, the 21st albums offered a new chalice toward refraining from the revolutionary Chimurenga songs, taking into cognisant matters at stake, including economic upheavals of inflation and unemployment (Southall, 2015). The song Bvuma Kuchembera points out that although the leaders are somewhat praised as demigods, their external bodies were wearing out. The singer could not point out all issues and emotions in the song because of the nature of Zimbabwean politics under Mugabe. However, the public got the message. What shocked me was the level of praise that the Zimbabweans and those living beyond borders had for Mugabe. Of course, his benevolent dictatorial leadership rewarded him handsomely such an intellectual fortune through his oratory orchestrated or well-oiled speeches. At some point in United Nations General Assembly or African Union Summit, Mugabe could throw away the papers and make a good speech from his mind. He possessed such intellectual many craved for, yet could not less or equal. In his 90s, the doddering Mugabe stood in the United Nations, challenging Donald Trump to blow his trumpet in a musical manner toward peace, unit, tranquility, and dialogue (Times Live, 2017). He used a biblical analogy of the giant Goliath speaking of America under Trump (Africa News, 2017). Obviously, Mugabe was the young David against any form of imperialism. Without hesitation, many applauded for his speech, who today are still saying that Mugabe was a hero, never afraid to confront his nemesis the western countries leadership (American and British presidents and prime ministers respectively).

In addition to the above, the Mbare Chimurenga Choir stood to be on the stage singing ZANU-PF electoral campaigning songs (Musvoto, 2012; Sabao, 2018). In Shona Nyatsoterera unzwe kutonga muoffice muna Bob, in English Pay attention listening whose ruling, in the office, there is Bob (Ngoshi and Mutekwa, 2013). Bob-Mugabe’s praise as a good leader whom people should pay attention to and listen only spoke to his excellent oratory skills, not what was on the ground’s socio-economic and politics. The Zimbabwean economy in the 21st century was a harvest of thorns and briers, which only the ingrained party members remained supportive of the ZANU-PF party. Yet, to win the mass, the party utilized repression and restriction as the ultimate weapon to attain the political goal. The mass’ fear and worship of the party ZANU-PF in the 21st century only came through coercion, not by choice. Most studies concur that there is continuity, not change, in Zimbabwean politics under the Mnangagwa administration (Southall, 2018). In this regard, Mnangagwa embraced music as a form of hero-worship when he staged a coup that disposed of Mugabe.

Mnangagwa was praised in one of Jah Prayzah’s (real name Mukudzeyi Mukombe) songs, “Gamba,” which goes “rasvika gamba kutonga kwaro gamba,” in English, “the hero has arrived, that’s the way the hero rules.” To most who celebrated the rise of Mnangagwa and the fall of Mugabe, they are many regrets because he failed to deliver as anticipated of him (Mamvura, 2021b). The song’s composer was rewarded much honor even to perform in the presence of the then designated President Mnangagwa. The 2017 last quarter of the year came as a cursed moment, from a coup to a thuggery state under military guardianship. To do justice in a bid to explain the post-coup is to look elsewhere, clarifying the post-coup environment in Zimbabwe. In Uganda, Milton Obote lost Power to his army general Idi Amin (known as Dada), whose repression and restrictions from 1971 to 1979 suppressed any threat from the masses or elites (Slovik, 2012). The fear of the masses and elite allies bent their knees into subjection and obedience. In one of the meetings in the 1980s, Mugabe said I am a socialist, so who are you? No one could have had the boldness to stand and say I am not a socialist (Sithole, 1993). The fear through propaganda mechanisms gave rise to people hero-worshipping their leaders who are merely human beings with flesh and blood alike of us.

The Fast Track Land Reform was the real motive behind the Chimurenga’s, although justice was not done to distribute the land equitably among the Zimbabweans (Magure, 2009, 2014). Mugabe was praised as the true revolutionary leader of Zimbabwe who stood for the liberation legacies, which land was the main issue behind the Chimurenga’s. The sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by then were not a real deal to the Zimbabweans, although a turning point for political competition (Magure, 2014). The reason behind the Zimbabwean crisis cannot simply be attributed to sanctions; doing justice to this phenomenon is to trace the historical origin of the Zimbabwean crisis since independence in 1980 (Ojakorotu and Kamidza, 2018: 37). Many scholars have concurred with this observation, although the cry by Mugabe and Mnangagwa is sanctions are a stumbling block to the economic revival of Zimbabwe. Such sentiments have swayed most Zimbabweans who were seen marching for the anti-sanction through Southern African Development Community (SADC) backing (Ojakorotu and Kamidza, 2018). One thing to note is that heroes fail often than not and always use blame games to gain popularity. The motive behind this is to persuade and, in the process, manipulate people towards voting in a political party.

