On the Orientation of Ancient Egyptian Temples: (1) Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia

Wilkinson R. H. , The complete temples of ancient Egypt (London, 2000), 36.

Wilkinson , op. cit. (ref. 1), 37.

See Belmonte J. A. , “On the orientation of the Old Kingdom pyramids”, Archaeoastronomy , no. 26 (2001), S1–20. See also Zaba Z. , Orientation astronomique dans l'ancienne Egypte, et precession de l'axe du monde (Prague, 1953).

Engelbach R. , “A foundation scene of the second dynasty”, The journal of Egyptian archaeology , xx (1934), 183–5.

For the inscriptions at Edfu, see Brugsch H. , Thesaurus inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum , i: Astronomische und astrologische Inschriften altaegyptischer Denkmäler (Leipzig, 1883). For the most widely accepted chronology for that period, see von Beckerath J. . Chronologie des pharaonischen Ägypten (Mainz, 1997).

It is important to notice, for example, that, according to Josef Dorner, the rite of the stretching of the cord became a mere ceremony after the Old Kingdom; or, in other words, that it was included in late temple inscriptions as at Edfu, but not actually performed. See Dorner J. , “Die Absteckung and astronomisch Orienterung der ägyptischen Pyramiden”, Ph.D. thesis, Innsbruch University, 1981, 143.

Lockyer J. N. , The dawn of astronomy (new edn, New York, 1993).

This opinion is today highly controversial.

Hawkins G. S. , “Astroarchaeology: The unwritten evidence”, in Archaeo-astronomy in pre-Columbian America , edited by Aveni A. (Austin, 1975), 131–62. See also Hawkins G. S. , Beyond Stonehenge (New York, 1973).

See e.g. Krupp E. C. , “Light in the temples”, in Records in stone: Papers in memory of Alexander Thom , ed. by Ruggles C. L. N. (Cambridge, 1988), 473–99. See also Krupp E. C. , In search of the ancient astronomers (New York, 1977), 208–19; and idem, “Egyptian astronomy: Temples, traditions, tombs”, in Archaeoastronomy and the roots of science (American Association for the Advancement of Science Symposium 71; Westview, 1984), 289–320. In Krupp's books, Echoes of the ancient skies (New York, 1983), Beyond the blue horizon (Oxford, 1991), and Skywatchers, shamans and kings: Astronomy and the archaeology of power (New York, 1997), various points of the relation between archaeoastronomy and ancient Egyptian culture are emphasized.

There was not even a single reference to astronomical alignments in ancient Egypt in the otherwise magnificent: Neugebauer O. Parker R. A. , Ancient Egyptian astronomical texts (3 vols, Providence, 1960–69).

Clagett M. , Ancient Egyptian science , ii: Calendars, clocks and astronomy (Philadelphia, 1995).

These are Haack S. C. , “The astronomical orientation of the Egyptian pyramids”, Archaeoastronomy , no. 7 (1984), S119–25; Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 3). However, during the same period, Archaeoastronomy published dozens of papers on megalithic astronomy.

Other members of the team are the Egyptologists Dr Magdi Fakry, from Minufiya University, and Dr Zahi Hawass, Director of the Supreme Council of Antiquities of the Arab Republic of Egypt.

Belmonte J. A. , “Astronomy on the horizon and dating, a tool for ancient Egyptian chronology?”, in Handbook of Egyptian chronology , ed. by Krauss R. (Berlin, 2005), in press.

For the identification of these constellations, see Belmonte J. A. , “The Ramesside star clocks and the ancient Egyptian constellations”, in Calendars, symbols and orientations: Legacies of astronomy in culture , ed. by Blomberg M. Blomberg P. Henrikson G. (Stockholm, 2003); or Belmonte J. A. , “A map of the ancient Egyptian firmament”, in Ad astra per aspera et per ludum: European archeoastronomy and the orientation of monuments in the Mediterranean basin , ed. by Maravelia A.-A. (BAR International Series, 1154; Oxford, 2003), 31–38.

