Tycho v . URSUS: The Build-up to a Trial,Part 2

Cf. Virgil , “invidia rumpantur ut ilia Codro”: Eclogae , vii, 26.

On the image of the astronomer as Atlas, see Mosley , Bearing the heavens , chap. 4.

Such crowning for poetic originality is an Augustan commonplace: For a close parallel, see Horace Odes , iii, 30, 12–16.

KOO , i, 230–1.

F.285, op.5, 304r; not in KOO or TBOO, but transcribed in Norlind W. , Tycho Brahe: En levnadsteckning med nya bidrag belysande hans liv och verk (Lund, 1970), 373.

Schreiber J. H. , Geschichte der Stadt und Universität Freiburg im Breisgau , ii (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1859), 189–92. See also Mayer H. (ed.), Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburg i. Br. von 1460–1656 , i (Berlin, 1907), 602; and Launert , Nicolaus Reimers 317.

For this suggestion see Launert , Nicolaus Reimers , 83, n.292.

On Christen Hansen of Riba and his services to Tycho, see Christianson , On Tycho's island , 340–3.

TBOO , viii, 180.40–181.7.

KGW , xix, n. 162.69–71.

TBOO , viii, 343.40–41.

Stiftsbibliothek Vorau, no. 1361; we thank the Librarian, Dr Ferdinand Hutz, for providing a copy of this work. For a facsimile with German translation, see Launert , Nicolaus Reimers , 343–51.

In 1589, Johann Schumann, a Saxon by birth, ran in the Železná (Eisengasse) of Old Prague an excellent printing house in which official publications were produced. After his death, around 1594, his widow Anna took over the business, then after her death, the son “Johann Schumann's heir”, until 1618 when printing at this house ceased. On the Schumann printing house, see Volf J. , Geschichte des Buchdrucks in Böhmen und Mähren bis 1848 (Weimar, 1928), 79–81. Ursus had previously published another pamphlet with Schumann: Parentatio in pios manes , 1594 (see Launert , Nicolaus Reimers , 246–54). Several of Kepler's works were printed there between 1601 and 1605, and the production of the second volume of Tycho's Progymnasmata was completed there in 1603. See Caspar M. , Bibliographia Kepleriana 2nd edn (Munich, 1968), nos. 14, 17, 19, 21–23, 25; and Dreyer J. L. E. , Tycho Brahe (Edinburgh, 1890), 369.

See the next in the present series of articles.

Fundamentum astronomicum, K5r (= 86r); cf. De astronomicis hypothesibus , Giv, v. 12–16, and KI,r.

These annotations are given in Kernstock O. , “Aus den Erlebnissen eines deutschen Arztes”, Anzeiger für Kunde der deutschen Vorzeit , 1876, 330–3.

On the two cases of prosthaphaeresis see Thoren V. E. , “Prosthaphaeresis revisited”, Historia mathematica , xv (1988), 32–39.

Launert , Nicolaus Reimers , 103–4.

Cf. Ursus's phrasing on the title page of De astronomicis hypothesibus, where he promises a vindication and defence of the hypotheses against “certain men who have importunately, or rather with criminal audacity, claimed them for themselves [quosdam eas sibi temerario seu potiùs nefario ausu arrogantes]”.

Capella Martianus , De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii , š814 (A. Dick, rev. edn (Stuttgart, 1969), 430.12–15). Martiani Minei Capellae de nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, libri II (Basel, 1532), 182.78: “Mundus igitur ex quattuor elementis isdemque totis in sphaerae modum globatus Terram in medio, imoque defixam aeternis caeli raptibus circumcurrens circulari quadam ratione discriminat.” For freer, and more elegant, translations of this and the following passages, see Martianus Capella and the seven liberal arts , ii: The marriage of Philology and Mercury, transl. by W. H. Stahl and R. Johnson with E. L. Burge (Columbia, NY, 1977).

Capella , De nuptiis , $854 ( Dick , ed., 449.26–450.1). Edn of Basel, 1532, 191.14–15: “Tria item ex his cum Sole, Lunaque orbem terrae circumeunt”.

Capella , De nuptiis , $854 ( Dick , ed., 450.1–2). Edn of Basel, 1532, 191.15–16: “Venus verò ac Mercurius non ambiunt terram”.