Nearing the 2013 elections, the Mbare Chimurenga Choir composed a song in an analog of a football match, matching the ZANU-PF campaign message “Bhora Mugedhi” in English, “Ball in the Gate.” The Mbare Chimurenga Choir song goes in the first place we have Mugabe, in the second place we have Mujuru, and in the third place, we have Nkomo play the ball in your position (Magure, 2014; Ncube, 2016: 201–218). Yet, in the post-2013 election, a dramatic event in the ZANU-PF party involved Mujuru factionalism, proving she could not hold her position in the pitch. Mujuru was fired with a red card from the football pitch and continued her political journey with a new party. Mugabe continued reigning as the champion of the 1980 election until the 2013 harmonized election. The coup that disposed of Mugabe marked the end of his office term; he became less or equal to everyone. Mugabe had his principles despised by many who wished he could adopt the human rights of the western countries. He was loved for being such a charismatic leader, upholding not only the Christian ethos as well the cultural norms and values of our nation:

In Zimbabwe’s post-independence, television and radio stations broadcasting was all about the liberation struggle and those who liberated the country. In a song by Simon (liberation pseudonym Chopper) Chimbetu which goes;

(In Shona)

Ndarangarira musi vatisiya gamba, mwana venyu Amai amire panguva yakaoma handikanganwe comrade, akasheedzera ndokusheedzera, chionai comrade ini ndave neropa pachipfuva zvino topesana muhupenyu shinga comrade . . . vana veZimbabwe ngatibatanei tikurire mhandu, tiina vaMugabe

(In English)

I remembered the day that our hero died, your child Mother was having a hard time; I won’t forget, comrade. He then called out loud, see my comrade; I have blood on my chest; now we are partying ways but be strong, comrade . . . people of Zimbabwe, let’s unite to conquer our enemy, with President Mugabe.

The song was, however, used in the post-coup to despise the ruling party ZANU-PF Lacoste faction under Mnangagwa with the same genre but new lyric texts which goes;

(In Shona)

Ndarangarira musi vatapemberera Mnangagwa, zvino tasvika panguva yakaoma handikanganwe kwete, Vanhu vakapemberera ndokusheedzera, kutonga kwaro gamba kotaizivei tapinza nyoka mumba zvino hupenyu votirwadza semimba totoshinga macomrades . . . vana veZimbabwe ngatibatanei tikurire mhandu tiina vaChamisa (Nero), vaSikhala, navaNgarivhume.

(In English)

I remembered the day we celebrated Mnangagwa’s return; now, we have a difficult time I will never forget. People applauded and chanted the rule of our hero; they never knew they had allowed a serpent in the house; now life is painful like a pregnant woman about to deliver, let’s be strong comrades. The people of Zimbabwe, let’s unite and fight the enemy with Chamisa (party pseudonym Nero), Sikhala, and Ngarivhume. (Unknown musician)

The song by Chimbetu praises the ruling party ZANU-PF under the leadership of Mugabe and other fallen liberation heroes. The song carries similar lyric texts with “Pane Asipo” by Simon Chimbetu in English “Someone Is Not Here” because they died during the second liberation war. Hero-worshipping in Zimbabwe has taken a critical stance which sometimes is exaggerated. For instance, the belief that Joyce Mujuru shot down one of the white colonial settler’s planes was dismissed when she was expelled from the party ZANU-PF (BBC News, 2015). Fabricated history is always problematic, especially when the recipient ignores to look into the facts and intention or motive of the storyteller or the one given credit (see, for example, Masiya and Maringira, 2018). Joyce Mujuru was always second to none, the center of praise ZANU-PF party. At the same time, this leaves us questioning whether the ZANU-PF did what they are credited for and written of them in the academic literature. The story of Mnangagwa has not yet been questioned, being a member of the crocodile gang. Yet, I cannot dispute the exaggeration in the literature. At the same time, I am not tempted to examine this phenomenon.