Isler M. , “An ancient method of finding and extending direction”, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt , xxvi (1989), 191–206; and Edwards I. E. S. , The pyramids of Egypt 3rd edn (Harmondsworth, 1993). For Haacks, see op. cit. (ref. 13).

Magnetic complications alterations are not expected in Egypt, where most of the terrain is limestone and sandstone. In any case, the temples were mostly measured along their main axis, from inside the sanctuary to the outermost gate and, on several occasions, in the opposite direction, to check for possible differences in the measurement. In a few cases, as at Djebel Thoth, the data were obtained from various walls and averaged. However, theodolite measurements will surely be needed in future campaigns for the study of the problem of pyramid orientation.

All the temples of Lower Nubia that we are presenting were removed to other sites during the Nubia Rescue Mission in the 1960s. In the case of some of them, such as the temples of Philae and Abu Simbel, it is widely accepted that the re-erections preserved the previous orientations to the nearest degree. This situation is not as evident for the temples between Kalabsha and Amada. Certainly, the corresponding horizons have been completely altered. However, in Table 1, we have made an effort to reconstruct the eastern horizon of Philae (∼7°). These data are those plotted in Figure 5. The small temples of Debod and Dendour, now reconstructed in Madrid and New York respectively, were not taken into account.

This can be checked in any manual or atlas of ancient Egyptian history. See, for example, Baines J. Málek J. , Atlas of ancient Egypt (Oxford, 1981).

This is certain for the New Kingdom and the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, when most of the temples we have measured were erected.

For the Egyptians, the main orientation was dictated by the course of the Nile from Lower Egypt (north) to Upper Egypt (south), i.e. going south was going up. Consequently, east and west were identified as the left and right banks, respectively. Theoretically, every sacred structure had to follow this pattern. See Polo Molinero M. A. , “Templo y cosmos”, in Arte y sociedad del antiguo Egipto , ed. by Molinero M. A. Sola D. (Madrid, 2000), 69–94. For a very preliminary discussion on temple orientations, see Badawy A. , A history of Egyptian architecture , iii (Berkeley, 1968), Fig. 111.

Exactly the opposite to that recently pointed out by Wilkinson, op. cit. (ref. 1), 37. Krauss Rolf , private communication, emphasizes that the summer solstice was probably not as important a time-mark, and consequently a feature of the horizon, as the winter one.

In Belmonte , “A map” (ref. 16).

See Belmonte J. A. , “The decans and the ancient Egyptian skylore: An astronomer's approach”, Memorie della Societa Astronomica Italiana , lxiii (2001), special vol. i, 43–57.

See, for example, Krauss R. , Astronomische Konzepte und Jenseitsvorstellungen in den Pyramidentexten (Ägyptologische Abhandlung, lix; Wiesbaben, 1997), and Faulkner R. O. , “The king and the star-religion in the pyramid texts”, Journal of Near Eastern studies , xxv (1966), 153–61. For the Pyramid Text, see Faulkner R. O. , The ancient Egyptian pyramid texts (Oxford, 1969). Actually, in a very recent discussion with the authors, Krauss suggested, with some reservation, that the orientation of this particular group of temples might have started out with an astronomically oriented north-south axis line where two corners of the temple were established; i.e., this line would be one of the diagonals of the building. Then, a squared or rectangular plan would have been worked out which, in most cases, would have shown a main axis azimuth close to SE (135°). This is almost exactly the azimuth corresponding to a declination of for the latitude of Thebes. We plan to test this interesting hypothesis in coming campaigns.

We had already advanced this possibility with worse data. See Belmonte J. A. , “Some open questions on the Egyptian calendar: An astronomer's view”, Trabajos de Egiptologia , no. 2 (2003), 7–56, Fig. 7.

