ShaltoutM.BelmonteJ. A., “On the orientation of ancient Egyptian temples: (1) Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xxxvi (2005), 273–98, hereafter Paper 1; BelmonteJ. A.ShaltoutM., “On the orientation of ancient Egyptian temples: (2) New experiments at the oases of the Western Desert”, ibid., xxxvii (2006), 2006–92, hereafter Paper 2; ShaltoutM.BelmonteJ. A.FekriM., “On the orientation of ancient Egyptian temples: (3) Key points in Lower Egypt and Siwa Oasis”, ibid., xxxviii (2007), 2007–60 (Part I) and 413–42 (Part II), hereafter Paper 3; and BelmonteJ. A.ShaltoutM., and FekriM., “On the orientation of ancient Egyptian temples: (4) Epilogue in Serabit el Khadim and overview”, ibid., xxxix (2008), 2008–211, hereafter Paper 4.
2.
A comprehensive summary of the theory can be found in BelmonteJ. A.ShaltoutM.FekriM., “Astronomy, landscape and symbolism: A study on the orientations of ancient Egyptian temples”, in In search of cosmic order: Selected essays on Egyptian archaeoastronomy, ed. by BelmonteJ. A.ShaltoutM. (Cairo, 2009), 213–84.
3.
In our writings, we have frequently used the term ‘equinoctial’ for any alignment with declination near 0° and ‘equinox’ for the corresponding time point, associated with orientations close to due east. However, this does not mean that we are attributing knowledge of the astronomical equinox (i.e. the moment when the sun crosses the celestial equator) to the ancient Egyptians or Kushites, but rather that we believe that such an orientation would be a proof of a certain interest in the four cardinal directions. Regarding orientations towards Wepet Renpet, see also BelmonteJ. A., “The Egyptian civil calendar: A masterpiece to organise the cosmos”, in Cosmology across cultures, ed. by Rubiño-MartinJ. A.BelmonteJ. A.PradaF.AlberdiA. (Astronomical Society of the Pacific Conference Series, cmix (2009)), 116–27.
4.
In September 2008, the first author had the opportunity to visit and measure the temple of Hathor at Timna, in the Negev Desert. This datum is also included in Table 1. For information on the temple, see WilkinsonR. H., The complete temples of Ancient Egypt (London, 2000), 238.
5.
Different books have analysed in detail the discrepancies, concordances and mutual influences of the ancient Egyptian and Kushite civilizations. See, for example, MorkotR. G., The black pharaohs: Egypt's Nubian rulers (London, 2000). Excellent references for a general overview of the topic are the admirable but somewhat outdated Damiano-AppiaM., Il sogno dei faraoni neri (Florence, 1994); the complete WelsbyD. A., The Kingdom of Kush: The Napatan and Meroitic Empires (London, 1996); the detailed WildungD. (ed.), Soudan, royaumes sur le Nil (Paris, 1997); and the recent and up-to-date WelsbyD. A.AndersonJ. R., Sudan, ancient treasures (London, 2004).
6.
Once more, we should stress that magnetic anomalies are not to be expected in Egypt, where most of the terrain is limestone and sandstone. Nevertheless, the temples were mostly measured along their main axes, from inside the sanctuary to the outermost gate and, on several occasions, in the opposite direction as a check for possible alterations of the measurement.
7.
Unfortunately, what kind of north is depicted was seldom reflected in archaeological plans, although the situation has improved in recent decades.
8.
Actually, a certain value for the angular height can be estimated in a few cases, from high resolution maps. Indeed, we would have preferred to use our own measurements of the monuments taken on site. However, the present social and political situation in Sudan recommended caution, and the delaying of such extensive fieldwork across a variety of areas of the country until the time comes when free mobility can be guaranteed.
9.
For an archaeological description of the sites, see AufrèreS.GolvinJ. C.GoyonJ. C., L'Égypte restitueé, iii: Sites, temples et pyramides de Moyenne et Basse Égypte (Paris, 1997). BagnallR. S.RathboneD. W. (eds), Egypt from Alexander to the Copts (London, 2004) is also useful.