Capella , De nuptiis , $857 ( Dick , ed., 450.19–451.1). Edn of Basel, 1532, 191.30–34: “Nam Venus, Mercuriusque, licet ortus occasusque quotidianos ostendant, tamen eorum circuli terras omnino non ambiunt: Sed circa Solem laxiore ambitu circulantur. Denique circulorum suorum centron in Sole constituunt. Ita ut supra ipsum aliquando, Infra plerunque propinquiores terris ferantur.” In the critical editions of Vulcanius (Basel, 1577) and Grotius (Leiden, 1599) “intra” is substituted for “infra”.

Copernicus , De revolutionibus , i, 10, 8v.23–27. Our translation slightly modifies that of Rosen E. Dobrzycki J. (ed.), Nicholas Copernicus. On the revolutions (London, 1978), 20.14–17.

This is evidently directed against Tycho's claims to originality; for example, the legend of his first representation of his world system reads “A new hypothesis of the system of the world recently arrived at by the author [Nova mundani systematis hypotyposis ab authore nuper adinventa]”, TBOO , iv, 158.2.

Rheticus , Narratio prima , ed. by Hugonnard-Roche H. Lerner J.-P. Verdetx Segonds A. , Studia copernicana , xx (Warsaw, 1982), viii.14–16: “Since, as [Pliny] says, the course of Mars is hard to observe, and besides the other difficulties in the correction of the motion of Mars there is no doubt that on occasion it shows a parallax greater than does the Sun, it seems impossible that the Earth can occupy the centre of the universe [Cum vero Martis cursum inobservabilem ait, atque praeter reliquas in motus Martis emendatione difficultates dubium non sit, quin maiorem nonnumquam quam ipse Sol diversitatem aspectus admittat, impossibile esse videtur, terram mundi medium obtinere].” Ursus had appealed to Rheticus's Narratio prima in this connection in De astronomicis hypothesibus (Aiii,v and Giv,v); but there he also cited the observations of the parallax of Mars in 1582 reported by Tycho in Epistolae astronomicae: TBOO , vi, 178.40–179.4.

Archimedes , Opera omnia , ii, ed. by Heiberg J. L. , corr. by E. S. Stamatis (Stuttgart, 1913), 218.7–18. The Latin translation used by Ursus is based on that of Federico Commandino, Archimedis opera non nulla a Federico Commandino Urbinate nuper in Latinum conversum (Venice, 1586), 49v–50r. However, two small deviations (“modo dicti” in place of “proxime dicti”; “tantae … magnitudinis … in quo ponit” in place of “tanta … magnitudine … secundum quem ponit”) show that Ursus is here citing the passage in the form in which he found it in Maestlin's notes on his edition of Narratio prima, published as an appendix to the first edition of Kepler's Mysterium cosmographicum (Tübingen, 1596): KGW , i, 104.1–12. Of the two parenthetical additions by Ursus, “vulgò” corresponds to Maestlin's “de usitatis hypothesibus, quibus Terra Mundi centrum ponitur”, and “nequaquam sensibilem” to “id est, quae nequaquam sit sensibilis”. The passage from Archimedes is nowhere mentioned in De astronomicis hypothesibus; and Kepler was surely right, in his refutation of Ursus's Demonstratio, to maintain that Ursus's source of information must have been the copy of Mysterium cosmographicum that he had sent to him: See the last of the present series of articles.

F285, op. 1, no. 18, v. 312r–313r. The handwriting matches that of Müller's fair copy of Kepler's “De lite causa hypothesium D. Tychonem inter et Ursum”: Wien Nationalbibliothek Cod. 10689¹, 6r–8r. On Johannes Müller's services to Tycho, see Christianson , On Tycho's island , 326–8.

Johannes Fritsch is referred to by Tycho as “my Attorney [Procurator] in this case” in a letter of 26 September 1600 to Rollenhagen: TBOO , viii, 371.31–32.

Iacobi Ziegleri, Landavi, Bavari, in C. Plinii de naturali historia librum secundum commentarius … (Basel, 1531). On Ziegler and his commentary, see Nauert C. G. Jr , “Humanists, scientists, and Pliny: Changing approaches to a classical author”, American historical review , lxxxiv (1979), 72–85; and “Caius Plinius Secundus”, in Cranz F. E. Kristeller P. O. (eds), Catalogus translationum et commentariorum , iv, 297–422, pp. 375–8. We thank Anthony Grafton for reminding us of Nauert's work on Pliny's commentators.