In addition to the above, the critic song of the Mnangagwa administration calling him a serpent in the house portrayed the hatred lyric texts of ZANU-PF and its leadership. Yet, those who are seen as enemies are often called serpents. The serpent name is attributed to the devil in the Bible and evil or enemies in the world. Although attributed as the enemy of the state, President Mnangagwa by MDC-A members under Chamisa, many who has sided with him struck good deals. Many think that the Crocodile name fits him very well, having cunny ability knowing when it is best to strike. Crocodiles mostly live in still waters, and if you see still waters, never dive in; you become the crocodile’s feast. Hobbes best explains his philosophy using the leviathan (sea monster) governance dominance, similar to the crocodiles that dominate the rivers. Mnangagwa is praised as the crocodile dominating the Zimbabwean electoral politics.

I am turning to politics of the odds; Mbuya Nehanda was believed to have lived beyond her death because she said my bones shall arise and fight the struggle until we won the war. Although history tends to praise the Nehanda spirit, other spirit mediums played a vital role in the liberation struggle. We had the Tangwena’s in Nyanga, Kaguvi, Charwe, and the Makopa’s in Chipinge; this gift is transferable from one generation to another (see Magure, 2016). I am not going to write on spirit mediums which is obviously not the intention of my research. My focus on Nehanda is the pilgrim or sculpture now in the center of Harare. Many have despised the hero-worshipping as blasphemy against God and the culture of our land. However, Mnangagwa refused the first sculpture of Nehanda (with hips) to have been modernized. On the day of the unveiling of the final statue, Mnangagwa and other delegates bowed as a form of worship and respect to the Nehanda Spirit, which was criticized with angered emotions. Zimbabwe is a dominantly Christian country that condemns worship through spirit mediums, although we have the African Traditional Religion (ATR), which incorporates both the cultural and Christianity principles.

The belief system in immortality has more significance in Christians and African Traditional Religion’s life after death belief system. However, there is a contradiction between the two belief systems in the manner of their worship. As I have highlighted, the ATR incorporates both cultural and Christian ethos while the Christians strongly yield to the bible teachings abhorring traditional practices. The rise in critics of hero-worshipping in Zimbabwe has been from the pentecostal movement and other mainline churches. However, we have seen Mugabe and Mnangagwa visiting the white garment churches, for whom both were acknowledged as God-sent leadership. The disparities in the Zimbabwean belief system left academic researchers with sharp analytical minds to analyze the different belief systems, revealing differences in their hidden practices.

I have highlighted a lot of issues relating to hero-worshipping in Zimbabwe and the contestation surrounding the phenomenon. In the next section, I will be examining the post-coup hero-worship of Mnangagwa and how speech and music have been used to despise the opposition leader Nelson Chamisa. At the same time, I shall examine how the opposition political party MDC-A has been responding to ZANU-PF.

The art of hero-worshipping 2017 post-coup

The well-known singer Thomas Mapfumo fled from Zimbabwe and lived in the United States in fear of Mugabe after releasing ZANU-PF critic lyric songs in the 2000 album. Mapfumo said he would not return to Zimbabwe with Mugabe remaining in Power. The 2017 post-coup created a perfect moment for the exiled victims of Mugabe’s authoritarian repression to return to the country of Zimbabwe. Mapfumo delivered a song toward the 2018 elections speaking of the contestation between Mnangagwa and Nelson Chamisa, which goes as follows:

(In Shona)

“Yave sarudzo muZimbabwe, tave nemakore mangani . . . chauya chauya vakomana . . . sarura wako waunoda . . . gore rino tinopedzerana . . . ,” part of the song’s lyrics say.

(In English)

It’s now time to choose in Zimbabwe, for how many years . . . what the outcome will be is what the outcome will be . . . choose the one you like . . . this year we are going to show each other who is the boss . . . ,

In one of the music galore, Mapfumo sang the song (Chauya Chauya vakomana), and people wavered the MDC-A hand slogan reflecting and having high hopes that Nero was going to win the 2018 harmonized election. Mapfumo, who among other singers lost interest in the ruling party ZANU-PF was frustrated with the electoral outcome, which marked his return to the United States. Jah Prayzah’s song “Kutonga Kwaro Gamba” was played in that same music concert by the digital jockey (DJ), which received large booing from the crowd. People are aware that Mnangagwa and the elite allies in power are Zimbabwean heroes, yet they have failed to deliver the real intentions of the liberation struggle.