10.
For the importance of this asterism see Paper 4 and references therein, especially ref. 19. For ancient Egyptian constellations, consult LullJ.BelmonteJ. A., “A firmament above Thebes: Uncovering the constellations of ancient Egyptians”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xxxvii (2006), 373–92; or the recent, updated and enlarged LullJ.BelmonteJ. A., “The constellations of ancient Egypt”, in In search of cosmic order, ed. by BelmonteShaltout (ref. 2), 155–94.
11.
We could even think of a relation between the sphinx-like rocky outcrop and the similar aspect of the most common images of the guardian of the underworld and the necropolises, the god Anubis. However, this idea is highly speculative and should be considered with extreme caution.
12.
“The aspect of the graffito makes it virtually certain that the instrument depicted is what was called a gnomon in antiquity”, according to DepuydtL., “Gnomons at Meroë and early trigonometry”, Journal of Egyptian archaeology, lxxxiv (1998), 171–80. Depuydt also recognizes certain series of 45 strokes as possibly related to the zenith-pass of the sun at Meroe. However, according to LoganT. J.WilliamsB., “On the Meroe observatory”, Beitrage zur Sudanforschung, vii (2000), 2000–84, “it might be suggested that the records on the wall associate celestial events with some meteorological phenomena related to the rising of the Nile”.
13.
TörökL., The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic civilization (Leiden, 1997), 472. The important work of Török also presents on many occasions interesting discussions on archaeology and landscape that are relevant to our interest and which we will be discussing in this paper. The Ph.D. thesis by RocheleauC. M., Amon temples in Nubia: A typological study of New Kingdom, Napatan and Meroitic temples (BAR International Series, mdcccl; Oxford, 2008), is also very interesting.
14.
Such as the astronomical ceiling in the burial chamber of P26 at Djebel Barkal, dated to the time of Queen Amanislo (c. 270–260 b.c.). See SotoF. Berenguerde CerioM. Diaz, En busca de los faraones negros (Barcelona, 2001).
15.
Possibly during the reign of Aspelta (c. 580 b.c.). For a summarized recent chronology of the Kingdom of Kush within both the Napatan and the Meroitic periods, see EdwardsD. N., The Nubian past: An archaeology of the Sudan (London, 2004), 115 and 144. Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 201–6, also offers a very detailed analysis of the series of monarchs, including chronology, burial place and complete titles among many other aspects. This analysis is generally accepted today. However, there can be great discrepancies in chronology, especially for the Meroitic period. For example, the reign of the architecturally prolific royal couple formed by King Natakamani and Queen Amanitore has been dated c. a.d. 20 by Edwards, in the mid-first century a.d. by Török, but from 12 b.c. to a.d. 12 by Damiano-Appia, op. cit. (ref. 5), 89, and from a.d. 1 to 20 by Welsby, op. cit. (ref. 5), 208–9.
16.
For a brief but elucidating summary on the burial monuments of the Kings of Kush, see LehnerM., The complete pyramids (London, 1997), 194–9.
17.
Edwards, op. cit. (ref. 15), is an excellent and updated guided to the Napatan and Meroitic monuments with detailed, good quality maps of several sites. Google Earth data for Dokki Gel have been combined with the excellent maps of the site in BonnetCh.ValbelleD., The Nubian pharaohs: Black kings of the Nile (Cairo, 2005). The important work by W. Hinkel, “L'architecture Méroïtique”, in Soudan, royaumes sur le Nil, ed. by WildungD. (Paris, 1997), 393–416, offers precise topographic maps of several sites (notably at Meroe city), and these have been cross-checked with Google Earth data in tests of their precision when possible. Consequently, Hinkel's work has been a major reference for the orientation at sites such as Wadi ben Naga and Musawwarat es-Sufra for which high resolution Google Earth images are not available. WenigS., “Musawwarat es-Sufra, interpreting the Great Enclosure”, Sudan & Nubia, v (2001), 2001–86, has also been a reference for Musawarat. For a map of Tabo, see Jacquet-GordonH.BonnetCh.JacquetJ., “Pnubs and the temple of Tabo on Argo island”, Journal of Egyptian archaeology, lx (1969), 1969–11. For Hamadab, see WolfC. L., “Die Ansgrabungen in Hamadab bei Meroe”, Der antike Sudan, xiii (2002), 2002–111. Finally, a high quality map of the Amun temple at Dangeil was kindly provided by the Egyptologist Julie Anderson; see also AhmedS. MohamedAndersonJ., “Le temple d'Amon à Dangeil (Soudan)”, Bulletin de la Societé Française d'Égyptologie, no. 162 (2005), 10–17.