See Krauss R. , “Egyptian calendars and astronomy”, in Cambridge history of science , i (Cambridge, in press); and Luft U. , Die chronologische Fixierung des ägyptischen Mittleren Reiches nach dem Tempelarchiv von Illahun (Vienna, 1992). For a still more recent approach, see Belmonte, op. cit. (ref. 27).

This is not the case for the constellations of sḥ (part of Orion and Lepus) and msḫtyw (the Plough), for which numerous references can be encountered. Curiously, in Fig. 5, there are still two peaks above the average value level (dot-dashed line) at and 61°. These would correspond to the declination of ε Ori (Alnilam) c. 1150 b.c. and η UMa (Alkaid) c. 270 b.c., respectively, and might be representative of alignments with these important constellations.

See, for example, Lockyer , op. cit. (ref. 7), Hawkins , op. cit. (ref. 9, 1975) and Krupp , op. cit. (ref. 10, 1988).

See, for example, Wells R. A. . “Sothis and the Satet temple on Elephantine: A direct connection”, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur , xii (1985), 255–302.

The debate is especially inflamed with respect to pyramid orientation. See Spence K. , “Ancient Egyptian chronology and the astronomical orientation of pyramids”, Nature , cdviii (2000, 320–4; and Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 3). See also Leitz C. , Studien zur Ägyptischen Astronomie (Agyptologische Abhandlungen, xlix; Wiesbaden, 1991).

Lockyer , op. cit. (ref. 7), 118.

Barguet P. , Le temple d'Amon-Re à Karnak (Cairo, 1962).

As for example in Hawkins , op. cit. (ref. 9, 1975) or Krupp , op. cit. (ref. 10, 1988). However, it is important to notice that, according to some reconstructions, the opening on the eastern wall of the “high room” would be a niche and not a window: See Traunecker C. , “Observations sur les cultes à ciel ouvert en Égipte ancienne: La sale solaire de l'Akmmenou à Karnak”, in L'space sacrificiel dans les civilizations Méditerranéens de l'Antiquité (Paris, 1991), 252–4. Indeed, our personal impression is that it was a window.

See the recent Noblecourt Desroches Ch. , Hatshepsut, la reina misteriosa (Barcelona, 2004).

See Gaebolde L. , “La date de fondation du temple de Sésotris Ier et l'orientation e l'axe”, in Le Grand Château d'Amon de Sésostris Ier à Karnak (Paris, 1998). In Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 15), the ideas stressed by Gaebolde are put in quarantine.

See Varille A. , Karnak I (Cairo, 1943), 15. The paragraph is mentioned by Parker R. A. , The calendars of ancient Egypt (Chicago, 1950), 77.

Noblecourt , op. cit. (ref. 36), 209–15.

A long discussion about this particular issue can be found in Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 27), 34–38.

See, for example, Krupp , op. cit. (ref. 10, 1977), 225.

Vörös G. , “The ancient nest of Horus above Thebes: Hungarian excavations on Thoth Hill at the temple of King Sankhkare Montuhotep III (1995–1998)”, in Egyptology at the dawn of the twenty-first century , i: Archaeology , ed. by Hawass Z. (Cairo, 2002), 547–56.

Vörös , op. cit. (ref. 42).

Vörös , op. cit. (ref. 42). Curiously, unlike the other examples, this very recent result has already been widely admitted by Egyptologists. See Wilkinson , op. cit. (ref. 1), 37.

As reported by Darnell J. C. Darnell D. , “Gebel Tjauti rock inscription 11”, in Theban desert road survey in the Egyptian Western Desert , i: Gebel Tjauti and Wadi El-Hol rock inscriptions 1–45 (Chicago, 2002), 49–52.

As a consequence, our datum of the azimuth for the archaic temple relies on the measurements of the Hungarian mission.

This is widely demonstrated in Krauss , op. cit. (ref. 26, 1997).