The crocodization of the ZANU-PF party members carries elements of liberation credentials, leadership type and style, and hero-worship. In one of the interviews, Mnangagwa disputed the crocodile character elements portrayed of him, to which he responded I am soft as wool (Pambazuka News, 2018). However, the post-2018 election manifested the crocs or Lacoste Empire, whereupon the military fired live bullets dispersing the demonstrating mob and subsequently the military involvement in the 2019 and 2020 demonstrations. The crocodile gang was known as a notorious young liberation group during the Smith administration (Tavuyanago, 2013). The gang members were arrested and detained for their execution; however, Munanagwa survived because of age under the pardon of late Roman Catholic Rev Fr and author Emmanuel Ribeiro (Herald News, 2021). The question left is was Mnangagwa redeemed from the old self notorious of guerilla hunting crocodile character. We respect and honor him for being one of the liberators, but can history be put aside of a man now holding the powerful position in Zimbabwe. Yet, having or possessing the fears of losing that position form threats from the opposition movement and threats from elite allies. Indeed, Mnangagwa is doing everything possible to maintain and secure that position, maybe for life. At the same time, other party members are jostling to find their way to succeed him.

E. D. Mnangagwa number 1 (one) chant

The 2021 song released by Roki and Koffie Olomido (real name Antoine Christophe) has seen many viewers, which they praised Mnangagwa as number 1. The song was funded by one of the flamboyant pastors Passion Java under Java music recordings. Recently, we have seen President Emmerson Mnangagwa sharp turn toward involving the pastors of the pentecostal movement in ZANU-PF party politics, including Hubert Angels, Emmanuel Makandiwa, and Passion Java. Hubert Angels have been designated as the ambassador of Zimbabwe to the United States and Europe. Others have received invitations to the statehouse meeting with the President. However, Chiwenga Talent, as one of the pastors, criticized them as mere clowns and not God-sent preachers who have failed to reprimand their President. In one of his sermons, he attributed Mnangagwa to a prodigal son Absalom (together with his conspirators), who staged a coup against his father, David, resembling Mugabe. However, the excellent Biblical example did not translate to the ending story of David and Absalom in Zimbabwe.

In News Day Zimbabwe, Moses Matenga (2021) analyzed along with the themes “the king is dead . . . long live the king” referring to hero-worship of Mnangagwa and Mugabe. The exact words (may the gods of our ancestors bless you . . . long live the King) are popularly used in Nigeria and part of West Africa when blessing the King or Chief (known as Igwe). The Bindura rally followed the admiration, praises, and loyalty to Mnangagwa, telling him he was the “Alpha and Omega.” The extreme level of hero-worship leads to blaspheme and illogic respect from the party members. We have seen the same during Mugabe’s era where Mugabe was attributed as David of our time, and some even equated him to Jesus. Such Blasphemous speech can go on and on, attributing humans to gods. In this manner followed, the Bindura rally found the Mugabe praise singers lined up to do the same worship to Mnangagwa obsequiously. Kembo Mohadi, ex-Vice President, was the first to kindle the praise to Mnangagwa as a shrewd politician who earned the moniker Ngwena (Crocodile) because of his master-class political exploits. He went on saying in his introductory remarks, I quote;

The task you ask me to introduce the President is a somewhat difficult one, given that he is an embodiment of our own revolution. His CV is thus profound. Revealing the painful brutality he endured at the hands of the Smith regime (white colonial settlers South Rhodesian Government) makes it somewhat more difficult. The guest of honor came from a simple rural village in Zvisahavane to an astute political giant, which his story strikes parallel to that of David in the Bible.

In Manicaland Mnangagwa, received praises through a song which goes,

Ndimi mega baba, muri mukuru mukuru . . . in English, it’s only you father who is above all else.

In Harare province, they received and praised him with a song vaMnangagwa takavapiwa naIshe . . . in English, President Mnangagwa you’re God given to us. “The praises to Mnangagwa are towards the 2023 five million votes ED pfee (in office)” electoral campaign message while Chamisa is using a 6 million vote campaign target. But, will Chamisa manage to secure the electoral vote number he is aiming for.