Ziegler , In C. Plinii commentarius , a3r-a4r (reading, on the advice of Marina Frasca-Spada, “in doctis” for “indoctis” at a3v.8).

Prague NL 7B27. This book figures in W. Norlind's listing of Tycho's books, Tycho Brahe: En levadsteckning med nya bidrag belysande hans liv och werk (Lund, 1970), 366; and the annotations in Tycho's hand were pointed out by Gingerich O. , “Recent notes on Tycho Brahe's library”, in Christianson J. R. Hadravová A. Hadrava P. Šolc M. , Tycho Brahe and Prague: Crossroads of European science (Frankfurt am Main, 2002), 323–8. On the vexed question of Tycho's handwriting, see Šimá Z. Valeška J. , “Analysis of Tycho's handwritings”, ibid. , 150–67. This copy of Ziegler's commentary is likely to be the one that was used by Kepler in preparing his defence in Contra Ursum of Tycho's hypothesis against the charge of anticipation in Antiquity: On Kepler's use of Ziegler, see Eastwood B. S. , “Kepler as historian of science: Precursors of Copernican heliocentrism according to De revolutionibus I, 10”, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society , cxxvi (1982), 367–94. We are most grateful to Alena Hadravová and Petr Hadrava for arranging for the sending to us of photographs and for providing a preliminary transcript of Tycho's notes.

Aurifaber Ioannes (1517–68) was from 1554 Professor of Theology at Rostock. Tycho had been in Rostock in the autumn of 1566, when he took his degree: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Leipzig, 1875), 690–1; and Dreyer J. L. E. , Tycho Brahe (Edinburgh, 1890), 23–24. This is not the same Ioannes Aurifaber who famously reported that Luther had said of Copernicus, “The fool wants to overturn the whole of astronomy”.

On Magnus Bartolinus (Mons or Mogens Bertelsen) see TBOO , viii, 452.

A similarly worded inscription in Tycho's hand is to be found in another book: See Šimá Valeška , “Analysis of Tycho's handwritings” (ref. 5), 162.

Hadravová Alena , personal communication.

Pliny , Naturalis historia , ii, 65; translation based on Pliny: Natural history Books I-II , transl. by Rackham H. , rev. edn (Cambridge MA, 1991), 213.

Cf. A. Le Boeuffle's account of the usage of ancient astrologers in which altitudo, exaltatio and sublimitas were used for the place within a given sign of highest planetary influence, deiectio and humilitas denoting the positions of least influence: Astronomie, astrologie — lexique latin (Paris, 1987), 40 and 151.

Capella , De nuptiis , š884 (A. Dick, rev. edn (Stuttgart, 1969), 467.6–8).

Capella , De nuptiis , š885 ( Dick , ed., 467.17–18).

Capella , De nuptiis , š886 ( Dick , ed., 468.3–5).

Ziegler , In C. Plinii commentarius (ref. 3), 447–54.

Capella , De nuptiis , š884 ( Dick , ed., 466.19–467.1).

Capella , De nuptiis , š884 ( Dick , ed., 467.12–13).

This rare usage is found in Capella, De nuptiis , šš867, 881 and 882 ( Dick , ed., 457.8, 465.11, 466.2). Le Boeuffle, Astronomie, astrologie (ref. 11), 212, suggests that it derives from its application to the impulse which moves a star from one degree to another.

Capella , De nuptiis š885 ( Dick , ed., 467.17–20).

Capella , De nuptiis š886 ( Dick , ed., 468.5).

Capella , De nuptiis š887 ( Dick , ed., 468.19–469.6).

Cf. Pliny , Natural history , ii, 60 and 69–70; and Vitruvius , De architectura , ix, 12.

“proximjs” is ambiguous: We have here rendered it by “those adjacent” (rather than “those following”), because the commentary on Pliny's Natural history , ii, 65 in which Ziegler remarks on Pliny's usage in relation to astrology is to be found on pp. 174–6 of In C. Plinii commentarius (ref. 3).

The comparison is between Book 2 of Pliny's Natural history and the last four books of Capella's De nuptiis, which cover arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and harmony, that is, the quadrivium.

That is, as Ziegler observes on p. 175 of In C. Plinii commentarius (ref. 3), Capella elaborated “somewhat more audaciously” on Pliny's account of the altitude of Mars.