18.
Such as the temples of Hugeir Gubli, Awlib, El Hassa and Alem. See, for example, Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 31–50. In contrast, building G1 at Kawa has been identified as a temple by D. Welsby, “Kushite buildings at Kawa”, www.thebritishmuseum.ac.uk/egyptian/bmsaes/welsby.html.
19.
For an updated and most interesting discussion on the actual use of the dais room, see Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 77–78. Detailed plans of the temples with dais room in Tabo, Kawa, Sanam, Napata, Dangeil, Meroe and Naga can be found in Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 25, 28, 32, 33, 37, 38, 41 and 54, respectively. Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 310, could also be relevant.
20.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 77. The orientation of the dais room was indeed dictated by earlier constructions on site.
21.
With an azimuth of nearly 135°, the original 18th Dynasty temple is a clear member of the inter-cardinal (VII–) family of orientations, most typical of Upper Egypt during the New Kingdom, as established in Paper 4.
22.
One possibility that we might have opted for is that the latter peak could be connected to the zenith pass of the sun. The absolute value of −17½° is close to the average value of the latitudes of Napata (18°32′) and Meroe (16°56′) and hence alignment to sunrise or sunset of the zenith-pass sun would have been very suggestive. This idea could be reinforced by the fact that Depuydt, op. cit. (ref. 12), following Garstang, has suggested that the counts of 45 strokes found in the graffiti of the Meroe “observatory” could be related to this local event. However, a detailed analysis of the data presented in Table 2 does not clearly favour this otherwise very suggestive possibility.
23.
Most of the temples of Table 2 that may be included in this category belong to the site of Djebel Barkal. The particular topography of the Pure Mountain and the Nile course nearby could have suggested an inter-cardinal orientation for the first temple on site in the 18th Dynasty (B500 earliest phase), with its sanctuary at the base of the mountain and the entrance more-or-less facing the Nile. The other temples built on site in the following periods may have imitated this original alignment or even tried to improve the topographic approach with the turn of B500 Temple axis in the search for the Nile perpendicular. Nevertheless, Figure 7 also includes the change of declination of the northernmost star in the Crux asterism (Gacrux) in the period of interest, suggesting that a purely astronomical alignment cannot be entirely discarded. However, for the sake of simplicity, we strongly support the former option.
24.
Wening, op. cit. (ref. 17), 72. In Musawwarat there are as many as seven temples, including one to Isis (MS800); however, the published maps are not detailed enough for us to have confidence in their orientations. Unfortunately, high- resolution Google Earth images do not covered this sector of the Butana. Musawwarat es-Sufra was in use from c. 500 b.c. to a.d. 350.
25.
Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 506. See also PrieseK. H., “Le monde des dieux de Méroé”, in Soudan, ed. by Wildung (ref. 17), 267–9.
26.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13).
27.
For Dokki Gel see BonnetValbelle, op. cit. (ref. 17). For the earlier identification of Pnubs with Tabo, see Jacquet-GordonBonnetJacquet, op. cit. (ref. 17). Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 76–77, offers an updated most interesting discussion on the topic.
28.
Merak and Phecda would also be reasonable candidates. For a general discussion on northern orientations to Meskhetyu, see Belmonte, Shaltout and Fekri, op. cit. (ref. 2) and Paper 4.