The capturing of the young musicians by political parties in Zimbabwe has been the real deal brokered by Mnangagwa from Jah Prayzah and Roki (Rockford Josphats). There is a popular saying in Zimbabwe that once you eat something of ZANU-PF, remain loyal to ZANU-PF; otherwise, everything will turn against you, and you will be watching the walls closing against you. Jah Prayzah and Killer T (real name Kelvin Kusikwenyu) were invited to perform in one of the G-40 ZANU-PF faction exiled members—Mnangagwa’s Lacoste ZANU-PF faction enemies. On their return to Zimbabwe, both singers were accused and arrested on the grounds of possessing fake COVID-19 certificates (ZimLive, 2021). To the media, it was a message that never play with the serpent; you will be struck in the crossfire. Literature has examined the enmity between the two factional parties of ZANU-PF of G-40 and Lacoste (see, for example, Southall, 2018).

It is better to remain not captured by either side of the political parties in Zimbabwe. The freedom to sing will be limited, especially when on the side of or captured by the ruling party ZANU-PF; for ZANU-PF, nothing is for free. The MDC-A spokesperson said that

The 78-year-old Mnangagwa was capturing the artist in a bid to mask the government’s failure to deliver on its electoral promises. So your plan is to capture artists, make them sing your praise, and then you will suddenly become popular? It will not work. The people can see from their pockets that the country is going in the wrong direction. Rhumba propaganda won’t change this. We need new leaders.

In support of the above, Hopewell Chin’ono, who was arrested on several occasions for criticizing Mnangagwa, said the Rhumba song by Kofi Olomido and Roki was produced using state resources (All Africa News, 2021). The song, however, is claimed to have reached 2 million viewers in 48 hours. Although Fadzai Mehere noted it as ZANU-PF’s propaganda, it is a campaign that has the potential to turn voters in favor of the party in the electorate. Chin’ono further noted that

“The decision to involve Olomide in the campaign given his history of abusing women. When you see yourself paying thousands of dollars looted from citizens to get a shout out from a washed-up rhumba singer, a violent man who routinely beats up women, then you should know that you and those who support the idea are shamelessly morally bankrupt,” he tweeted.

Jonathan Moyo, one of the G-40 ZANU-PF faction party members, felt the criticism for the song by Roki and Kofi was too harsh. As he analyzed that

If anyone is offended by the insipid Kofi Olomide lyric: “ED Mnangagwa Number 1, which he only chants once in his Patati Patata collaboration with Roki and Tanzania’s Rayvany, they need a moral compass (New Zimbabwe, 2021). The chant is dumb, but not offensive.” Professor Moyo tweeted.

Moyo’s critics hold firm to the notion that the song has nothing to do with disrespecting anyone, yet the chant was dumb. The author Professor Jonathan Moyo has been known to have revealed the hidden 2018 electoral rigging by ZANU-PF in a book titled Excelgate of 2019. Not only did he expose the 2018 electoral rigging, as well the prospects of the 2023 election rigging, which are underway. Obviously, this cannot be undertaken when living in Zimbabwe, which the author is voicing in exile. Having been the master-propagandist strategist of ZANU-PF, he never anticipated that his manoeuvers would turn to be sour for him. As Minister of Information and Publicity, Moyo initiated the POSA and AIPPA acts of 2002, controlling state media (broadcasting and press) and publications. The AIPPA and POSA acts are still in effect restricting publications critiquing the government, which Moyo’s book Excelgate was not spared of the attacks although managed to be published by SAPES-Trust organization. In a nutshell of what Moyo examined, the chant did not directly spread an electoral campaign message. However, many can interpret it as a self-declaration 2023 electoral victory in favor of Mnangagwa. If opposition parties are aroused with such chant, then they may need to do better because the tables are turning against them.

The surprise is that they are critics when the international songs praise his excellence Mnangagwa, yet we have heard local public speech and music praising Chamisa (Nero). As I have highlighted earlier, this research will not entirely examine the hero-worship of opposition political parties. I choose to dwell much into analyzing the ZANU-PF party Mugabe and Mnangagwa hero-worship through music and speech. I did not dismiss the fact of the same sentiments in the opposition movement, although other academic literature perceptions might dispute this. In rallies, we have seen the mass chanting Nero our hero, Nero our President, Nero will liberate us, “let me boy rule Zimbabwe” in “Shona Ngaapinde hake Mukomana.” The hero-worship has a cycle from the grassroots level to a point where people worship you as a god. This might sound illogical, but the logical part of it is Mugabe, whom people, if not attributed him to a god, never had in mind that he would die. Anyway, fate will call all of us to our destination. Even the titanic ship, those who built it thought it was somewhat superior to God; eventually, it was destroyed by nature.