Copernicus , De revolutionibus , i, 10, 8v.13–18: “I am of the opinion that we should by no means disparage what was well known to Martianus Capella, who wrote an encyclopaedia, and to certain other Latin writers. For they supposed that Venus and Mercury run their courses round the Sun, which is in the centre, and they think that that is the reason why they do not go further away from it than the curvature of their orbs allows.” In fact, the only direct evidence of Tycho's conversancy with the work of Capella is his annotation of the excerpts from De nuptiis in Ziegler's In C. Plinii commentarius. No mention of Capella is recorded in the “Index hominum et rerum” in TBOO , xv.

TBOO , iv, 157.5–7.

The expression verba formalia, here translated as “precise words”, usually refers to the precise wordings required for oaths, contracts, etc.

Capella Martianus , confusingly, uses “altitudo” to refer to the apogee of the eccentric, and “absis” for the apogee of the epicycle. See Boeuffle Le , Astronomie, astrologie (ref. 11), 39–40.

Capella , De nuptiis , š884 ( Dick , ed., 466.19–467.13).

Capella , De nuptiis , š885 ( Dick , ed., 467.14–20).

The transition “or even so that…” is just as awkward in the Latin. The “contrivance [inventus]” is Ursus's version of the Apollonian hypotheses which he attributes to Capella, and which he had presented under his own name in De astronomicis hypothesibus..

Capella , De nuptiis , š887 ( Dick , ed., 468.19–469.6), the last of the passages from Capella in Ziegler's commentary marked and annotated by Tycho (see above). Cf. also his claim, in the first of the passages quoted by Müller, that Mars “feels” the rays of the Sun.

Cf. Pliny , Natural history , ii, 60: “The planet Mars being nearer feels the rays even from quadrature at 90° [Martis stella ut propior etiam ex quadrato sentit radios, a nonaginta partibus]”; ii, 69–70: “When [the superior planets] are struck in the degree that we have stated and by a triangular ray of the Sun, they are prevented from following a straight course, and are lifted on high by the fiery force … then the violence of the same ray advances and compels them, struck with its heat, to retreat [Percussae in qua diximus parte et triangulo solis radio inhibentur rectum agere cursum, et ignea vi levantur in sublime…. Progreditur deinde eiusdem radii violentia et retroire cogit vapore percussas]”.

Vitruvius, De architectura , ix, 1, 12: “… the mighty force of the Sun with its rays stretched out in the form of a triangle draws to itself the planets as they follow and by, so to speak, curbing and restraining the ones running ahead, does not allow them to proceed but makes them return to it and enter the sign of another trigon [… solis impetus vehemens radiis trigoni forma porrectis insequentes stellas ad se perducit et ante currentes veluti refrenando retinendoque non patitur progredi, sed ad se regredi, in alterius trigoni signum esse].” Cf. Tycho's note on the concluding passage of Book VIII of Capella's De nuptiis, given above.

Ziegler , In C. Plinii commentarius (ref. 3), 161–3. Ziegler here responds at length to Pliny's suggestion, in Natural history , ii, 60, that it is Mars's proximity to the Sun and consequent sensitivity to its rays that accounts for its stations being more protracted than those of Jupiter and Saturn. Ziegler argues that the discrepancy follows from the differences in their eccentric-with-epicycle models. This is in accordance with the principle that “there is in the whole of nature nothing precipitate, but things which follow are derived from prior things by a mediating link [medio symbolo] which sets final limits” (162.25–27): symbolum, originally meaning “sign” or “token”, in late Latin also acquired the senses of “treaty”, “contract”, “affinity”, or “link”.

Capella , De nuptiis , š880 ( Dick , ed., 464.9–11, which reads xxii, but all sixteenth-century editions have xxxii).

TBOO , xxii, 162, gives 20° for the maximum digression of Mercury from the mean Sun.

Capella , De nuptiis , š883 ( Dick , ed., 466.2–3).

TBOO , xii, 153–4, gives 47′30′ for 30 September 1591. Ptolemy , Almagest , xii, 10, gives 47′35′. 48′ is found in Copernicus, Commentariolus (of which Tycho had a copy given to him by Háyek): See Rosen's E. “Introduction” to his translation of the Commentariolus, in Czartoryski P. (ed.), Nicholas Copernicus. Complete works, iii: Minor works (London, 1985), 76; TBOO , ii, 428.34–40.