This would leave us without an explanation for the orientation of the archaic temple. From the published plans it is quite difficult to judge how precise would be the orientation leading to a declination of ∼-27°. However, considering the errors (i.e., at least ), this is close to the minimum value of the declination that Venus (i.e. Horus) could reach 5000 years ago.

Wells , op. cit. (ref. 31).

For the early archaeology of Elephantine, see Bard K. A. , Encyclopedia of the archaeology of ancient Egypt (London, 1998), 283.

Elephantine was probably very important in establishing the fundamentals of the Egyptian calendar. See for example Krauss R. , Sothis und Monddaten: Studien zur astronomischen und tesnichen Chronologie Altägyptens (Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge, Hildesheim, 1985). See also Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 27), 25.

Lockyer , op. cit. (ref. 7), 328.

Cauville S. Aubourg E. Deleuze P. Lecler A. , “Le temple d'Isis à Dendera”, Bulletin de la Sociéte Français d'Egyptologie , no. 123 (1992), 31–48.

Cauville , op. cit. (ref. 53).

As suggested in the Pyramid texts, see Faulkner , op. cit. (ref. 26, 1969). The assimilation is complete in the New Kingdom as can be read in the astronomical ceiling of the Ramesseum or of the tomb of Sethy I in the Valley of the Kings.

The translation of many temple inscriptions associated with the stretching of the cord ritual can be found in Zaba, op. cit. (ref. 3), and in Isler M. , “The Merkhet”, Visual arts , vii (1991), 53–67.

Krupp , op. cit. (ref. 10, 1983), 211–13.

The magnitude of Alkaid is 1.9. This means that, according to some basic extinction parameters, it cannot be seen until it is at an angular height of the same order, around 2°. At this moment, a “particular” configuration of the Plough would happen since the complete constellation would be visible again above the horizon after having been partially hidden below.

In the astronomical ceiling of the tomb of Senenmut at Deir el Bahari, the constellation of Meskhetyu is represented in such a way that the last star of what might be the handle of the Plough is signalled with a red symbol. This perhaps indicated that Alkaid played a differential role within the stars of this important circumpolar constellation.

This result clearly contradicts the arguments stressed earlier by Dorner , op. cit. (ref. 6).

We were impressed not only by the hierophany but also by the large numbers of tourists (several hundred) who concentrated at Abu Simbel to observe the phenomenon, another example of mass culture. More than 80% were Japanese whose attraction for the rising sun (their goddess Amaterasu, ancestor of the imperial family) is well known.

The phenomenon must have been slightly different when the temple was on its original location at the banks of the river, 60 metres below its present position. Then, the eastern horizon, instead of being almost flat as it is today, would have consisted of a ∼2° high mountain range penetrated by different valleys. Apparently, the temple was orientated to one of these valleys and thus the illumination phenomenon would have not produced a square of light as today. Unfortunately, we could not find anybody at Abu Simbel who was able to remember how the phenomenon was before the saving of the temple.

Shaltout M. , “Sun perpendicularity on Abu Simbel great temple phenomenon”, Al Alem , no. 213 (1994), 18–21; and, in collaboration with Maravelia Dr Maravelia A.-A. Shaltout M. , “Illumination of the sacrarium in the great temple of Abu Simbel, its astronomical explanation and some hints on the possible stellar orientation of the small temple”, in Maravelia (ed.), op. cit. (ref. 16), 7–30.

Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 27).

For the chronology of Ramesses II, Krauss R. , private communication, as reported in Belmonte, op. cit. (ref. 27), 49. See also, Krauss , op. cit. (ref. 28).

There are no references to prt spdt (the heliacal rising of Sirius) before the Middle Kingdom. Consequently, we have proposed that perhaps this celestial event was not widely taken into account in earlier epochs. See Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 27).

Hawkins , op. cit. (ref. 8, 1975) and Krupp , op. cit. (ref. 10, 1988).

This was the moment when the god (Amon) “enters the sky”. Belmonte , op. cit. (ref. 26), 37.

As the one suggested by Krauss (ref. 26).