Adding to the above, in the Government of National Unit (of ZANU-PF and two MDCs) reached after the Global Political Agreement of 2009, the military refused to salute then Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai because of no military credentials. Hero-worshipping in Zimbabwe is about the military status. They had various names, which they were called during the liberation struggle. The post-independence military is known as the Mafikizolo’s because they have never been into the war (Maringira, 2016, 2021). They are less honored as heroes unless if they have engaged in a well-defined war, for example, the 1997 DRC war. Even those who have been involved in the liberation struggle, not everyone is honored as a hero. For instance, Chinx Chingaira was well-known for singing liberation songs cheering soldiers during the Second Chimurenga. Still, he was refused to be buried at Heroes Acre and declared a lesser position Provincialized hero.

Tied above, ZANU-PF has been blaming the MDC and currently MDC-A under Chamisa for the challenges faced by Zimbabwe today. The MDC-A is termed an imperialist party western sponsored toward regime change agenda. The ZANU-PF calls them running imperialist dogs of the west in Shona Zvimbwa Sungata. In songs, both the British government and Tony Blair (British Prime Minister from 1997 to 2007) were accused of punishing Zimbabwe for the people’s land reform democratic choice (Nyambi, 2017). In the song the Blair that I know is a toilet, the Zimbabwean government and the singer were insulting and nicknaming Tony Blair (Nyambi, 2017). Although the sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe are conditioned on human rights abuses, the government under the ruling party, ZANU-PF, has blamed the opposition party MDC-A for sanctioned led challenges.

Many lessons have been learned in the Zimbabwean context of music and speech hero-worship. This was portrayed in hate speech and hate song lyrics texts against either the ruling or the opposition parties. Music and speech have garnered support in the electorate, for example, the Mbare Chimurenga Choir and the 21st-century ZANU-PF electoral campaign. I did not, however, ignore the change in music praise of singers, for example, Mtukudzi and Mapfumo looking at the post-independence first two decades and the 21st century. Both singers’ slight turn of music toward supporting the opposition parties contributed to barring broadcasting of their music. Music and speech impact the masses to be swayed in their behavior and electoral decisions.

Conclusion

The research looked at the local music and speech with elements of hero-worshipping leaders from Mugabe to Mnangagwa administrations. The recent lyric text ED Mnangagwa number 1 has found critics from the opposition movement as ZANU-PF’s propaganda-driven lyric song. If they won the 2018 election using music to capture the youth, this might be a potential youth voter bait to win the 2023 harmonized elections. The popular 2018 song ED Pfee (ED in office) inspired young voters to vote in Mnangagwa in the 2018 harmonized elections. Why are opposition political parties so concerned about the “ED Mnangagwa number one” chant in the 2021 music by Roki in collaboration with Kofi Olomido. Music carries fortune toward swaying people into behaving in a manner of its course. In this regard, the youth voters have the image of Mnangagwa in their minds inspired through music and speech, which shall potentially give Mnangagwa another 5-year term of office. Every election globally is defined by its uniqueness in the electoral campaign process; in 2008, Obama won the election through Internet campaigning. The 2018 harmonized elections in Zimbabwe have been a product of multimedia campaigning through Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. However, music and speech have not been left out to have played a crucial role in propagating youth voters to be swayed to voting in Mnangagwa in the 2018 elections. The article analyzed music and speech’s role during the Mugabe and Mnangagwa regime in terms of hero-worshipping, campaigning, and smear campaigning and how it impacted electoral outcomes. At the same time, the opposition movement’s music and speech smear campaigning and how they have been decimated through the promulgation of ZANU-PF-led-government restrictive laws. If the land indigenization and empowerment policy made a difference impacting the 2013 harmonized elections in favor of ZANU-PF (see, for example, Magure, 2014), maybe music and speech will make a difference in impacting 2023 upcoming and future Zimbabwean harmonized electoral outcomes.