For Mars and Jupiter see the passages quoted. Capella, De nuptiis, š886, places the apsis of Saturn in Scorpio.

Capella , De nuptiis , š879 ( Dick , ed., 464.2–3).

Cf. Copernicus , De revolutionibus , vi, 8 and 9; Reinhold, Ed. Maestlin , Prutenicae tabulae (Tübingen, 1571), 133r.

Capella , De nuptiis , š882 ( Dick , ed., 466.1–2).

Copernicus , De revolutionibus , vi, 8 and 9; Reinhold , ed. Maestlin, Prutenicae tabulae (ref. 43), 131r.

Cf. TBOO , xi, 200, which gives 9′261/4′ latitude for Venus on 3 March 1587.

Capella , De nuptiis , š884 ( Dick , ed., 467.2–3).

Cf. Reinhold, Ed. Maestlin , Prutenicae tabulae (ref. 43), 129v.

Capella , De nuptiis , š885 ( Dick , ed., 467.16).

Cf. Tycho's report of 1′391/2′: TBOO , viii, 196.31–32.

Capella , De nuptiis , š886 ( Dick , ed., 468.2–3).

Cf. Tycho's reports of 2′481/4′ and 2′491/2′: TBOO , v, 230–1; viii, 196.

That is, of Civil Law and Canon Law.

“At” is not present in the critical editions of Vulcanius (Basel, 1577) and Grotius (Leiden, 1599), but is in the earlier sixteenth-century editions. On these editions, see Eastwood , “Kepler as historian of science” (ref. 5).

KGW , xx/1, 63–82. An edition of these documents will appear in Jardine N. Segonds A. , La guerre des astronomes , ii: Kepler, Contre Ursus/Apologia pro Tychone contra Ursum, édition critique, traduction, notes (Paris, forthcoming).

With his letter of 29 August 1599 to Kepler, Herwart von Hohenburg said he was sending Kepler a copy of Epistolae astronomicae, to be returned because he did not have another: KGW , xiv, no. 133.80–81. As Kepler reported in his letter to Herwart of 14 September 1599, the package of books that arrived with the letter did not contain the work in question: KGW , xiv, no. 134.518–522.

On Kepler's dismal final period in Graz see Caspar , Kepler , 108–15. On Archduke Ferdinand's suppression of the Styrian Protestants see Pörtner R. , The Counter-Reformation in central Europe: Styria 1580–1630 (Oxford, 2001), chap. 4.

KGW , xx/1, 81.28–39.

TBOO , vi, 178.40–179.4.

KGW , xiv, no. 145.86–90.

On the efficacy of this strategy, see Gingerich O. Westman R. S. , The Wittich connection: Conflict and priority in late sixteenth-century cosmology (Philadelphia, 1988), 70; also N. Jardine's review of this, “How to appropriate a world-system”, Journal for the history of astronomy , xxi (1990), 353–8.

As noted by O. Gingerich and J. R. Voelkel, “Tycho Brahe's Copernican campaign”, Journal for the history of astronomy , xxix (1998), 1–34, pp. 26–27, in his mentions of the possibility of Martian parallax in his Progymnasmata, completed by 1592, Tycho does not mention the observations of 1582. In his Astronomia nova of 1609 and the second edition of his Mysterium cosmographicum of 1621, Kepler was to reject explicitly Tycho's supposed observations: KGW , iii, 117–29; i, 439–40.

Jardine , Kepler's A defence of Tycho, 119.21–120.5; 185.26–186.12 (on the author of hypotheses as an architect) and 88.33–89.2; 139.9–23 (on the nature of astronomical hypotheses).

Jardine , Kepler's A defence of Tycho, 86.20–29; 135.26–136.2.

Ursus , Demonstratio, Aiii,r; De astronomicis hypothesibus, Ciii,r and Civ,r-v.

Ptolemy , Almagest , xii, 1. Kepler , “De lite causa” ( KGW , xx/1, 67–69) and Contra Ursum (ed. Jardine ), 120.11–121.24.

KGW , xx/1, 68.35–39.

Contra Ursum , 119–26.

Contra Ursum , 127–32.

KGW , xix, no. 132.73–77.