29.
Alioth ceased to be circumpolar at the Napatan period and had a declination of . 500 b.c.
30.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 70–71.
31.
Also rendered as I Akhet 1. For a discussion on Egyptian calendrics see BelmonteJ. A., “Some open questions on the Egyptian calendar: An astronomer's view”, Trabajos de Egiptología (Papers on ancient Egypt), no. 2 (2003), 7–56. For an updated version of this work, see BelmonteJ. A. “The Egyptian calendar: Keeping Ma'at on Earth”, in In search of cosmic order, ed. by BelmonteShaltout (ref. 2), 75–132. DepuydtL., Civil and lunar calendar in ancient Egypt (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, lxxvii; Leuven, 1997), von BomhardA-S., The Egyptian calendar: A work for eternity (London, 1999), and SpalingerA., “Egyptian festival dating and the moon”, in Under one sky, ed. by SteeleJ. M.ImhausenA. (Münster, 2002), 379–404, are also relevant.
32.
BelmonteShaltoutFekri, op. cit. (ref. 2), 248–52.
33.
Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 318–19. For a detailed analysis of the temple of Kawa and its excavation, see MacAdamM. F. Laming, The temples of Kawa II: History and archaeology of the site (London, 1955).
34.
Interestingly, Sanam was excluded as a coronation pilgrimage temple since the time of King Harsiotef onwards (c. 400 b.c.), introducing the temple of Bastet of Tare instead. Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 60.
35.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 76–77.
36.
For a discussion on the topic, see Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 77.
37.
KruppE., “Light in the temples”, in Records in stone: Papers in memory of Alexander Thom, ed. by RugglesC. L. N. (Cambridge, 1988), 473–99. See also BelmonteShaltoutFekri, op. cit. (ref. 2), 248–52.
38.
BradleyR., “Varia from the city of Meroe”, Meroitica, vi (1982), 163–70. And see Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 317 and 517.
39.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 80–81.
40.
TörökL., “Meroitic architecture: Contributions to problems of chronology and style”, Meroitica, vii (1984), 351–66.
41.
See Papers 3 and 4.
42.
AhmedMohamedAnderson, op. cit. (ref. 17).
43.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 71.
44.
Unless the temple was orientated during an earlier reign. For the alternative chronologies of Amanitore and Natakamani, see ref. 15.
45.
Due to the mutual displacement between the Julian and the Gregorian calendars, this date is today c. September 11 Gregorian but it was still c. August 28 Gregorian for our period of interest, c. 10 b.c. to c. a.d. 50.
46.
During the Ptolemaic period, the Zodiac was clearly accepted in Egypt, with Aries, the Ram constellation as the head of the zodiacal signs, signalling the spring equinox. See LullBelmonte, op. cit. (ref. 10, 2009). Actually, Mediterranean influence on star-lore had already arrived in the Kushite Kingdom during the Meroitic Period, for Petrie's excavations at Meroe uncovered a fragment of a zodiac (Petrie Museum, University College, UC43929) where the constellations — Or signs — Of Aquarius and Capricorn have been preserved. The Amun temple at Naga had the largest set of ram sphinxes in Sudan. We might speculate with the idea that the temple was orientated to the celestial ram, perhaps considered as an avatar of the god Amun. In this line of argument, see BelmonteJ. A., Las leyes del cielo (Madrid, 1999), 166–72. It is worth mentioning that this hypothesis would not fit for the temple of Tabo, built seven centuries earlier but still facing the equinoctial sun, rising on this occasion.
47.
Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 78.
48.
See Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), for a discussion on the topic.
49.
ZurawskiB., “Pliny's ‘Tergedum’ discovered”, Sudan & Nubia, ii (1998), 74–81. Rocheleau, op. cit. (ref. 13), 75, tentatively discusses an Amun ascription of the temple based on certain structural properties of the building.
50.
Rocheleau, private communication.
51.
Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 305. The parallelism with Karnak and Luxor temples, also discussed by this author, is less evident; see Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 184. This relationship would be, according to Török, reinforced by the orientation of Sanam temple to Temple B500 at Djebel Barkal, a proposal that is not correct.
52.
KendallTh, “Les souverains de la montagne sacrée, Napata et la dynastie des Koushites”, in Soudan, ed. by Wildung (ref. 17), 161–71 and note 78.
53.
In fact, from the southern extreme of the field of pyramids at Nuri, the northernmost border of Djebel Barkal is at which, for an angular horizon height of 1°, corresponds to a declination of –. So Sirius did always set on the Pure Mountain as seen from a certain sector of Nuri, during the whole Kushite civilization.
54.
The flowing of the Nile on site at 202° (perpendicular at 112°) may also suggest a topographic connection but the actual orientations of Peye and Shabaka pyramid dromoi may suggest a Sirius relationship as well (declination of −16°.9 c. 750 b.c.). The possibility of a site selection at El Kurru in order to obtain the double topographic and astronomical orientation could also be considered, taking into account what has been suggested for some of the Amun temples in the previous section.
55.
For a test of the quarter or inter-cardinal family, see Paper 4, Section 1.3. For an orientation of Egyptian pyramids to stars of Meskhetyu, see BelmonteJ. A., “On the orientation of the Old Kingdom pyramids”, Archaeoastronomy, no. 26 (2001), S1–20, and SpenceK., “Ancient Egyptian chronology and the astronomical orientation of pyramids”, Nature, cdviii (2000), 2000–4.
56.
Google Earth images have been combined with data obtained from general plans and azimuths published in Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), Edwards, op. cit. (ref. 15), Lehner, op. cit. (ref. 16), and LockyerJ. N., The dawn of astronomy (New York, 1993). On-site, statistically-significant data would be highly desirable.
57.
Sirius was not only the hypothetical main objective at El Kurru but also in Meroe North which has a maximum of the azimuth distribution centred at . The maximum of the distribution at Nuri was of , clearly suggesting an imitation of Taharqa's pyramid original orientation (see Table 3).
58.
First Aktisanes (c. 315 b.c.) and later Aryamani (c. 300 b.c.) built their pyramids at Djebel Barkal (possibly Bar14 or 15 and Bar11, respectively). Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 395. Arkamani(qo) was a contemporary of Ptolemy II (282–246 b.c.). Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 442.
59.
Török op. cit. (ref. 13), 395.
60.
Interestingly, c. 350 b.c., an unknown Napatan king abandoned Nuri for El Kurru, building a royal pyramid (K1) on that spot. The experiment did not last. Török, op. cit. (ref. 13), 203.
61.
See BelmonteJ. A.MolineroM. A.MirandaN., “Unveiling Seshat: New insights into the stretching of the cord ceremony”, in In search of cosmic order, ed. by BelmonteShaltout (ref. 2), 195–212. The hypothesis defended in this essay suggests that the sign of Seshat (the divinity mostly involved in temple orientation ceremonies, notably the stretching of the cord), carried by the goddess upon her head in all representations, might perhaps have been a schematic and symbolic representation of an archaic transit instrument, similar to a Roman groma, that would have later become the hieroglyphic sign of the goddess. This instrument would have had eight radii and a viewpoint, and could have been used at the ‘stretching of the cord’ ceremonies since the dawn of Egyptian history, directly offering the eight directions under discussion from a single astronomical or topographical observation.
62.
Such as the temples at Mons Porphyrites, Sikait, Nugrus, Bir Abu Safa, Ka'b Martu and Berenike. See SidebothamS. E.HenseM.NouwensH. M., The Red Lands: The illustrated archaeology of Egypt's Eastern Desert (Cairo, 2008). Very recently, a series of temples have also being excavated in the Sinai at the site of Qantara Sharq.
63.
Most of these results are based on high-resolution Google Earth images. Consequently, although field measurements in Sudan (especially of the horizon angular height) are highly desirable and will be welcome, we are certain that our general conclusions will not be severely affected by the new data.