KGW , xiii, no. 123.161–179; KGW , xx/1, 66.16–23 and 67.38–42. English translations of the relevant passages of the letters to Maestlin and Herwart and of “De lite causa” are in Jardine, Kepler's A defence of Tycho, chap. 3.

Reading “solennissimus” where Bialas's edition has “<satinsinus>” ( KGW , xx/1, 70.10).

Ursus , Demonstratio , Aiv,r.

See the seventh article in the present series.

Cf. Kepler's note 13, below, in which the “falsely named Apollonian” (that is, Tychonic) hypotheses are described as a “transposition of the Copernican [hypotheses]”.

Demonstratio, Aii,r.

KGW , xiii, no. 112.130–131.

Reading “” where Bialas's edition has “” ( KGW , xx/1, 71.12).

Contra Ursum 119.21–120.5.

See especially Vitruvius , De architectura , i, 1, 1–3. Kepler had referred to Vitruvius in relation to harmony in architecture and the human figure in a letter to Maestlin of 29 August 1599 ( KGW , xiv, no. 132.339–342); and in connection with astronomical issues he refers to Vitruvius and to Daniello Barbaro's M. Vitruvii Pollionis De architectura libri decem, cum commentariis (Venice, 1567) in his preparatory notes for Contra Ursum ( KGW , xx/1, 82.1–4 and 31–32).

TBOO , vi, 276.17–25. The frontispiece of Kepler's Harmonice mundi shows Tycho in the temple of Astronomy, pointing at a depiction of his world system on the ceiling, and holding in his hand a phylactery inscribed “QUID SI SIC?”.

Ursus , De astronomicis hypothesibus , Dii,r.13–15. The “rattling stork's bill” comes from Ovid, Metamorphoses , vi, 97.

Contra Ursum 88.33–89.2.

Cicero , De divinatione , i, 34.

KGW , xx/1,568.

“Et asinus auriculâ pisces interdum capit.” A search of fables, emblem books and collections of facetiae has failed to turn up a source for this adage. It is not in Daniel Heinsius's comprehensive anthology of ancient lore relating to asses, Laus asini (Leiden, 1629). Perhaps, as Alain Segonds has suggested, Kepler was inspired by the tale of Renard the Fox, who caught eels with his tail: Genevoix M. , Le roman de Renard (Paris, 1968), 98–102.

TBOO , viii, 387–8.

TBOO , vi, 178.40–179.4. On Tycho's claims about the parallax of Mars, see Gingerich Voelkel , “Tycho Brahe's Copernican campaign” (ref. 8).

De astronomicis hypothesibus, Giv,v.12–16; KI,r.

KGW , i, 119.36–40. On Maestlin's notes in his edition of Rheticus's Narratio prima, see Tredwell K. A. , “Michael Maestlin and the fate of the Narratio prima”, Journal for the history of astronomy , xxxv (2004), 305–25.

KGW , i, 119.41–120.23; TBOO , vii, 129.6–35. Maestlin also mentions this letter in his letter to Kepler of 11–12 January 1599: KGW , xiii, no. 110.105–109. Tycho had sent to others copies of this letter: TBOO , vii, 126.5–9 and 148.20–30. Maestlin's version differs in minor respects from the manuscript and later printed versions collated by Dreyer: TBOO , vii, 127 and 129; ix, 298.

KGW , i, 99.41–44.

See ref. 16 in the seventh of the present series of articles. For Ursus's request to Kepler for a copy of his Mysterium cosmographicum, see his letter of 29 May 1597: KGW , xiii, no. 69.26–29.

Reading “rimari” where Bialas's edition has “vicinari”, KGW , xx/1, 72.26.

Archimedes, Arenarius , i, 4–7; KGW , i, 104.5–12.

KGW , i, 104, 1–3.

TBOO , vi, 156.11–14.

Contra Ursum , 103–4. On Kepler's unearthing of the Pythagorean cosmology in Aristotle, see Jardine N. Segonds A. , “Kepler as reader and translator of Aristotle”, in Blackwell C. Kusukawa S. (eds), Philosophy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Conversations with Aristotle (Aldershot, 1999), 206–23.

Copernicus , De revolutionibus , iiii, r.2–3; 3v.11–14. Cicero , Quaestiones academicae , ii, 39, 123.

“Victurus genium debet habere liber.” As noted by Bialas ( KGW , xx/1, 568), this is from Martial, Epigrammata , vi, 6, 10.